DOCSLIB.ORG

VIU Speech Saturday Speaker Series Elder College, Vancouver Island

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
VIU Speech Saturday Speaker Series Elder College, Vancouver Island VIU Speech Saturday Speaker Series Elder College, Vancouver Island University Nanoose Community Centre, Vancouver Island. September 21, 2019 Honourable A. Brian Peckford P.C. LLD What Really Happened When Our Constitution Was Patriated Background I have been interested in history from an early age. In fact it was my best subject in terms of grades in my final high school year . At University I studied both the classics —Greece and Rome and Medieval and Renaissance History. And to this day I enjoy reading it; I have just been reading the book entitled The Dynasties of China and another one entitled The History of the English Speaking Peoples Since 1900. But bitter experience has taught me to be highly skeptical of the accounts of various events. The seminal event was the The Patriation Of The Canadian Constitution , November , 1981. It was a field day for lawyers and Canada has plenty of them. For example , among the First Ministers at the time the majority were lawyers : there was the Prime Minister , Pierre Trudeau and six of the ten Premiers : Peter Lougheed, Allan Blakney, Sterling Lyon, William Davis , Richard Hatfield and John Buchanan . Bill Bennett was a former businessman, Rene Levesque a former journalist, Angus McClean , a former farmer/ Air Force Officer, and yours truly a lowly high school teacher. This idea of Canada having its own Constitution and hence having it amended here in Canada rather than having to refer back to the UK parliament has been a live issue for a long time. As a matter of fact efforts in this regard began in 1927. Again in 1931, 1935-36, 1961, 1964, 1971, and 1978-79. So what we were about in 1981 was hardly a novel activity. Yet a contentious one . Pierre Eliot Trudeau was interested in the idea again and of adding a Charter of Rights and Freedoms as well. Of course, the country already had a Bill of Rights that had been introduced in the late 1960 ’s by Prime Minister John G. Diefenbaker . However, it had its flaws since some would say it could be amended at will by the Federal Government , applied only in Federal matters , and was being interpreted by the Supreme Court in a narrow manner which failed to give protection to individuals. However, of interest to many now might be the fact that on the positive side the Bill of Rights continued the right to life idea and the protection of property rights . This partriation effort was given added impetus because of the fact that Mr. Trudeau had promised Quebec in the referendum of 1980 the vague notion of ‘ renewed federalism’, viewed in Quebec at the time as a major undertaking by the Prime Minister to accommodate some of Quebec’s demands. And so it came to pass that the Federal Government and he Provinces became engaged in a seventeen month process of seeing whether an agreement could be reached to Patriate the Constitution and simultaneously add a Charter of Rights and Freedoms. From the outset many Provinces had misgivings in that there was not a lot of trust by many of them in the Prime Minister intentions given his inclination to move towards a stronger Federal Government , hence inevitably weakening powers of the Provinces . Of course , Quebec would oppose the slightest moves in this direction. But Quebec was not alone . The western Provinces were wary of the prospect of having their power over natural resources weakened . Additionally, there were concerns over issues of property rights and education. In Newfoundland and Labrador’s case we were faced with a fishery that was almost all Federally controlled, a potential offshore oil and gas industry over which the Trudeau Government had indicated it wanted to control and an existing Power Contract with Quebec that denied Newfoundland any share of the hundreds of millions of dollars of economic rent that was annually going to Quebec. Therefore, Newfoundland and Labrador was naturally inclined to side with Quebec and the western provinces in skepticism towards the Federal Government as the talks began. Of course , it became clear early on that this was to be a very difficult process . Given that the Federal Government intended to not just patriate the Constitution with an amending formula but also to have many provisions in a new Charter that had the potential to impact the powers of the Provinces, there was great concern . There developed ,therefore , a real difference on how this whole process was being viewed, leading to the formation of two real divisions : the Federal Government and the Provinces of Ontario and New Brunswick as one faction and the other eight Provinces as the second faction, erroneously called by the press the ‘gang of eight.’ It should be noted that right from the start the Press were almost totally on the Federal Government’s side. Hence, the ‘gang of eight ‘ designation was not surprising to many of us who were wary of a Federal Government that signalled in many of its actions a viewpoint of a stronger Federal Government and weaker Provinces. This was also confirmed many times in the numerous talks among Federal Provincial Ministers and the many public servants involved. It is important when looking back at this time , in 1980 , that the Federal Government had proposed a massive overhaul of energy policy whereby the oil and gas resources of the Provinces ( clearly under Provincial Jurisdiction) would be taxed by the Federal Government , the proceeds to be part of a giant redistributive plan reminiscent of the best of socialist policies. In addition , one must recall that other unilateral Federal actions were being undertaken at that time under the umbrella of Regional Economic Development actions , many in areas of Provincial jurisdiction. So it is fair to say that the skeptical nature of many of the Provinces on this new patriation proposal was rooted not in some inherent dislike of the people who were then a part of the Federal Government or some other prejudice or theory of Government but rather in ‘on the ground federal Policies ‘ that were attempting to fundamentally change the nature of the federation. The Federal Government seemed a little surprised when through the negotiations the Provinces also had their own items for constitutional consideration . Hence, the agenda became more that just an amending formula and a Charter Of Rights and Freedoms. Hence, in June of 1980 all parties agreed on a twelve point agenda , not just Patriation, amending formula and a Charter. This new agenda was then to be discussed by a Committee of Ministers and Officials . This led to a First Ministers meeting in September which unfortunately ended without any measurable progress. Of course, Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau through his Ministers and officials made it clear that thy were not amused with all this Provincial activity and especially with the group of eight and its vocal commentary on constitutional change. It was not a surprise then to the group of eight when in the fall of 1980 , October 2 to be exact, after the many months of talks , that the Federal Government decided to move ahead unilaterally with a resolution of the Parliament of Canada to patriate the Constitution with an amending formula and a Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The Supreme Court said: ‘The proposed Resolution contained an address to be presented to Her Majesty The Queen in right of the United Kingdom and a statute, to which was appended another statute providing for the patriation of the B.N.A. Act, with an amending procedure, and a Charter of Rights and Freedoms. ‘ The group of eight were hardly amused at this unilateral turn of events and appealed this unilateral Federal Action to three Courts Of Appeal , Manitoba, Quebec and Newfoundland and the decisions of these courts along with the Federal Government ( through a resolution of parliament) sent the resolution to the Supreme Court to ascertain its constitutionality. This court’s hearing was on April 28,29,30 and May 1 and 4 , 1981 with the decision issued September 28, 1981. The decision was momentous ! The Federal Government and Prime Minister Trudeau lost in its efforts to unilaterally change the Constitution of this nation. The unilateral action contemplated by the Government of Canada was ruled to be unconstitutional . Many excerpts of the decision could be quoted . The one found on page 67 seems most clear and relevant: ‘In no instance has an amendment to the B.N.A. Act been enacted which directly affected federal-provincial relationships in the sense of changing provincial legislative powers, in the absence of federal consultation with and the consent of all the provinces. Notably, this procedure continued to be followed in the four instances which occurred after the enactment of the Statute of Westminster, 1931.’ Some commentators have referenced that the Federal action was legal . But that is a technicality . The Constitutionality of a measure trumps a legal technicality. And that’s what the court said. Even the Federal Government’s later written statements blatantly played down the unconstitutionality of the matter , questioning what the court had actually ruled . Just listen to a Federal Government explanation on one of their websites: ‘On September 28, 1981, the Supreme Court of Canada reached a majority conclusion that the Federal initiative was legal; however it expressed reservations about its legitimacy on the ground that it would run counter to the conventions and the spirit of the federal system.’ Well , like so much about this story , distortions are many . The Court did not express reservations , it said the federal action was unconstitutional —-period! Here is the Court’s own words: ‘We have reached the conclusion that the agreement of the provinces of Canada, no views being expressed as to its quantification, is constitutionally required for the passing of the "Proposed Resolution for a Joint Address to Her Majesty the Queen respecting the Constitution of Canada" and that the passing of this Resolution without such agreement would be unconstitutional in the conventional sense.’ What some had forgotten ( or thought somehow would now be overlooked by the court ) was that the the Constitution of Canada consisted of both a written part and a convention or custom part and both is what constitutes the Constitution of the nation.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • If We Could All Be Peter Lougheed” Provincial Premiers and Their Legacies, 1967-2007 1
    “If we could all be Peter Lougheed” Provincial premiers and their legacies, 1967-2007 1 J.P. Lewis Carleton University [email protected] Paper for Presentation at The Annual Meeting of the Canadian Political Science Association Concordia University, Montreal June 2010 Introduction For a variety of reasons, the careers of Canadian provincial premiers have escaped explicit academic attention. Premiers are found frequently in Canadian political science literature, but more for direct roles and actions – in questions of the constitution, federalism, public policy and electoral and legislative studies – instead of longitudinal study and analysis. This fits a pattern of neglect in the field; some academics have lamented the lack of direct attention to provincial politics and history (Brownsey and Howlett 2001). The aggregate imprints of premiers are relatively ignored outside of regional and provincial treatments. No pan- Canadian assessment of premiers exists, and probably for good reason. The theoretical and methodological concerns with asking general research questions about premiers are plenty; leadership theory and historical approaches provide some foundations but any approach is going to confront conceptual challenges. This is where this study is found – in a void of precedents but a plethora of qualitative data. 2 Regardless of methodological challenges, some historians, political scientists and members of the media have not shied away from ranking and assessing national leaders. Some of the more popular treatments (from the popular culture version to the more academic approach) include Ferguson’s Bastards and Boneheads , Granatstein and Hillmer’s Prime Ministers: Ranking Canada’s Leaders , and Bliss’s Right Honourable Men . Bliss (xiv), the esteemed historian, is skeptical of such endeavours, “While this is Canadian history from Parliament Hill, I am not a Hegelian and I do not believe that political leaders, least of all prime ministers of Canada, are personifications of the world spirit.
    [Show full text]
  • Famous New Brunswickers A
    FAMOUS NEW BRUNSWICKERS A - C James H. Ganong co-founder ganong bros. chocolate Joseph M. Augustine native leader, historian Charles Gorman speed skater Julia Catherine Beckwith author Shawn Graham former premier Richard Bedford Bennett politician, Phyllis Grant artist philanthropist Julia Catherine Hart author Andrew Blair politician Richard Hatfield politician Winnifred Blair first miss canada Sir John Douglas Hazen politician Miller Brittain artist Jack Humphrey artist Edith Butler singer, songwriter John Peters Humphrey jurist, human Dalton Camp journalist, political rights advocate strategist I - L William "Bliss" Carman poet Kenneth Cohn Irving industrialist Hermenegilde Chiasson poet, playwright George Edwin King jurist, politician Nathan Cummings founder Pierre-Amand Landry lawyer, jurist consolidated foods (sara lee) Andrew Bonar Law statesman, british D - H prime minister Samuel "Sam" De Grasse actor Arthur LeBlanc violinist, composer Gordon "Gordie" Drillon hockey player Romeo LeBlanc politician, statesman Yvon Durelle boxing champion M Sarah Emma Edmonds union army spy Antonine Maillet author, playwright Muriel McQueen Fergusson first Anna Malenfant opera singer, woman speaker of the canadian senate composer, teacher Gilbert Finn politician Louis B. Mayer producer, co-founder Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer (born in Russia) Gilbert Ganong co-founder ganong bros. chocolate Harrison McCain co-founder mccain Louis Robichaud politician foods Daniel "Dan" Ross author Wallace McCain co-founder mccain foods
    [Show full text]
  • University of Calgary Press
    University of Calgary Press www.uofcpress.com A CENTURY OF PARKS CANADA 1911-2011 A CENTURY of Edited by Claire Elizabeth Campbell Parks ISBN 978-1-55238-557-9 Canada 1911–2011 THIS BOOK IS AN OPEN ACCESS E-BOOK. It is an electronic version of a book that can be purchased in physical form through any bookseller or on-line retailer, or from our distributors. Please support this open access publication by requesting that your university purchase a print copy of this book, or by purchasing a copy yourself. If you have any questions, please contact us at edited by claire elizabeth campbell [email protected] Cover Art: The artwork on the cover of this book is not open access and falls under traditional copyright provisions; it cannot be reproduced in any way without written permission of the artists and their agents. The cover can be displayed as a complete cover image for the purposes of publicizing this work, but the artwork cannot be extracted from the context of the cover of this specific work without breaching the artist’s copyright. COPYRIGHT NOTICE: This open-access work is published under a Creative Commons licence. This means that you are free to copy, distribute, display or perform the work as long as you clearly attribute the work to its authors and publisher, that you do not use this work for any commercial gain in any form, and that you in no way alter, transform, or build on the work outside of its use in normal academic scholarship without our express permission.
    [Show full text]
  • A History of Hydroelectric Development in Labrador's
    Royal Commission on Renewing and Strengthening Our Place in Canada Power Politics and Questions of Political Will: A History of Hydroelectric Development in Labrador’s Churchill River Basin, 1949-2002 By: Cleo Research Associates/ Jason L. Churchill, Principal March 2003 The views expressed herein are solely those of the author and do not necessarily refl ect those of the Royal Commission on Renewing and Strengthening Our Place in Canada Power Politics and Questions of Political Will: A History of Hydroelectric Development in Labrador’s Churchill River Basin, 1949-2002 Abstract This report studies the history of attempts to develop Labrador’s hydroelectricity from 1949 to 2002, analyses the information, and draws three main lessons from that history. Firstly, Newfoundland has not been able to match Hydro-Quebec’s direct and indirect infl uence in the energy markets. Secondly, the Quebec utility, when directly suited to its immediate needs, has proven sensitive to Newfoundland’s demands for redress of the 1969 Churchill Falls contract. Thirdly, there has been a substratum shift in the North American energy markets, which has created new opportunities. The report then gives a detailed assessment of federal passive and active participation in issues related to hydroelectric development in Labrador. It concludes by making specifi c recommendations arguing that more effort has to go into capitalising upon the new opportunities in the North American energy markets. Power Politics and Questions of Political Will: A History of Hydroelectric Development
    [Show full text]
  • This Week in New Brunswick History
    This Week in New Brunswick History In Fredericton, Lieutenant-Governor Sir Howard Douglas officially opens Kings January 1, 1829 College (University of New Brunswick), and the Old Arts building (Sir Howard Douglas Hall) – Canada’s oldest university building. The first Baptist seminary in New Brunswick is opened on York Street in January 1, 1836 Fredericton, with the Rev. Frederick W. Miles appointed Principal. Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR) becomes responsible for all lines formerly January 1, 1912 operated by the Dominion Atlantic Railway (DAR) - according to a 999 year lease arrangement. January 1, 1952 The town of Dieppe is incorporated. January 1, 1958 The city of Campbellton and town of Shippagan become incorporated January 1, 1966 The city of Bathurst and town of Tracadie become incorporated. Louis B. Mayer, one of the founders of MGM Studios (Hollywood, California), January 2, 1904 leaves his family home in Saint John, destined for Boston (Massachusetts). New Brunswick is officially divided into eight counties of Saint John, Westmorland, Charlotte, Northumberland, King’s, Queen’s, York and Sunbury. January 3, 1786 Within each county a Shire Town is designated, and civil parishes are also established. The first meeting of the New Brunswick Legislature is held at the Mallard House January 3, 1786 on King Street in Saint John. The historic opening marks the official business of developing the new province of New Brunswick. Lévite Thériault is elected to the House of Assembly representing Victoria January 3, 1868 County. In 1871 he is appointed a Minister without Portfolio in the administration of the Honourable George L. Hatheway.
    [Show full text]
  • Strengthening New Brunswick's Democracy
    Strengthening New Brunswick’s Democracy Select Committee Discussion Paper on Electoral Reform July 2016 Strengthening New Brunswick’s Democracy Discussion Paper July 2016 Published by: Government of New Brunswick PO Box 6000 Fredericton, New Brunswick E3B 5H1 Canada Printed in New Brunswick ISBN 978-1- 4605-1033-9 (Print Bilingual) ISBN 978-1- 4605-1034-6 (PDF English) ISBN 978-1- 4605-1035-3 (PDF French) 10744 Table of Contents Select Committee on Electoral Reform 1 Message from the Government House Leader 2 How to use this discussion paper 3 Part 1: Introduction 4 Part 2: Making a more effective Legislature 8 Chapter 1: Eliminating barriers to entering politics for underrepresented groups 8 Chapter 2: Investigating means to improve participation in democracy 12 Internet voting 18 Part 3: Other electoral reform matters 20 Chapter 1: Election dates 20 Chapter 2: Election financing 21 Part 4: Conclusion 24 Part 5 : Appendices 25 Appendix A - Families of electoral systems 25 Appendix B - Voting systems 26 Appendix C - First-Past-the-Post 31 Appendix D - Preferential ballot voting: How does it work? 32 Appendix E- Election dates in New Brunswick 34 Appendix F - Fixed election dates: jurisdictional scan 36 Appendix G- Limits and expenses: Adjustments for inflation 37 Appendix H - Contributions: Limits and allowable sources jurisdictional scan 38 Appendix I - Mandate of the Parliamentary Special Committee on Electoral Reform 41 Appendix J - Glossary 42 Appendix K - Additional reading 45 Select Committee on Electoral Reform The Legislature’s Select Committee on Electoral Reform The committee is to table its final report at the Legislative is being established to examine democratic reform in the Assembly in January 2017.
    [Show full text]
  • What Is Acadians' Electoral Weight in N.B.?
    5 octobre 2018 – Telegraph Journal What is Acadians’ electoral weight in N.B.? GABRIEL ARSENEAULT & ROGER OUELLETTE COMMENTARY Acadian Day festivities take place along Water Street in Miramichi. Scholars Gabriel Arseneault and Roger Ouellette write: ‘Since Acadians do not have enough clout in enough ridings to be indispensable to political parties, they must avoid being taken for granted or ignored by political parties.’ PHOTO: JEREMY TREVORS/MIRAMICHI LEADER Francophones now represent about one-third of New Brunswick’s population. How does this demographic weight translate into electoral clout? In which ridings do Acadians have the most influence? And for whom do Acadians vote? This demographic importance is fairly accurately reflected in the electoral boundaries, as shown by the most recent data from the Electoral Boundaries and Representation Commission of New Brunswick. Of the 49 ridings represented in the Legislative Assembly, 16, or 32.7 per cent of the total, have a majority of registered voters whose only mother tongue is French. Francophones also account for more than 20 per cent of the electorate in seven other ridings. In other words, the Acadian vote appears unavoidable in just under half of the ridings, or 23 out of 49. On the other hand, a clear majority of the ridings, 26 out of 49, contain less than 15 per cent francophones. In principle, it would therefore be possible for a party 5 octobre 2018 – Telegraph Journal to obtain a majority of seats without being overly concerned about the French- speaking vote. Over the past 100 years, Acadians have mainly supported the Liberal party.
    [Show full text]
  • Page 1 of 2 Robichaud Monument to Be Unveiled | Published August 8Th
    Robichaud monument to be unveiled | Published August 8th, 2007 Page 1 of 2 Robichaud monument to be unveiled Hometown project honours former premier's huge contributions to N.B. By Aloma Jardine Times & Transcript Staff Published Wednesday August 8th, 2007 Appeared on page A4 SAINT-ANTOINE - Once in a generation, a leader comes along who changes the course of a province's history. In New Brunswick in the 1960s, Louis J. Robichaud was that leader. The reforms Robichaud brought about continue to shape the province today. On Sunday, a more concrete reminder of Robichaud's contributions to this province will also take its place as a monument in his honour is unveiled in Saint-Antoine, the former premier's hometown. Jacqueline Robichaud can't wait for her first glimpse of the monument honouring her late husband. Although Robichaud has seen a model of the memorial, she has yet to see the real thing. "I think it is a great idea, I think it is beautiful," she says. "It means a lot (for our family). There is so much happiness and joy. He did so much for his province." Ronald Cormier, the mayor of Saint-Antoine, says it brings great satisfaction to see the project come to fruition. "I didn't think at first that we could do something that big and the whole committee, we're so happy that we have achieved this," he says. "Especially for the family. Louis still has sisters that live here in Saint-Antoine and he has a brother in Bouctouche, and he has children who will be here for the ceremony, and Mrs.
    [Show full text]
  • Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction Du Branch Patrimoine De I'edition
    Going Nuclear: The Origins of New Brunswick's Nuclear Industry, 1950-1983. by Adrian Kelly Egbers Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at Dalhousie University Halifax, Nova Scotia August 2008 © Copyright by Adrian Kelly Egbers, 2008 Library and Bibliotheque et 1*1 Archives Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-43983-8 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-43983-8 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non­ L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives and Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par Plntemet, prefer, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans loan, distribute and sell theses le monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, worldwide, for commercial or non­ sur support microforme, papier, electronique commercial purposes, in microform, et/ou autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. this thesis. Neither the thesis Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels de nor substantial extracts from it celle-ci ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement may be printed or otherwise reproduits sans son autorisation.
    [Show full text]
  • Les Acadiens Peuvent-Ils Encore Défendre Leurs Intérêts À Travers Les Partis Politiques?
    01772-11 Ouellette Forum_Layout 2018-05-16 8:42 AM Page 217 Les Acadiens peuvent-ils encore défendre leurs intérêts à travers les partis politiques? EXCLUE AU DÉPART LORS DE LA FONDATION de la province du Nouveau- Brunswick, la communauté acadienne va mener un long combat pour graduellement prendre sa place sur la scène politique. C’est en adhérant aux partis politiques traditionnels que sont les libéraux et les conservateurs que des Acadiens vont réussir à se faire élire à l’Assemblée législative de la province afin de représenter les intérêts de leur communauté. Le Nouveau-Brunswick a été créé en 1784 en raison de l’arrivée massive de Loyalistes fuyant la Révolution américaine. Au départ unilingue anglophone, l’Assemblée législative mise en place en 1785 ne comptait aucun francophone. Il faudra attendre en 1810 pour que les catholiques, donc les Acadiens, puissent voter aux élections provinciales sans devoir prêter des serments qui remettent notamment en question l’autorité spirituelle du pape. À partir de 1830, les serments ne seront plus exigés des candidats aux élections législatives 1. C’est Amand Landry, candidat dans le comté de Westmorland, qui sera le premier Acadien à se faire élire à l’Assemblée législative en 1846. Celui-ci est considéré comme un libéral et « vota toujours en faveur des projets qui lui semblaient le mieux servir les intérêts des Acadiens 2 ». Pendant une vingtaine d’années, il sera l’unique député acadien à siéger à Fredericton. Son fils Pierre- Amand Landry, le premier Acadien à devenir avocat, va lui succéder en 1870. À ces élections, trois autres Acadiens vont réussir à se faire élire, ce qui porte leur nombre à quatre sur les 41 sièges que compte l’Assemblée.
    [Show full text]
  • The Challenge 1982 Newfoundland and Labrador
    The Challenge 1982 Newfoundland and Labrador Dear Friends; In the past three years my government has implemented programs to improve every sector of society. We have recognized our responsibility to women, reformed the rules in the House of Assembly and improved management of the forestry and the fishery. My government has also achieved a major breakthrough in the Upper Churchill contract. Now, I ask lor your support in the offshore negotiations for jobs and a secure future. Right now your House at Assembly IS not in seSSIOn because we are having an election In Newfoundland. I want to tell you why I felt it was im- portant to seek your endorsement at this time. Events 01 the past few months have shown, more clearly than ever, how critical it is trial we settle the question of the offShore with the Federal Government in Ottawa. I want to send a message to Ottawa that the people of Newfoundland and their Provincial Government speak with one voice when we say the issue of our offshore rights must be settled now. We need to be able to plan now for the jobs, and the benefits to Newfoundland the olfshore can bring. Events have shown how vitally important our offshore resources are for Jobs and security in the future. The benefits of offshore resources are for jobs and security in the future. The benefits of offshore will secure the future of our renewable resources like the fishery and forestry, and create many jobs. Newfoundland cannot afford to wait another two years for those jobs.
    [Show full text]
  • Brief on the Proposed Amendments to Canada's Official Languages
    Brief on the proposed amendments to Canada’s Official Languages Act 15 PINE RIDGE AVENUE, NEW MARYLAND, NB E3C 1C6 Fcenb.ca January 2019 2 Table of contents Introduction ............................................................................................................. 4 A. Historical overview ............................................................................................................................ 4 1. From the birth of Acadia to the deportation of Acadians: 1604 to 1755 .................................................................................................. 4 2. The return: 1755 to 1867 ............................................................................... 6 3. Acadians and the Confederation ................................................................... 7 4. Post-Confederation ........................................................................................ 8 5. The birth of language rights: 1960s and 1970s ............................................. 9 6. The recognition of constitutional rights: 1980 to 1990 ............................... 11 7. Conclusion of the historical overview .......................................................... 13 B. Recommended amendments to the Official Languages Act .......................... 14 8. Recognizing New Brunswick’s linguistic specificity ..................................... 14 9. Asserting the federal government’s role in education for official language minorities ............................................................................................
    [Show full text]