DOCSLIB.ORG

Midterm Elections

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

The 2019 Midterm Elections A discussion series by the Ateneo de Manila University Department of Political Science in collaboration with BusinessWorld This booklet contains a series of articles written by the faculty members of the Ateneo de Manila University Department of Political Science in relation to the 2019 midterm elections. These articles are accessible online through BusinessWorld Online. The 2019 Midterm Elections discussion series 3 Why should we care about “midterm” elections? 5 What’s at stake for us in the 2019 midterm elections? 9 Why should there be election debates 11 Elections do not make democracy 13 The battle for the 12 Senate seats! 16 What is your opinion of your President? 18 Why we (don’t) vote 20 Why the opposition lost in the 2019 Midterm (Senatorial) Elections 23 Vote-Shaming in the Midterm Elections 2 Why should we care about "midterm" elections? By Arjan P. Aguirre 12 February 2018 - https://www.bworldonline.com/care-midterm-elections/ In most democracies these days, discussions of government. In other societies (such as in on electoral politics are surprisingly limited to parliamentary democracies like UK, Canada, general elections. Most media analysts and India, etc.), it is an election usually held ahead election “experts” really find happiness and of a scheduled election. In this regard, it is used satisfaction in describing the fanfare and as a way to constitute a parliament following its spectacle of electing presidents and creation of dissolution. a powerful Cabinet in modern-day parliaments. They are usually silent about These days, commentators and pundits tend to midterm elections that are also taking place frame midterm election as a mere extension of and how they help define the future of the political space of the sitting government — governments and societies across the world. essentially sutured or perhaps even subsumed to those issues and controversies that define an At present, the attention and interest toward existing political regime. This can be explained midterm elections have always been negligible, if by the nature of the election itself which can be not nonexistent. The interest toward midterm conceptually expressed into two elements: 1.) elections regularly appears months and even particular — a part of the government is weeks before election day. This interest usually elected; 2.) intermediate — election held in- culminates on election day, where people between general elections. are forced to monitor and make sense of the outcome of the election. Another way of explaining this problem is the fact that many of these commentators and Why should we be concerned about pundits are not really familiar of what it really midterm election? What is its real function? means, especially for contemporary democracies. I think, this is where the blame Midterm election is commonly understood as an should be given to our contemporary scholars election cycle where people elect members of and academics in the field of political science the government exactly halfway of the term of for keeping silent about the real purpose of the other set of elected officials. It is an election midterm elections in democratic societies. that punctuates the term of the sitting head 3 Midterm elections are known to have the However, compared to US, the Philippine case following functions to contemporary societies. is certainly different. President Rodrigo One, they shape the political contours and Duterte’s coalition led by his political party, climate leading to the next general election. Partido Demokratiko ng Pilipinas (PDP), enjoys The winning coalition or party in a midterm high popularity among the voters. The election usually gets the momentum by holding “Duterte bloc” controls all political spaces as enough key positions in the government well as governmental institutions in the needed to mobilize votes especially on election Philippines today. Opposing groups and day. Also, they act as referendum for the sitting personalities, unfortunately, are incapable of government. Winning or losing the midterm mounting an alternative to the Duterte rule. elections is reflection of how well or bad the administration is performing. Lastly, they Given this situation, there is this fourth purpose are also seen as an opportunity for emerging of midterm elections, exclusively applicable to political actors to change the political narrative flawed democratic societies like the Philippines by advancing his/her political issue and — a way to contest a highly powerful bloc. redirecting the attention of the general public Democratic forces should explore using away from a future lame-duck president (or midterm elections as a way to engage and his/her party in a parliamentary government). challenge the monolithic rule of the sitting Contrary to the analyses of those “political government by participating in all aspects of an analysts” and “election experts,” these points electoral cycle (pre-election, election, and post- are fully supported by extant studies on election). By this sanctioned political opening, midterm elections (See the works of Prof. political institutions will be forced to allow James Campbell, Prof. Robert Erikson, Prof. fragmented groups to converge and coalesce on Alan Abramowitz, among others.) their common issues. This year, the US will elect all members of the Political strategists, campaign handlers, and House of Representatives (435 representatives), most importantly, social movement activists one-third of the members of the Senate (33 should be aware of this potential of midterm senators) and majority of the Governors (36 elections to change the status quo. (Remember states and 3 territories) in the 50 states and the 2007 midterm elections under Arroyo’s 5 territories that comprise the United States of regime?) They should think of ways to be America. The three functions of midterm inclusive of other political groups and be clear elections will be useful in understanding the in contrasting themselves with the sitting November 2018 elections. President Donald government. Most importantly, they should Trump and his Republican Party will certainly try make sure that they are the better choice than to bounce back to its losses (e.g. Obamacare, Tax the “fence-sitters” (or those who refused to cuts, among others) and will fight head-on in make a clear stand on issues) and be a securing more seats in the Senate (where complete counterforce to the ruling coalition. 24 Republicans have already announced their retirement from politics), House, and State *** governorships. But it is going to be an uphill battle, given that the Democratic party is also Arjan P. Aguirre is an Instructor at the Department expected to deliver votes on election day. of Political Science, School of Social Sciences of the Ateneo de Manila University. He handles In 2019, the Philippines will elect all members courses on Politics and Governance, History of of the House of Representatives, one-half of Political Theory, Contemporary Political Theories, all members of the Senate (12 senators) and and Electoral Reforms in the Philippines. all local government officials (except those at the Barangay level). 4 What's at stake for us in the 2019 midterm elections? By Hansley A. Juliano 07 March 2019 - https://www.bworldonline.com/whats-at-stake-for-us-in-the-2019-midterm-elections/ In most democratic societies, midterm elections it.) To be sure, commentators and partisans of are seen not only as a referendum on the the administration might point to the passage performance of a sitting government/political of legislation by non-administration solons as party. It may also determine to what extent can proof of bipartisanship. However, we could also the current administration move forward equally make the case that such happened in unencumbered with its agenda — or whether it spite of, and not because of, the will need to begin building bipartisan administration’s agenda. confidence in order to govern with its symbolic authority intact. furthermore, its consistent hounding of opposition voices plus its persistent disregard Bipartisanship, sadly, has never been a strong of the rule of law and international standards of suit of the administration of Rodrigo Duterte. human rights do not inspire confidence. These (Or at least, it is clearly confident in its hurt its pretensions to legitimate democratic presumed mandate to not even bother with governance — despite persistent spinning 5 by Malacañang’s communication offices. But the way partisans of Otso Diretso (not Coverage of commentary by other political necessarily the candidates themselves) have analysts in the Philippines already suggest that tried to sell themselves have not properly the laggardness/backsliding of many of our capitalized on the regime slate’s weaknesses. political institutions are already hurting the So far, they have simply been going about chances of the Philippines in pursuing genuine brandishing the CVs of their bets, without development — despite confident economic a united, clear platform of legislation and figures and projections. governance. The 2019 midterm elections should be framed not They are yet to demonstrate that they intend only as the Duterte administration’s affirmation of to be a solid bloc that can fiscalize against the its mandate to its (presumed) 16.6 million voters overreaching actions of the administration. last 2016. It should already have been utilized as a There is still no clear indication (save the rallying cry for opposition forces
Recommended publications
  • A Popular Strongman Gains More Power by Joseph Purugganan September 2019

    A Popular Strongman Gains More Power by Joseph Purugganan September 2019

    Blickwechsel Gesellscha Umwelt Menschenrechte Armut Politik Entwicklung Demokratie Gerechtigkeit In the Aftermath of the 2019 Philippine Elections: A Popular Strongman Gains More Power By Joseph Purugganan September 2019 The Philippines concluded a high-stakes midterm elections in May 2019, that many consider a critical turning point in our nation’s history. While the Presidency was not on the line, and Rodrigo Duterte himself was not on the ballot, the polls were seen as a referendum on his presidency. Duterte has drawn flak for his deadly ‘War on In midterm elections, voters have historically fa- Drugs’ that has taken the lives of over 5,000 vored candidates backed by a popular incumbent suspects according to official police accounts, and rejected those supported by unpopular ones. but the death toll could be as high as 27,000 ac- In the 2013 midterms for instance, the adminis- cording to the Philippine Commission on Human tration supported by former President Benigno Rights. The administration has also been criti- Aquino III, won 9 out of 12 Senate seats. Like cized for its handling of the maritime conflict Duterte, Aquino had a high satisfaction rating with China in the West Philippine Sea. heading into the midterms. In contrast, a very unpopular Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, with neg- Going into the polls however, Duterte, despite ative net satisfaction ratings, weighed down the all the criticisms at home and abroad, has main- administration ticket. In the Senate race in 2007, tained consistently high popularity and trust the Genuine Opposition coalition was able to se- ratings. The latest survey conducted five months cure eight out of 12 Senate seats, while Arroyo’s ahead of the elections showed the President Team Unity only got two seats and the other two having a 76 percent trust score and an 81 percent slots went to independent candidates.
  • Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines (September 1972-February 1986): with a Case in the Province of Batangas

    Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines (September 1972-February 1986): with a Case in the Province of Batangas

    Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 29, No.2, September 1991 Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines (September 1972-February 1986): With a Case in the Province of Batangas Masataka KIMURA* The imposition of martial lawS) by President Marcos In September 1972 I Introduction shattered Philippine democracy. The Since its independence, the Philippines country was placed under Marcos' au­ had been called the showcase of democracy thoritarian control until the revolution of in Asia, having acquired American political February 1986 which restored democracy. institutions. Similar to the United States, At the same time, the two-party system it had a two-party system. The two collapsed. The traditional political forces major parties, namely, the N acionalista lay dormant in the early years of martial Party (NP) and the Liberal Party (LP),1) rule when no elections were held. When had alternately captured state power elections were resumed in 1978, a single through elections, while other political dominant party called Kilusang Bagong parties had hardly played significant roles Lipunan (KBL) emerged as an admin­ in shaping the political course of the istration party under Marcos, while the country. 2) traditional opposition was fragmented which saw the proliferation of regional parties. * *MI§;q:, Asian Center, University of the Meantime, different non-traditional forces Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City, Metro Manila, such as those that operated underground the Philippines 1) The leadership of the two parties was composed and those that joined the protest movement, mainly of wealthy politicians from traditional which later snowballed after the Aquino elite families that had been entrenched in assassination in August 1983, emerged as provinces.
  • 2020: Beginning of the End?

    2020: Beginning of the End?

    Yearend 2019 bird IBON talk Economic and Political Briefing 2020: Beginning of the End? January 24, 2020 Commission on Human Rights (CHR) Central Office, PARDEC Building, UP Diliman Complex, Commonwealth Ave. Quezon City IBON Economic and Political Briefing l 24 January 2020 1 114 Timog Avenue Quezon City 1103 Philippines Tel. nos: +63 2 927-7060 to 61 Fax: +63 2 929-2496 www.ibon.org 2 IBON Economic and Political Briefing l 24 January 2020 he administration oddly launched a ‘Duterte Legacy’ campaign with almost two-and-a- half years still left in its term. Likely with a view to the 2022 elections, it will backfire as Tthe public becomes more discerning and less easily manipulated than the administration assumes. The durability of the Duterte administration will be tested in 2020. It will struggle to arrest the economic slowdown and the social unrest this stirs. It will also be forced to deal with growing political challenges to its rule especially with the prospect of strong international rebuke. But the far-reaching damage of the administration to the country in the middle of its term is already clear – its neoliberal authoritarianism has greatly worsened elite control of politics and the economy. Ever greater efforts are needed to arrest the continued backsliding of the country’s fledgling democracy in the remaining years of the Duterte watch. IBON Economic and Political Briefing l 24 January 2020 3 The Duterte administration is faltering in its fight against the slowing economy A dynamic, equitable and environmentally foreign investment especially in business process sustainable economy is essential to improve the outsourcing (BPOs) and low value-added foreign well-being of every Filipino.
  • A Path to Democratic Renewal"

    A Path to Democratic Renewal"

    PN-ABK-494 Best available copy -- portions of annexes are illegible PA -1\LK* A-+ National Democratic Institute National Republican Institute for International Affairs for International Affairs "A PATH TO DEMOCRATIC RENEWAL" A REPORT ON THE FEBRUARY 7, 1986 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN THE PHILIPPINES By the INTERNATIONAL OBSERVER DELEGATION Based on a January 26 to February 19, '.986 observer mission to the Philippines by forty-four delegates from nineteen countries National Democratic Institute National Republican Institute for International Affairs for International Affairs 1717 Massachusetts Ave., N.W., Suite 605 001 Indiana Avenue, N.W., Suite 615 Washington, D.C. 20036 Washington. DC. 2000-1 (202) 328-3136 Telex 5106015068NDIIA (202) 783-2280 Te'ex 510',00016INRIIA Politicaldevelopment institutes workingfordemocracy DELEGATION MEMBERS J. Brian Atwood, USA Jerry Austin, USA Manuel Ayau, Guatemala Elizabeth Bagley, USA Smith Bagley, USA Ercol Barrow, Barbados Tabib Bensoda, the Gambia Mark Braden, USA John Carbaugh, USA Glenn Cowan, USA Curtis Cutter, USA Rick Fisher, USA Larry Garber, USA Raymond Gastil, USA Antonio Gomes de Pinho, Portuga B.A. Graham, Canada Guillermo Guevara, El Salvador Robert Henderson, USA Robert Hill, Australia John Hume, Northern Ireland Patricia Keefer, USA Martin Laseter, USA Dorothy Lightborne, Jamaica John Loulis, Greece Lord George Mackie, Scotland-UK Judy Norcross, USA Patrick O'Malley, Ireland Juan Carlos Pastrana, Colombia Misael Pastrana, Colombia Howard Penniman, USA Jose Rodriguez Iturbe, Venezuela Peter Schram, USA Keith Schuette, USA Ronald Sebego, Botswana Elaine Shocas, USA David Steinberg, USA Bill Sweeney, USA Dennis Teti, USA William Tucker, USA Steven Wagner, USA Kathleena Walther, USA Edward Weidenfeld, USA Curt Wiley, USA Sue Wood, New Zealand ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The sponsors wish to thank each of the memters of the delegation for their participation in this historic mission.
  • The 2019 May Elections and Its Implications on the Duterte Administration

    The 2019 May Elections and Its Implications on the Duterte Administration

    The 2019 May Elections and its Implications on the Duterte Administration National Political Situationer No. 01 19 February 2019 Center for People Empowerment in Governance (CenPEG) National Political Situationer No. 01 19 February 2019 The 2019 May Elections and its Implications on the Duterte Administration The last three years of any elected administration can be very contentious and trying times. The national leadership’s ability to effectively respond to political and related challenges will be significantly shaped by the outcome of the upcoming 2019 mid-term elections. Indeed, the 2019 election is a Prologue to the 2022 elections in all its uncertainties and opportunities. While the 2019 election is only one arena of contestation it can set the line of march for more momentous events for the next few years. Introduction Regular elections are an enduring feature of Philippine political life. While there continue to be deep-seated structural and procedural problems attending its practice in the country, the electoral tradition is a well-established arena for choosing elected representatives from the lowest governing constituency (the barangays) to the national governing bodies (the legislature and the presidency). Electoral exercises trace their roots to the first local elections held during the Spanish and American colonial eras, albeit strictly limited to the propertied and educated classes. Under American colonial rule, the first local (town) elections were held as early as 1899 and in 1907 the first election for a national legislature was conducted. Thus, with the exception of the Japanese occupation era (1942-1945) and the martial law period under Pres. Marcos (1972-1986; although sham elections were held in 1978 and 1981), the country has experienced regular although highly contested elections at both the local and national levels for most of the country’s political history.
  • THE MAY 2019 MID-TERM ELECTIONS: Outcomes, Process, Policy Implications

    THE MAY 2019 MID-TERM ELECTIONS: Outcomes, Process, Policy Implications

    CenPEG Political Situationer No. 07 10 July 2019 THE MAY 2019 MID-TERM ELECTIONS: Outcomes, Process, Policy Implications Introduction The May 2019 mid-term elections took place amidst the now familiar problems of compromised voting transparency and accuracy linked with the automated election system (AES). Moreover, martial law was still in place in Mindanao making it difficult for opposition candidates to campaign freely. Towards election time, the systematic red-tagging and harassment of militant opposition candidates and civil society organizations further contributed to an environment of fear and impunity. In this context, the Duterte administration’s official candidates and allies won most of the contested seats nationally and locally but how this outcome impacts on the remaining three years of the administration is open to question. This early, the partisan realignments and negotiations for key positions in both the House and the Senate and the maneuverings for the 2022 presidential elections are already in place. Such actions are bound to deepen more opportunistic behavior by political allies and families and affect the political capital of the presidency as it faces new challenges and problems in its final three years in office. The Senate Elections: “Duterte Magic?” In an electoral process marred by persistent transparency and accuracy problems embedded in the automated election system, the administration candidates and allies dominated the elections. This victory has been attributed to the so-called “Duterte magic” but a careful analysis of the winning 12 candidates for the Senate shows a more nuanced reading of the results. At best, President Duterte and the administration can claim full credit for the victory of four senators: Christopher “Bong” Go, Ronald “Bato” de la Rosa, Francis Tolentino, and Aquilino “Koko” Pimentel III.
  • Philippine Mid-Term Elections: a Duterte Double

    Philippine Mid-Term Elections: a Duterte Double

    ISSUE: 2019 No. 27 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 11 April 2019 Philippine Mid-term Elections: A Duterte Double Malcolm Cook* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • On 13 May, the Philippines will hold elections for all local and provincial positions, all seats in the House of Representatives, and half of the 24 seats in the Senate. • If the current opinion polls prove accurate (as they have in the past): o President Rodrigo Duterte and his daughter Sara Duterte, even though neither is running for national office, will be the biggest winners nationally; o the composition of the new Senate will be more favourable to President Duterte and his campaign for a new federal constitution; and o the new Hugpong ng Pagbabago (HNP) party coalition led by Sara Duterte will be well placed for the 2022 presidential and legislative elections. *Malcolm Cook is Senior Fellow at ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute. 1 ISSUE: 2019 No. 27 ISSN 2335-6677 INTRODUCTION The 13 May mid-term elections in the Philippines, with over 18,000 elected positions to be decided, will be the second largest exercise in democracy in Southeast Asia this year after the 17 April elections in Indonesia. To the chagrin of drinkers and bettors, on Monday 13 May, the “selling, furnishing, offering, buying, serving, or taking intoxicating liquor” will be prohibited across the Philippines as will the “holding of fairs, cockfights, boxing, horse races or any other similar sports.1 The coverage of Philippine mid-term elections in the post-Marcos era invariably focusses more on the Senate than the House of Representatives or sub-national positions and are seen as a partial referendum on the serving president even though their name does not appear on the ballot.
  • Pebrero 7, 2016

    Pebrero 7, 2016

    Pahayagan ng Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas ANG Pinapatnubayan ng Marxismo-Leninismo-Maoismo Tomo XLVII Blg. 3 Pebrero 7, 2016 www.philippinerevolution.net Editoryal Ibunsod ang bagong daluyong ng mga protesta akabuluhang gunitain ngayong Pebrero ang ika-30 aniber- karaingan at galit ng sambayanan saryo ng Pag-aalsang EDSA na nagpabagsak sa diktadurang ay pilit nilang dinadala sa larangan US-Marcos, at ang ika-45 anibersaryo ng barikada sa Uni- ng reaksyunaryong halalan. Pinala- Mbersidad ng Pilipinas na tinaguriang Diliman Commune (Komuna sa Di- labas na hindi maganda ang mga liman). pag-aalsang tulad sa EDSA para sa "katatagan ng sistema" kahit pa Ang mga ito ang dalawa sa ma- at paniniil sa sambayanang Pilipino. wala naman talaga itong kahulugan niningning na sandali sa kasaysa- Kailangang-kailangan ng mala- kundi katatagan ng paghahari at yan ng pakikibaka ng sambayanang wak na masa ng mamamayan na interes ng mga mapagsamantalang Pilipino. Hinamon at binasag ng pag-ibayuhin ang mga pakikibaka uri. mga ito ang dating umiiral na mga para wakasan ang pang-aapi, pag- Tatlumpung taong nakaraan, sa pampulitikang proseso at hangga- sasamantala at paniniil sa ilalim ng pamamagitan ng Pag-aalsang EDSA, nang itinatakda ng naghaharing batbat sa krisis na naghaharing ipinamalas ng sambayanang Pilipino sistema. Hinawakan ng sambaya- sistemang malakolonyal at malap- na hindi sila maaaring ikulong sa nang Pilipino ang pampulitikang ka- yudal at puspusang isulong ang pa- eleksyon o iba pang prosesong iti- pangyarihan at ginamit iyon para kikibaka para sa pambansang de- natakda ng naghaharing sistema. yanigin ang mga naghaharing uri. mokrasya. Naipakita nila sa pamamagitan ng Mahalagang magbalik-tanaw sa Ang Pag-aalsang EDSA ay pag- Pag-aalsang EDSA na maaari nilang dalawang makasaysayang sandali gamit ng soberanong kapangyari- gamitin ang sama-samang pagkilos na ito upang humalaw ng mga aral han ng bayan.
  • America, Iran and the Threat of War Financial Era Advisory Group Contents the Economist May 11Th 2019 3

    America, Iran and the Threat of War Financial Era Advisory Group Contents the Economist May 11Th 2019 3

    https://t.me/finera The psychology of US-China trade Democracy at risk in Latin America Caster Semenya: a consequential ruling How creepy is your smart speaker? MAY 11TH–17TH 2019 Collision course America, Iran and the threat of war Financial Era Advisory Group Contents The Economist May 11th 2019 3 The world this week United States 8 A round-up of political 21 Trump v Congress and business news 22 The racism recession 24 Policing madness Leaders 25 Mexican-Americans 11 America and Iran Collision course 26 Lexington Jared Kushner’s peace plan 12 Trade talks Deal or no deal The Americas 12 Latin America 27 What next for Venezuela Under the volcano 28 Baseball in Peru 13 The Istanbul election Going down On the cover 14 Snoop in the kitchen How creepy is your smart As tensions rise between speaker? America and Iran, both sides need to step back: leader, Letters Asia page 11. The risk of conflict is On psychiatry, the EU, 29 Australia’s election growing, page 37. Iran’s 16 ballot initiatives, Huawei, 30 Press freedom in president does not want to air pollution, measles, Myanmar walk away from the nuclear Hell deal, page 38 30 Philippine elections 31 India’s GDP statistics • The psychology of US-China Briefing 32 Monarchy in Thailand trade The two countries have 18 Latin America 33 Banyan Legacy of the Raj become strategic rivals. Their The 40-year itch trading relationship will be fraught for years to come: leader, China page 12. China’s measured 34 Studying in Taiwan strategy could soon be put to 35 Warships in the strait the test, page 58.
  • Genuine Opposition Party – Team Unity Party – United Opposition Party

    Genuine Opposition Party – Team Unity Party – United Opposition Party

    Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: PHL32818 Country: Philippines Date: 23 January 2008 Keywords: Philippines – Genuine Opposition party – Team Unity party – United Opposition party This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein. Questions 1. Please provide background information on the ‘Genuine Opposition Party’, including what level of government it operates at, when it was formed, it’s main aims, and prominent people within the party. 2. Please provide background information on the ‘Team Unity Party’, including what level of government it operates at, when it was formed, it’s main aims, and prominent people within the party. 3. Please provide any other relevant information. RESPONSE Introduction Information was found to indicate that the Genuine Opposition and TEAM Unity were political coalitions organised in the context of the May 2007 Philippine elections. No information was found to indicate that either coalition was registered as a political party in the Philippines. Information is provided regarding the Genuine Opposition and TEAM Unity in response to Question 1 and Question 2. An overview of recent sources which contend that political parties in the Philippines are characterised by a lack of institutionalisation is provided in response to Question 4.
  • Macro Report

    Macro Report

    Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 1 Module 4: Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012 Country: Philippines Date of Election: May 9, 2016 Prepared by: Vladymir Joseph Licudine Date of Preparation: December 2016 NOTES TO COLLABORATORS: . The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CSES project. The information may be filled out by yourself, or by an expert or experts of your choice. Your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (e.g., electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and may be made available on the CSES website. Answers should be as of the date of the election being studied. Where brackets [ ] appear, collaborators should answer by placing an “X” within the appropriate bracket or brackets. For example: [X] . If more space is needed to answer any question, please lengthen the document as necessary. Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1a. Type of Election [ ] Parliamentary/Legislative [x] Parliamentary/Legislative and Presidential [ ] Presidential [ ] Other; please specify: __________ 1b. If the type of election in Question 1a included Parliamentary/Legislative, was the election for the Upper House, Lower House, or both? [ ] Upper House [ ] Lower House [x] Both [ ] Other; please specify: __________ Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 2 Module 4: Macro Report 2a. What was the party of the president prior to the most recent election, regardless of whether the election was presidential? Liberal Party 2b. What was the party of the Prime Minister prior to the most recent election, regardless of whether the election was parliamentary? NAP 2c.
  • Kalatas, Pebrero 2019

    Kalatas, Pebrero 2019

    Opisyal na Pahayagan ng Rebolusyonaryong Mamamayan ng Timog Katagalugan TOMO 39 BILANG 2 BASAHIN AT TALAKAYIN PEBRERO 2019 EDITORYAL Isulong ang pakikibaka ng mamamayan sa panahon ng reaksyunaryong eleksyon! agiging isang engrandeng sirkus ang nalalapit na midterm election para sa naghaharing-uri upang muli Mnilang iwasiwas ang kanilang kapangyarihan at ipanalo ang eleksyon gamit ang talamak na pandaraya at pandarahas. Tiyak na gagamitin naman ni Duterte ang okasyong ito upang higit na konsolidahin ang pasistang paghahari niya sa buong bayan. Ginagawa niya ang lahat ng maniobra at pandaraya para lamang ilusot ang mga kroni at pinagkakautangan niya sa kanyang anti-mamamayang gubyerno. Matapos na makumpleto ni lupang ninuno ng mga Moro sa mamamayan at ihiwalay sila sa Duterte ang layuning makontrol ang Mindanao. Ginagamit ni Duterte ang pakikibaka para sa hustisyang Bangsamoro sa pamamagitan ng BOL upang supilin ang pakikibaka panlipunan. Sa ilalim ng PDP Laban minanipulang resulta ng referendum ng mamamayang Moro para sa at ng Hugpong ng Pagbabago ng ng Bangsamoro Organic Law, ang pagpapasya-sa-sarili na dahilan ng kanyang paboritong anak na si Sara midterm election naman ang tiyak na madugong pananalakay sa Marawi Duterte-Carpio, nakasipat si Duterte pinoproyekto ng rehimen. Inilalagay at pagkakatatag ng mga armadong na makuha ang mayorya ng senado lamang ni Duterte ang kapalaran grupong Moro na naggigiit ng sariling at ng kamara upang makopo niya ang ng mamamayang Moro sa kamay kasarinlan ng Bangsamoro. kapangyarihan ng buong kongreso. ng mga dambuhalang kapitalistang Susi ang buu-buong pagkontrol niya Ngayon, ginagamit ng rehimeng mandarambong na sa pamamagitan sa kongreso upang bigyang-daan ang US-Duterte ang reaksyunaryong ng BOL ay higit na kakamkamin ang iba pa nyang mga anti-mamamayang eleksyon para libangin muli ang batas at patakaran.