DOCSLIB.ORG

The Revolution and Realigntnent of Political Parties in the Philippines (Decetnber 1985-January 1988): with a Case in the Province of Batangas

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Revolution and Realigntnent of Political Parties in the Philippines (Decetnber 1985-January 1988): with a Case in the Province of Batangas Southeast Asian Studies. Vol. 27, No.3, December 1989 The Revolution and Realigntnent of Political Parties in the Philippines (Decetnber 1985-January 1988): With a Case in the Province of Batangas Masataka KIMURA* time, a new pro-Aquino party, Lakas ng I Introduction Bansa, was formed by political leaders close to President Aquino and attracted The revolutionD of February 1986 and many politicians at various levels who subsequent events drastically changed were supportive of her administration the alignment of political parties and regardless of their previous party affilia­ their power relations. The once-domi­ tions. The Liberal Party (LP)-Salonga nant Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) Wing also enhanced its strength; it disintegrated rapidly, once the then Pres­ started to take an independent course of ident Marcos fled the country. Its lead­ action, while remaining in the ruling ership splintered into a few groups; it coalition. Some parties became critical of lost many followers. The state of the President Aquino. The United Nationalist coalition of parties which supported Democratic Organization (UNIDO), for Aquino's candidacy in the special presi­ one, was frustrated by and dissatisfied dential election, or the snap election as it with the Aquino Administration, though has been popularly called, also changed it barely remained in the ruling coalition. dramatically. For example, Partido The Mindanao Alliance and the Christian­ Demokratiko Pilipino Lakas ng Bayan Social Democratic Party (CSDP) left (PDP-Laban) increased its membership the coalition at an early stage and size rapidly by great magnitude; it joined the opposition. Bansang Nagkaisa strengthened the position of the conserva­ sa Diwa at Layunin (BANDILA)2) tive bloc against that of the progressive increased its membership immediately bloc within the party and conflicts be­ 2) BANDILA decided, at its Second National tween the two aggravated. At the same Congress in October 1986, to remain a movement with a defined partnership agree­ **M~~. Asian Center, University of the ment with one (or more) political party Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City, Metro or coalition of parties, in spite of a pref­ Manila, the Philippines erence among certain segments of its I) There is an argument against using the leadership to transform it into a political term "revolution" on the ground that the party or create its own political party. February incident did not bring about any However, BANDILA is included in this significant change either in the Philippine paper together with political parties on the social structure or in the socio-economic grounds that it played a significant role in characteristics of the ruling elite. the special presidencial election and the /' 352 M. KIMURA: Political Parties in the Philippines after the revolution and then became ratification and a revolution. The pe­ not so visible as it used to be before riod, therefore, is a very interesting and the revolution. Leftist forces, which convenient period for studies of political boycotted the special presidential elec­ parties. The account of the process is tion and were left out of the revolution, basically descriptive and divided into formed a new legal leftist party called two parts. The first part tries to outline Partido ng Bayan (PnB), which main­ the political development at the national tained close relations with another leftist level. The second part focuses on the organization, Bagong Alyansang Maka­ development in the province of Batan­ bayan (BAYAN) . gag3) as a case at a local level. This An examination of the process 1Il was attempted to show that what took which the realignment of political parties place at the two different levels were developed and their power relations closely interrelated and that they took changed will shed light on certain im­ place according to their own respective portant aspects of the characteristics of logic and motives highly independent the Philippine political parties and party of each other in spite of the close inter­ system and of the behavior of party pol­ relations especially in the case of so­ iticians as well as of the nature of the called traditional political parties.4) revolution. What follows is an attempt with this view to give a brief account of II The National Scene the process of realignment of political parties and of the change in their power The special presidential election which relations which took place during a pe­ preceded and triggered off the revolu­ riod from the beginning of the special tion was a contest between KBL's presi­ presidential election campaign in De­ dential and vice-presidential candidates, cember 1985 until the local elections of namely, Ferdinand E. Marcos and Arturo January 1988. The period which covered M. Tolentino on the one hand and only two years and a few months was an the UNIDO-Laban ng Bayan coalition's extremely hectic period which underwent 3) The author has been conducting a case five dramatic political events, namely, study of elections and politics in Batangas three sets of elections, a constitutional since 1984. A part of its results, which will be his dissertation, was utilized here '\.revolution and that it intends to participate to give a case of realignment of political in the electoral process as well as in extra­ parties at the provincial level. Since stud­ parliamentary activities. 0 n the other ies on party politics at the provincial hand, the Communist Party of the Philip­ level are scarce, it will give some insights pines (CPP) is not included on the grounds into the state of political parties at this that it resorts to non-electoral activities level. or armed struggle, that it did not play 4) The term "traditional political party" here any significant role in the election and the refers to a kind of party which is built revolution, and that the author does not primarily upon networks of dyadic relations have sufficient data on its state during between individuals as described by Lande the period covered in this paper. [1964J. 353 Corazon C. Aquino and Salvador H. It had dominated Batasang Pambansa, Laurel on the other hand, with leftist the national legislature, by controlling forces under BAYAN boycotting the about two thirds of its seats; it had al­ election. Almost all the political parties most monopolized local elective posi­ and organizations were aligned into the tions in most of the provinces, cities, and three groups. The Nacionalista Party municipalities all over the country.6) The (NP)-Roy Wing which had been closely then opposition, on the other hand, had aligned with KBL supported the Marcos­ been fragmented. They had had little Tolentino ticket. Laban ng Bayan was say in the policy making process under initially formed by eight parties and or­ the authoritarian regime; militant organ­ ganizations: they were the LP-Salonga izations had been resorting to non-par­ Wing, PDP-Laban, Panaghiusa, the liamentary struggles such as large-scale Young Philippines Party, Bicol Saro, the demonstrations. The state of fragmen­ National Union of Christian Democrats tation was well reflected in the great (NUCD), the Convenor Group and difficulty the opposition encountered in BANDILA [Laban ng Bayan 1985: 1­ agreeing on one common presidential 2J. Then, the Mindanao Alliance, the candidate, when the special presidential Muslim Federal Party, CSDP, the Na­ election became imminent. It was only tional Union for Liberation (NUL) and on December 11, the last day to file a Laban ni Ninoy sa Gitnang Luzon also certificate of candidacy, that Laurel, the adhered to Laban ng Bayan [ibid.: Ex­ president and presidential candidate of hibit D].5) There were some parties UNIDO, accepted the presidential can­ that were not aligned into the three didacy of Aquino, the candidate of Laban groups. For example, the LP-Kalaw ng Bayan, to become her running-mate Wing fielded Eva Estrada Kalaw for on the condition that both of them run Vice-President, while supporting Aquino under the banner of UNIDO [Cunanan for President. Ruben R. Canoy ran for 1985: 6-7J. The coalition between UNI the presidency under the Social Dem­ DO and Laban ng Bayan was formal­ ocratic Party. But, these parties were ized even later in the campaign period minor forces as evident in the number [Anonymous 1986b: 1 & 10J. ofvotes they received. Before the revolution, KBL had been 6) In the 1980 local elections which were the last local elections before the revolution, the powerful ruling party under the lead­ all but four elected governors were KBL ership of the then President Marcos. in the country's seventy-three provinces. The four non-KBL governors were Natalia 5) Since the Mindanao Alliance and NUL as F. Dumlao (NUL) of Nueva Vizcaya, Jose well as Bicol Saro had been member organ­ C. Laurel, V (NP) of Batangas, Federico izations of UNIDO, it seems to suggest O. Mengote (Independent) of Eastern that they switched from UNIDO to Laban Samar, and Homobono Adaza (Mindanao ng Bayan or synonymously from Laurel to Alliance) of Misamis Oriental. See Philip­ Aquino at the last stage of the unification pines, Commission on Elections [Undated­ process of the opposition. a]. 354 M. KIMURA: Political Parties in the Philippines The presidential election turned out to from Marcos as early as March 7 at a be an unprecedentedly fraudulent one. meeting of the KBL Executive Commit­ Its aftermath led to the revolution. The tee. On March 13, a group of KBL process leading to the revolution IS a members led by Ople made an agree­ much talked about story, which does not ment to form a new party from the need to be repeated here. Marcos fled ranks of KBL reformists. On March 15, the country on February 25, 1986 to go the formation of Partido Nacionalista into exile in Hawaii.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Philippine Election ; PDF Copied from The
    Senatorial Candidates’ Matrices Philippine Election 2010 Name: Nereus “Neric” O. Acosta Jr. Political Party: Liberal Party Agenda Public Service Professional Record Four Pillar Platform: Environment Representative, 1st District of Bukidnon – 1998-2001, 2001-2004, Livelihood 2004-2007 Justice Provincial Board Member, Bukidnon – 1995-1998 Peace Project Director, Bukidnon Integrated Network of Home Industries, Inc. (BINHI) – 1995 seek more decentralization of power and resources to local Staff Researcher, Committee on International Economic Policy of communities and governments (with corresponding performance Representative Ramon Bagatsing – 1989 audits and accountability mechanisms) Academician, Political Scientist greater fiscal discipline in the management and utilization of resources (budget reform, bureaucratic streamlining for prioritization and improved efficiencies) more effective delivery of basic services by agencies of government. Website: www.nericacosta2010.com TRACK RECORD On Asset Reform and CARPER -supports the claims of the Sumilao farmers to their right to the land under the agrarian reform program -was Project Director of BINHI, a rural development NGO, specifically its project on Grameen Banking or microcredit and livelihood assistance programs for poor women in the Bukidnon countryside called the On Social Services and Safety Barangay Unified Livelihood Investments through Grameen Banking or BULIG Nets -to date, the BULIG project has grown to serve over 7,000 women in 150 barangays or villages in Bukidnon,
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise and Fall of Virata's Network: Technocracy and the Politics Of
    The Rise and Fall of Virata’s Network: Technocracy and the Politics of Economic Decision Making in the Philippines Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem* The influence of a technocratic network in the Philippines that was formed around Cesar E. A. Virata, prime minister under Ferdinand Marcos, rose during the martial law period (1972–86), when technocracy was pushed to the forefront of economic policy making. Applying concepts of networks, this essay traces the rise and even- tual collapse of Virata’s network to a three-dimensional interplay of relationships— between Virata and Marcos, Virata and the International Monetary Fund and World Bank, and Marcos and the United States. Virata’s close links to social, academic, US, and business community networks initially thrust him into government, where he shared Marcos’s goal of attracting foreign investments to build an export-oriented economy. Charged with obtaining IMF and World Bank loans, Virata’s network was closely joined to Marcos as the principal political hub. Virata, however, had to contend with the networks of Marcos’s wife, Imelda, and the president’s “chief cronies.” While IMF and World Bank support offered Virata some leverage, his network could not control Imelda Marcos’s profligacy or the cronies’ sugar and coconut monopolies. In Virata’s own assessment, his network was weakened when Marcos’s health failed during an economic crisis in 1981 and after Benigno Aquino’s assassination in 1983. In those crises, Imelda Marcos’s network and Armed Forces Chief of Staff General Fabian Ver’s faction of the military network took power amidst the rise of an anti-dictatorship movement.
    [Show full text]
  • The 16Th Congress
    CongressWatch Report No. 176 Report No. 176 17 June 2013 The 16th Congress In the Senate The 16th Congress will open on 22 July, the same day that President Benigno Aquino III delivers his fourth State-of-the-Nation Address (SONA). The Senate will likely have a complete roster for the first time since the 12th Congress. It may be recalled that during the 2001 elections, 13 senators were elected, with the last placer serving the unfinished term of Sen. Teofisto Guingona who was then appointed as vice president. The chamber had a full roll of 24 senators for only a year, due to the appointment of Sen. Blas Ople as Foreign Affairs Secretary on 23 July 2002, and due to the passing of Sen. Renato Cayetano on 25 June 2003. The 11th, 13th, 14th, and 15th Congresses did not have full membership, primarily because a senator did not complete the six-year term due to being elected to another post.1 In the 2013 midterm elections last May, all of the six senators seeking re-election made it to the top 12, while two were members of the House of Representatives in the 15th Congress. The twelve senators-elect are: SENATOR PARTY PREVIOUS POSITION 1. ANGARA, Juan Edgardo M. LDP Representative (Aurora, lone) 2. AQUINO, Paolo Benigno IV A. LP Former chairperson, National Youth Commission 3. BINAY-ANGELES, Nancy S. UNA 4. CAYETANO, Alan Peter S. NP Outgoing senator 5. EJERCITO, Joseph Victor G. UNA Representative (San Juan City, lone) 6. ESCUDERO, Francis Joseph G. Independent Outgoing senator 7.
    [Show full text]
  • 287 Students Graduate from UPVTC Jessa A
    May - June 2014 UPViews 1 OFFICIAL PUBLICATION OF U.P. VISAYAS May - June 2014 Vol. XVIII No. 4 Read UPViews online at www.upv.edu.ph 287 students graduate from UPVTC Jessa A. Amarille “Even though I suffered in the past, I can use its memory to learn, be healed, and be a better me now, towards a better future.” —Adrian Pantonial This statement best describes the thoughts and sentiments of the students of the UP Visayas Tacloban College (UPVTC) in Tacloban, Leyte, one of the hardest-hit areas when Yolanda struck central Philippines on November 8, 2013. Seven and a half months after Yolanda stormed in and trampled on their future, just like any other survivor, their lives simply must go on. Various scenes from UPVTC’s 38th Commencement Exercises. UPVTC held its 38th Arts and Sciences grounds. students were conferred various UP campuses for the second Commencement Exercises semester after the typhoon struck on June 27, 2014 at the HS Two hundred eighty-seven degrees including those students who cross registered in other UPV, Miagao LGU celebrate 287 STUDENTS / 8 4th Friendship Day Lydia G. Callano before midnight, were graced by UPV and Miagao LGU officials. JUNE 6, 2014 was a special This year’s theme was “Sa day for every constituent of UP paghirupay kag pagtamdanay, Visayas and the Municipality nag usbong ang kalipay kag pag- of Miagao. For the fourth time, abyanay.” The whole-day affair the two institutions gathered to was spearheaded by the UPV celebrate their friendship and Office of the Vice Chancellor cooperation through a fun run/ for Planning and Development walk, Mass, breakfast, boodle and the Office of the Municipal lunch, games and binayle Mayor of Miagao.
    [Show full text]
  • The London School of Economics and Political Science Hegemony
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by LSE Theses Online The London School of Economics and Political Science Hegemony, Transformism and Anti-Politics: Community-Driven Development Programmes at the World Bank Emmanuelle Poncin A thesis submitted to the Department of Government of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. London, June 2012. 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 99,559 words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Patrick Murphy and Madeleine Poncin. 2 Abstract This thesis scrutinises the emergence, expansion, operations and effects of community-driven development (CDD) programmes, referring to the most popular and ambitious form of local, participatory development promoted by the World Bank.
    [Show full text]
  • UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE Naming
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE Naming the Artist, Composing the Philippines: Listening for the Nation in the National Artist Award A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Music by Neal D. Matherne June 2014 Dissertation Committee: Dr. Deborah Wong, Chairperson Dr. René T.A. Lysloff Dr. Sally Ann Ness Dr. Jonathan Ritter Dr. Christina Schwenkel Copyright by Neal D. Matherne 2014 The Dissertation of Neal D. Matherne is approved: Committee Chairperson University of California, Riverside Acknowledgements This work is the result of four years spent in two countries (the U.S. and the Philippines). A small army of people believed in this project and I am eternally grateful. Thank you to my committee members: Rene Lysloff, Sally Ness, Jonathan Ritter, Christina Schwenkel. It is an honor to receive your expert commentary on my research. And to my mentor and chair, Deborah Wong: although we may see this dissertation as the end of a long journey together, I will forever benefit from your words and your example. You taught me that a scholar is not simply an expert, but a responsible citizen of the university, the community, the nation, and the world. I am truly grateful for your time, patience, and efforts during the application, research, and writing phases of this work. This dissertation would not have been possible without a year-long research grant (2011-2012) from the IIE Graduate Fellowship for International Study with funding from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation. I was one of eighty fortunate scholars who received this fellowship after the Fulbright-Hays Doctoral Dissertation Research Abroad Program was cancelled by the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Chapter (PDF)
    xxxui CHRONOLOGY í-i: Sudan. Elections to a Constituent Assembly (voting postponed for 37 southern seats). 4 Zambia. Basil Kabwe became Finance Minister and Luke Mwan- anshiku, Foreign Minister. 5-1: Liberia. Robert Tubman became Finance Minister, replacing G. Irving Jones. 7 Lebanon. Israeli planes bombed refugee camps near Sidon, said to contain PLO factions. 13 Israel. Moshe Nissim became Finance Minister, replacing Itzhak Moda'i. 14 European Communities. Limited diplomatic sanctions were imposed on Libya, in retaliation for terrorist attacks. Sanctions were intensified on 22nd. 15 Libya. US aircraft bombed Tripoli from UK and aircraft carrier bases; the raids were said to be directed against terrorist head- quarters in the city. 17 United Kingdom. Explosives were found planted in the luggage of a passenger on an Israeli aircraft; a Jordanian was arrested on 18 th. 23 South Africa. New regulations in force: no further arrests under the pass laws, release for those now in prison for violating the laws, proposed common identity document for all groups of the population. 25 Swaziland. Prince Makhosetive Dlamini was inaugurated as King Mswati III. 26 USSR. No 4 reactor, Chernobyl nuclear power station, exploded and caught fire. Serious levels of radio-activity spread through neighbouring states; the casualty figure was not known. 4 Afghánistán. Mohammad Najibollah, head of security services, replaced Babrak Karmal as General Secretary, People's Demo- cratic Party. 7 Bangladesh. General election; the Jatiya party won 153 out of 300 elected seats. 8 Costa Rica. Oscar Arias Sánchez was sworn in as President. Norway. A minority Labour government took office, under Gro 9 Harlem Brundtland.
    [Show full text]
  • EUSEBIO BLISS, PASIG CITY March 14, 2014
    Annex 8b: Multi-Sectoral FGD Documentation Report EUSEBIO BLISS, PASIG CITY March 14, 2014 I. Brief Profile of the Community II. Focus Group Discussion A. Opening and Welcoming Remarks Ms. Doble welcomed the participants. She explained the reason why we were there. The overview of the project was also given by Ms. Doble. She explained that the activity that day is part of the second phase of the study being conducted by ASoG on the informal settlers. In the second phase of the project, the team would like to document the experience of informal settlers who were awarded their own homes. At the end of the project, a guidebook on how to make a resettlement site would be done. B. Introduction of the ASoG Staff and Participants Mr. Regala asked the participants to introduce themselves. Each participant was asked to state their name, their address prior to relocation and the number of years they lived in the relocation area. Name of Participants Address prior to Relocation Years in Relocation Lilia Bacud Floodway Less than 2 years Nilda Parohinog Kangkungan 3 years Lowela Cabazares Kangkungan 2 years Marissa Bilea Kangkungan Not mentioned Ave Cortes Amang Rodriguez Not mentioned Teresita Legaspi Ambuklao 3 years Nolita Catudio Kangkungan Almost 3 years Oyet Wacay Kangkungan Almost 3 years Merla Limpin Gemma Rustila Kangkungan 3 years Criselda Inco Kangkungan Waiting for a unit Dadidan Faminial Not mentioned 3 years Benjamin Tano Ilalim ng Ambuklao 2 years Ednalyn Gonzales Kangkungan Almost 2 years Emelia Villanueva Gloria Santacera Not mentioned Almost 3 years Isabel Sabala Marites Lativo Kangkungan 3 years Name of Participants Address prior to Relocation Years in Relocation Arjay Molleno Kangkungan Almost 3 years Ramona Bermudez Kangkungan Almost 2 years Elvira Lucero Kangkungan 3 years Nemia Casindoc Not mentioned Almost 3 years Gina Castillo Myrna Castillo Analiza Dreo Avelina Limo Virginia Galanza Vilma Tangkoy After all the participants introduced themselves, the team introduced themselves and stated what their role in the project.
    [Show full text]
  • Philippine Studies Ateneo De Manila University • Loyola Heights, Quezon City • 1108 Philippines
    philippine studies Ateneo de Manila University • Loyola Heights, Quezon City • 1108 Philippines The Philippine Position on the Vietnam Question Jose D. Ingles Philippine Studies vol. 14, no. 4 (1966): 633–652 Copyright © Ateneo de Manila University Philippine Studies is published by the Ateneo de Manila University. Contents may not be copied or sent via email or other means to multiple sites and posted to a listserv without the copyright holder’s written permission. Users may download and print articles for individual, noncom- mercial use only. However, unless prior permission has been obtained, you may not download an entire issue of a journal, or download multiple copies of articles. Please contact the publisher for any further use of this work at [email protected]. http://www.philippinestudies.net Fri June 27 13:30:20 2008 The Philippine Position on the Vietnam Question* JOSE D. INGLES "Yi? HERE is no more authoritative formulation of the Phil- ippine position on the Vietnam question than the four principles outlined by the President of the Philippines T in his radio-television speech of 18 February 1966. In President Marcos' own words, these principles are: (1) We desire the establishment of peace in Vietnam at the earliest practicable time. We are, therefore, prepared to initiate or support any moves designed to bring the parties to the negotiating table: (2) We regard it as essential that the relentless pressure of Communist aggression in Vietnam be stopped.. If we sat by, complacently awaiting the uncertain arrival of peace, we might wake up to find that we had nothing left to negotiate about; (3) It is our unquestioned obligation as a free people to succor peoples of kindred faith fighting in defense of their freedom.
    [Show full text]
  • Environmental Risk Assessment
    ENVIRONMENTAL RISK ASSESSMENT PRO-POOR ECO-SETTLEMENT PROJECT PAYATAS SCAVENGERS HOMEOWNERS ASSOCIATION, INC (PSHAI) Miraculous Subdivision, Barangay San Isidro Municipality of Rodriguez (Montalban), Rizal Province Philippines Prepared by Ms. Iris Legal Ms. Dallay Annawi Dr. Peter Walpole TABLE OF CONTENT 1. INTRODUCTION.............................................................................................................4 2. MIRACULOUS HILLS SUBDIVISION, BARANGAY SAN ISIDRO, RODRIGUEZ.....5 2.A. PHYSICAL...................................................................................................................5 2.B. SURFACE DRAINAGE PATTERN.....................................................................................5 2.C. VEGETATION ..............................................................................................................7 2.D. ECONOMIC AND LIVELIHOOD .......................................................................................7 2.E. ORGANIZATION AND INSTITUTIONAL .............................................................................7 3. MUNICIPALITY OF RODRIGUEZ, PROVINCE OF RIZAL .........................................8 3.A. LAND USE PATTERN ....................................................................................................8 3.B. TOPOGRAPHY ..........................................................................................................10 2.C. GEOLOGY ................................................................................................................11
    [Show full text]
  • A Popular Strongman Gains More Power by Joseph Purugganan September 2019
    Blickwechsel Gesellscha Umwelt Menschenrechte Armut Politik Entwicklung Demokratie Gerechtigkeit In the Aftermath of the 2019 Philippine Elections: A Popular Strongman Gains More Power By Joseph Purugganan September 2019 The Philippines concluded a high-stakes midterm elections in May 2019, that many consider a critical turning point in our nation’s history. While the Presidency was not on the line, and Rodrigo Duterte himself was not on the ballot, the polls were seen as a referendum on his presidency. Duterte has drawn flak for his deadly ‘War on In midterm elections, voters have historically fa- Drugs’ that has taken the lives of over 5,000 vored candidates backed by a popular incumbent suspects according to official police accounts, and rejected those supported by unpopular ones. but the death toll could be as high as 27,000 ac- In the 2013 midterms for instance, the adminis- cording to the Philippine Commission on Human tration supported by former President Benigno Rights. The administration has also been criti- Aquino III, won 9 out of 12 Senate seats. Like cized for its handling of the maritime conflict Duterte, Aquino had a high satisfaction rating with China in the West Philippine Sea. heading into the midterms. In contrast, a very unpopular Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, with neg- Going into the polls however, Duterte, despite ative net satisfaction ratings, weighed down the all the criticisms at home and abroad, has main- administration ticket. In the Senate race in 2007, tained consistently high popularity and trust the Genuine Opposition coalition was able to se- ratings. The latest survey conducted five months cure eight out of 12 Senate seats, while Arroyo’s ahead of the elections showed the President Team Unity only got two seats and the other two having a 76 percent trust score and an 81 percent slots went to independent candidates.
    [Show full text]
  • Philippines: the Aquino Murder: in Whose Interest?
    Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 10, Number 34, September 6, 1983 ize the country. PHILIPPINES Aquino himself, though sentenced to death for an alleged political murder, was allowed by Marcos to leave the Phil­ ippines three years ago in order to get a heart operation in the United States. Aquino remained in the United States as an instructor at Harvard, and later MIT. He was sponsored by Harvard's Jerome Cohen, a prominent figure in efforts to undermine modernizationin Korea as well as the Philippines, The Aquino murder: and a major proponent of Henry Kissinger and Zbigniew Brzezinski's "China Card" policy. Aquino was also in con­ in whose interest? tinual contact with the State Department. Despite warningsfrom the Philippines goverment and his by Richard Katz own supporters that he might be killed, Aquino chose to return to the Philippines in order to ignite a mass campaign to bring down Marcos. He told friends on the plane that he The Aug. 21 airport assassination of Philippines opposition might be killed but that he did not expect Marcos would be leader Benigno Aquino has been used to mount a new round responsible. He suggested two other possibilities: either the of destabilization against President Ferdinand Marcos and extremists within the opposition movement trying to "radi­ his program for economic development. The campaign to calize" that movement, or else a faction of the army worried remove Marcos and tum the Philippines into a new Iran is that Aquino would be the strongest contender for succession being run by a coalition joining oligarchic families with once Marcos dies.
    [Show full text]