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Organizing for the Vote : Leaders of Minnesota's Woman Suffrage Movement / Barbara Stuhler

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Organizing for the Vote : Leaders of Minnesota's Woman Suffrage Movement / Barbara Stuhler MN History Text 54/7 8/20/07 9:55 AM Page i2 Stillwater women exercising limited right to vote, 1908 MH 54-7 Fall 95.pdf 5 8/20/07 12:19:34 PM MN History Text 54/7 8/20/07 9:55 AM Page i3 ORGANIZING FOR THE VOTE Leaders of Minnesota’s Woman Suffrage Movement ore than two centuries ago the Declaration of Independence extolled the equality of men M and assigned to them—but not to women— certain inalienable rights. From that time onward, individual women protested this partial citizen- ship, but their protests did not bear fruit for nearly a century and a half, when they finally won the right to vote. Now, in 1995, Americans celebrate the seventy- fifth anniversary of the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment. The campaign for woman suffrage began in 1848 when a group of five women, led by Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, called the first women’s rights convention in Seneca Falls, New York. The most con- tentious debate centered on a resolution stating that “it is the duty of the women of this country to secure to Barbara Stuhler Barbara Stuhler is a recently retired University of Minnesota professor and administrator. Her book Gentle Warriors: Clara Ueland and the Minnesota Struggle for Woman Suffrage was published this year by the Minnesota Historical Society Press. MH 54-7 Fall 95.pdf 8 8/20/07 12:19:35 PM MN History Text 54/7 8/20/07 9:55 AM Page 292 Illinois became the first state to approve votes for Why Did It Take So Long? women in presidential elections only, an action that required legislative edict but not a change to the state yoming, the first suffrage state, granted constitution. By 1917 states began to fall like dominos, W women the vote when it became a terri- adopting suffrage amendments or, as in Minnesota on tory in 1869. Between 1890, when it March 24, 1919, enacting legislation allowing women to entered the union, and 1896, Colorado, Idaho, and vote in presidential elections. The consequent increase Utah passed amendments to state constitutions autho- in the number of women voters attracted the attention rizing woman suffrage. After a hiatus of 14 more of politicians.* years, Washington broke the suffrage log jam, fol- In 1919, more than 40 years after the federal lowed in quick order by California in 1911 and amendment’s introduction in final form, Congress Oregon, Kansas, and Arizona in 1912. One year later, finally succumbed. The House approved the measure for the second time (304 to 89), and the Senate did so for the first time (56 to 25), only 2 votes over the neces- sary two-thirds. Ratification took another 14 months, Minnesota joining in on September 11, 1919.** On August 26, 1920, the Nineteenth Amendment became the law of the land. * National American Woman Suffrage Association, Victory, How Women Won It—A Centennial Symposium, 1840–1940 (New York: H. W. Wilson Co., 1940), 161–64; Scott and Scott, One Half the People, 161. Women parading for suffrage in Madison, Minnesota, ** Congressional Record, 66th Cong., 1st sess., 1919, 58, pt. 1: wearing male establishment’s coats and hats, about 1916 635. themselves their sacred right to the elective fran- By the early 1900s, organizational efforts chise.”1 Seventy-two years later, women gained proved to be more effective. For one thing, travel- voices and votes in governments under whose ing and communicating had become easier. laws they were obliged to live. Women had also acquired education and experi- Minnesota women were involved from the ence through the study groups and women’s clubs very beginning in the long suffrage struggle. that flourished after the Civil War. More worldly These first-generation suffragists sought to win and informed, they had learned how to manage the vote by amending state constitutions. Lacking organizations. (Lucretia Mott’s husband, James, any organizational structure, women relied pri- had presided at the landmark Seneca Falls con- marily on rhetoric to persuade citizens to sign vention because women simply had no experience petitions urging state legislators to support suf- running meetings.)2 frage amendments. With the establishment of two As the movement progressed into the twenti- national suffrage associations in 1869, followed by eth century, second-generation suffragists across the sporadic formation of state and local groups, the country stood determined to bring the cam- an organizational base began to emerge. Mem- paign to a successful conclusion. In Minnesota bership in these independent local societies, only eight women, beginning with Sarah Burger loosely related to state and national groups, waxed Stearns and ending with Clara Hampson Ueland, and waned. In the 1890s, four western states personified the evolution and tactics of the suf- achieved suffrage, but efforts elsewhere were frage campaign. frustrated by obdurate opposition from a variety Minnesota’s early supporters of suffrage had of sources. included some of the state’s best-known women. 1 Anne Firor Scott and Andrew MacKay Scott, One Half the People: The Fight for Woman Suffrage (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1975; reprint, Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982), 59. 2 Eleanor Flexner, Century of Struggle: The Woman’s Rights Movement in the United States (Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1959), 75. 292 MINNESOTA HISTORY MH 54-7 Fall 95.pdf 9 8/20/07 12:19:36 PM MN History Text 54/7 8/20/07 9:55 AM Page 293 In the 1850s Harriet Bishop, St. Paul’s first pub- male authority with female autonomy, change lic-school teacher, had spoken of women’s respon- women’s role within the family structure from sibilities beyond the confines of the home. In subordinate to equal, and open the door for 1858 St. Cloud’s crusading journalist, Jane Grey women to move from the domestic sphere into Swisshelm, had observed that “a woman ought to the public arena.5 meddle in politics,” and Dr. Mary J. Colburn had In addition to these anxieties about family val- lectured in her village of Champlin on the “Rights ues, other political concerns prompted male deci- and Wrongs of Women.”3 sion makers (and men in general) to oppose suf- By the 1860s the Minnesota legislature was frage. Despite the reassurances of Southern besieged with petitions from disparate “friends- women to the contrary, lawmakers in the South of-equality” groups who pressed for the enfran- feared that suffrage would jeopardize white chisement of women. On one occasion in 1868, supremacy. In eastern states such as when a recommendation “to amend the constitu- Massachusetts, the male hierarchy of the Catholic tion by striking out the word ‘male’ as a requisite church opposed woman suffrage and actively led for voting or holding office” reached the floor of the opposition. In midwestern states such as the House of Representatives, it was greeted with Minnesota and Wisconsin, where brewers and laughter and quickly tabled. Such was the mindset liquor interests occupied a preeminent economic of Minnesota legislators. By 1875, however, male position, wets feared the temperance inclinations voters approved a constitutional amendment of women.6 enacted by the legislature giving women the right Women did not form their own suffrage orga- to vote in school elections. Two years later, male nizations until 1869, when the Fourteenth voters turned down an amendment allowing Amendment enfranchised African American men women to vote on the “whiskey question.” In ses- but excluded women. Disagreements over what sion after session, Minnesota’s legislators defeated was called “the Negro’s hour” severed the aboli- efforts to extend voting rights either to tax-paying tionist-suffragist alliance. Women who had relied women or to all women in municipal elections on antislavery groups to support suffrage now had and on temperance issues.4 to promote their own cause. More accepting of the “Negro’s hour,” Lucy Stone and her husband, he fundamental reason Henry Blackwell, formed the American Woman for denying women the Suffrage Association. Angry about women’s exclu- T vote was the presump- sion, Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady tion that politics was not Stanton created the more militant National their work. The demand for Woman’s Suffrage Association. The passage of the vote subverted the widely time and the influence of younger suffragists held notion that a woman’s brought about the merger in 1890 of the two place was in the home; it fell groups into the National American Woman to men to bear the burden of the public domain, a Suffrage Association (NAWSA).7 burden that many men (and some women) In Minnesota in 1869, Sarah Burger Stearns thought inappropriate for women. People of this and Mary Colburn formed independent suffrage persuasion feared that suffrage would replace societies in Rochester and Champlin. Other local 3 Jane Grey Swisshelm, Crusader and Feminist: Letters of Jane Grey Swisshelm, 1858–1865, ed. Arthur J. Larsen (St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society, 1934), 34n; Elizabeth Cady Stanton et al., History of Woman Suffrage (Rochester, N. Y.: Susan B. Anthony, 1886), 3:650, 651. 4 Stanton et al., History 3:651; Minnesota, House of Representatives, Journal (hereafter House Journal), 1868, p. 47, 1875, p. 426; St. Paul Pioneer Press, Jan. 24, 1868, p. 2; Minnesota, Senate, Journal (hereafter Senate Journal), 1875, p. 210; Minnesota Secretary of State, Legislative Manual, 1985–86, p. 44. For these defeats, see, for example, House Journal, 1877, p. 327, 431–32, 1895, p. 161, 203, 221, 1897, p. 378, 560; Senate Journal, 1877, p. 352, 439, 1895, p. 508, 749; Legislative Manual, 1985–86, p. 44. 5 Theodora P. Martin, The Sound of Our Own Voices: Women’s Study Clubs, 1860–1910 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1987), 21; Ellen C.
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