The Polish-Ukrainian Inter-War Confrontation

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Polish-Ukrainian Inter-War Confrontation THE POLISH-UKRAINIAN INTER-WAR CONFRONTATION. THE UKRAINIAN POLITICAL MOVEMENT IN POLAND1 Ionuţ BRAN “Ştefan cel Mare” University of Suceava [email protected] Rezumat: Confruntarea polono-ucraineană interbelică. Mișcarea politică ucraineană din Polonia Dezideratul dezvoltării, în perioada interbelică, a unor relaţii de bună convieţuire între minoritatea ucraineană din Polonia și administraţia statală, împărtășit, parţial, de ambele părţi, a fost dificil de materializat, pe fondul demersurilor constante ale liderilor politici ucraineni de formare a unui stat ucrainean independent. În acest scop, Partidul Naţional Ucrainean din Polonia s-a conexat inclusiv mișcării politice ucrainene din Bucovina, liderii acesteia din urmă implementând, întocmai, directivele trasate. Pe de altă parte, autorităţile polone au acţionat pentru apropierea de elementele ucrainene moderate, căutând să exercite, prin acestea, o presiune favorabilă asupra partidelor ucrainene naţionaliste, ca mijloc de obţinere a unei colaborări pozitive. Accederea lui Adolf Hitler la putere, în Germania, a influenţat contextul internaţional în care Polonia se regăsea, dând speranţe minorităţii ucrainene în lupta sa de obţinere a unităţii naţionale, spre nemulţumirea sovieticilor. Abstract: The desire to develop, in the inter-war period, good cohabitation relations between the Ukrainian minority in Poland and the state administration, shared, partially, by both sides, was difficult to carry out, given the constant endeavours of the Ukrainian political leaders to form an independent Ukrainian state. To that effect, the National Ukrainian Party from Poland linked itself including to the Ukrainian political movement from Bukovina, the leaders of the latter implementing, to the letter, the directives mapped out. On the other hand, the Polish authorities acted so that they approach the moderate Ukrainian elements, wishing thus to carry out, a favourable pressure upon the nationalist Ukrainian parties, as a means to obtain a positive collaboration. Adolf Hitler’s accession to power, in Germany, has influenced the international context in which Poland was at the 1 This paper has benefited from financial support through the „Quality European Doctorate - EURODOC” project, Contract no POSDRU/187/1.5/S/155450, co-financed from the European Social Fund through the 2007-2013 Operational Sectoral Program for Human Resources Development. Copyright © 2015 “Codrul Cosminului”, XXI, 2015, No. 2, p. 203-218 204 Ionuţ Bran time, giving hope to the Ukrainian minority in its fight to obtain national unity, much to the discontent of the Soviets. Résumé: La confrontation entre la minorité ukrainienne de Pologne et l'état polonais dans la période de l'entre-deux-guerres. Le mouvement politique ukrainien de Pologne L'ambition de développer, dans la période de l'entre-deux-guerres, de bonnes relations de cohabitation entre la minorité ukrainienne de Pologne et l'administration d'état, partagée partiellement par les deux parties, s'est difficilement matérialisée, sur le fond des démarches constantes des chefs politiques ukrainiens de former un état ukrainien indépendant. Dans ce but, le Parti National Ukrainien de Pologne s'est relié y compris au mouvement politique ukrainien de Bucovine, les chefs de ce dernier implémentant à la lettre les directives reçues. De l'autre part, les autorités polonaises ont essayé de s'approcher des éléments ukrainiens modérés, en cherchant d'exercer par leur intermédiaire une pression favorable sur les partis ukrainiens nationalistes afin d'arriver à une collaboration positive. L'ascension d'Adolf Hitler au pouvoir en Allemagne a influencé le contexte international où se retrouvait la Pologne, en donnant des espoirs à la minorité ukrainienne dans son combat pour obtenir l'unité nationale devant le mécontentement des Soviétiques. Keywords: inter-war context, Galicia, Bukovina, political connections, claims, self- determination Introduction Of all the minorities that have lived in Poland, in the period of time between the two world wars, the Ukrainian one was the most important, both as far as number and role in the political life of this country. Polish statistics of that time confirmed the existence of roughly five million Ukrainian inhabitants, two million less than what the Ukrainian polls had estimated2. According to the 1931 census, Ukrainians were representing 14,3% of the total of 32.107.000 inhabitants of Poland3, being the second most numerous population following 2 As evidenced in a document found in the Arhivele Ministerului Afacerilor Externe [Ministry of External Affairs’ Archives, hereinafter AMAE], Fond 71 / URSS (1929 - 1933). Volumul 39. Problema ucraineană [Fund 71 / USSR (1929 - 1933). Volume 39. The Ukrainian issue], p. 262. 3 Compared to Poland’s specific polls, we are highlighting the fact that, according to the 1930 general census, in Romania, Ukrainians were representing 3,2% of the population total, placing themselves, numerically speaking, after Romanians (71,9%), Hungarians (7,9%), Germans (4,1%) and Jewish people (4%). In Bukowina, the The Polish-Ukrainian inter-war confrontation 205 the native (69%) and outnumbering the Jewish (7,8%), Belorussian (3,9%), and German (3,9%)4 populations. Geographically speaking, native Ukrainian communities were to be found in the south-eastern and eastern part of Poland, predominantly in the Stanislawów5, Ternopil6, Lvov7 and Volhinia8 voivodeships, but also in great in the Polesia9 and Lublin10 voivodeships. In the north-eastern part of Poland, the interference of the Ukrainians with the Byelorussians / “white Russians” was visible as far as similar social organisation and political tendencies. In light of the political influence shed upon them, the Ukrainians of Poland were split into two categories: those coming from territories of the former Austrian province of Galicia, attached to Austria in 1772, on the occasion of the first partition of Poland from the Lvov, Ternopil and Stanislawów principalities, and on the other hand, those who originated from the former Russian Empire (the Volhinia, Polesia and Lublin) voivodeships. The three voivodeships mentioned initially, which were forming the Oriental Galicia, had come, in fact, back to Poland in 1919, following the Polish- Ukrainian war between 1918 – 1919. Through the decision of the Ambassadors Conference, date March 14th 1923, Poland has been recognized full sovereignty over the region, having been conferred the partial administration mandate ever since June 15th 1919, by the Peace Conference’s Supreme Court11. The areas majority of the population were natives (44,5%), Ukrainians being almost twice less (27,7%), followed by Jewish (10,8%), Germans (8,9%) and Polish people (3,6%). The data are taken out from a statistical table concerning Romania’s population according to ethnicities and maternal language (rural and urban area), following the 1930 general census, presented in the Minorităţile naţionale din România (1925-1931). Documente [National Minorities in Romania (1925-1931). Documents book]. Coordinators Ioan Scurtu and Ioan Dordea, Bucureşti, 1996, p. 458. 4 Nicolae Mareș, Republica Populară Polonă [The People’s Republic of Poland], Editura Enciclopedică Română, București, 1972, p. 88. 5 Now Ivano-Frankivsk, Ukraine. 6 In Polish, Tarnopol, now a city in the region of the same name in Ukraine. 7 In Polish Lwów and in Ukrainian Lviv, the most important city in the historical region of Galicia, located at 80 kilometers from the actual border with Poland. 8 The historical region of Western Ukraine. 9 The Polesia region, located in the north, north-western and north-eastern of Kiev, nowadays consists of territories of Ukraine and Belorussia. 10 Nowadays the biggest city in the Eastern Poland. 11 AMAE. Fond 71 / URSS (1929 - 1933). Volumul 39. Problema ucraineană [Fund 71 / USSR (1929 - 1933). Volume 39. The Ukrainian issue], p. 263. 206 Ionuţ Bran inhabited by Ukrainians, which were an integral part of the former Russian Empire, were incorporated to Poland following the Riga Treaty, concluded with Russia, on March 18th 1921. The Polish victory in the Warsaw battle, of August 1920 (considered by the English ambassador in Berlin, Lord d`Abernon, as being the 18th most important battle in the history of the world), the failure of Lenin’s plans, those of installing a communist regime in Poland, as well as the frailty of the political consensus inside of a military victorious Poland, have brought peace within the Central and Easter Europe for the next twenty years12. We even identify differences in the spiritual sense, between the Ukrainians of the Austrian Empire and those of the Russian Empire: those living in the Austrian Galicia were under the jurisdiction of the Greek-Catholic Metropolitan from Lvov, while the Ukrainians living on Polish territories annexed by Russia, had their church life managed by the Russian Orthodox Metropolitan from Warsaw. Whereas the Autonomous Greek-Catholic Church of Galicia had gradually become a Ukrainian National Church, disposing of clergy exclusively made of Ukrainians, those from the Russian areas couldn’t enjoy the support and protection of priesthood, during the national battle. The different political regimes that the Ukrainians from Poland lived in, prior to the First World War, have influenced their national development. Under the Austrian regime, the Eastern and Western Galicia were forming the Krakow Principality, a single autonomous province, with a regional diet and legislative power within the province’s
Recommended publications
  • Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract
    In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2014, Baden-Baden 2015, pp. 219-235. Iryna Solonenko Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract This is the Maidan generation: too young to be burdened by the experi- ence of the Soviet Union, old enough to remember the failure of the Orange Revolution, they don’t want their children to be standing again on the Maidan 15 years from now. Sylvie Kauffmann, The New York Times, April 20141 Introduction Ukrainian civil society became a topic of major interest with the start of the Euromaidan protests in November 2013. It has acquired an additional dimen- sion since then, as civil society has pushed for reforms following the ap- pointment of the new government in February 2014, while also providing as- sistance to the army and voluntary battalions fighting in the east of the coun- try and to civilian victims of the war. In the face of the weakness of the Ukrainian state, which is still suffering from a lack of political will, poor governance, corruption, military weakness, and dysfunctional law enforce- ment – many of those being in part Viktor Yanukovych’s legacies – civil so- ciety and voluntary activism have become a driver of reform and an import- ant mobilization factor in the face of external aggression. This contribution examines the transformation of Ukrainian civil society during the period between the 2004 Orange Revolution and the present day. Why this period? The Orange Revolution and the Euromaidan protests are landmarks in Ukraine’s post-independence state-building and democratiza- tion process, and analysis of the transformation of Ukrainian civil society during this period offers interesting findings.2 Following a brief portrait of Ukrainian civil society and its evolution, the contribution examines the rela- tionships between civil society and three other actors: the state, the broader society, and external actors involved in supporting and developing civil soci- ety in Ukraine.
    [Show full text]
  • An Old Believer ―Holy Moscow‖ in Imperial Russia: Community and Identity in the History of the Rogozhskoe Cemetery Old Believers, 1771 - 1917
    An Old Believer ―Holy Moscow‖ in Imperial Russia: Community and Identity in the History of the Rogozhskoe Cemetery Old Believers, 1771 - 1917 Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Doctoral Degree of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Peter Thomas De Simone, B.A., M.A Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2012 Dissertation Committee: Nicholas Breyfogle, Advisor David Hoffmann Robin Judd Predrag Matejic Copyright by Peter T. De Simone 2012 Abstract In the mid-seventeenth century Nikon, Patriarch of Moscow, introduced a number of reforms to bring the Russian Orthodox Church into ritualistic and liturgical conformity with the Greek Orthodox Church. However, Nikon‘s reforms met staunch resistance from a number of clergy, led by figures such as the archpriest Avvakum and Bishop Pavel of Kolomna, as well as large portions of the general Russian population. Nikon‘s critics rejected the reforms on two key principles: that conformity with the Greek Church corrupted Russian Orthodoxy‘s spiritual purity and negated Russia‘s historical and Christian destiny as the Third Rome – the final capital of all Christendom before the End Times. Developed in the early sixteenth century, what became the Third Rome Doctrine proclaimed that Muscovite Russia inherited the political and spiritual legacy of the Roman Empire as passed from Constantinople. In the mind of Nikon‘s critics, the Doctrine proclaimed that Constantinople fell in 1453 due to God‘s displeasure with the Greeks. Therefore, to Nikon‘s critics introducing Greek rituals and liturgical reform was to invite the same heresies that led to the Greeks‘ downfall.
    [Show full text]
  • Republic of Moldova - at the Confluence Between East and West 78
    www.ceswp.uaic.ro Volume IX, Issue 2, 2017 EDITORIAL BOARD SCIENTIFIC BOARD Doina BALAHUR, Professor, Faculty of Philosophy, Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iasi, Romania Daniela Luminita CONSTANTIN, Professor, Bucharest University of Economic Studies, Romania/ President of the Romanian Regional Science Association Gabriela DRAGAN, Professor, Bucharest University of Economic Studies, Romania Gheorghe IACOB, Professor, Faculty of History, Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iasi, Romania Corneliu IATU, Professor, Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iasi, Romania Ion IGNAT, Professor, Faculty of Economics and Business Administration, Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iasi, Romania Vasile ISAN, Professor, Faculty of Economics and Business Administration, Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iasi, Romania Gheorghe LUTAC, Professor, Faculty of Economics and Business Administration, Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iasi, Romania Cosmin MARINESCU, Professor, Bucharest University of Economic Studies, Romania Dumitru MIRON, Professor, Bucharest University of Economic Studies, Romania Gabriela Carmen PASCARIU, Professor, Director of Centre for European Studies, Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iasi, Romania Carmen PINTILESCU, Professor, Faculty of Economics and Business Administration, Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iasi, Romania Alexandru-Florin PLATON, Professor, Faculty of History / Centre for European Studies, Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iasi, Romania Victor PLOAE, Professor, Ovidius University of Constanta, Romania Ion POHOATA, Professor,
    [Show full text]
  • Ukrainian Lands' Maps in the University of Alberta Map Collection
    Research Report No. 24 Occasional Research Reports “UKRAINIAN LANDS” MAPS IN THE UNIVERSITY OF ALBERTA MAP COLLECTION: A Cartobibliography by Paul T. Friesen Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies The University of Alberta Edmonton 1988 Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies University of Alberta Occasional Research Reports The Institute publishes research reports, including theses, periodically. Copies may be ordered from the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, 352 Athabasca Hall, University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta, T6G 2E8. The name of the publication series and the substantive material in each issue (unless otherwise noted) are copyrighted by the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies. Occasional Research Reports “UKRAINIAN LANDS” MAPS IN THE UNIVERSITY OF ALBERTA MAP COLLECTION A Cartobibliography by Paul T. Friesen Research Report No. 24 — 1988 Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies University of Alberta Edmonton, Alberta Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2016 https://archive.org/details/ukrainianlandsma24frie TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface v Introduction vii Bibliography xi ANNOTATED CARTOBIBLIOGRAPHY INCLUSIVE MAPS 3 REGIONAL MAPS 19 TOWNPLANS 27 MAP SERIES 31 Europe 31 Central Europe 32 Eastern Europe 34 Austria-Hungary 35 Poland 36 Romania 37 Russia - U.S.S.R 38 ATLASES 43 APPENDICES 45 . PREFACE The University of Alberta has what is probably the most extensive collection of maps of Ukraine in Canada. They are used constantly by both academic and private researchers who may be doing anything from looking for the town where their grandparents were born to tracing ethnolinguistic boundaries or changing political units. This region of Europe has been much fought over and as a result has been the subject of mapping by a variety of governments and their armies.
    [Show full text]
  • Typhus Exanthématique. Typhus
    — 328 — Dernière période. Dériode pré^dente» Ijaiest period» Previous period. Date c. D, C. D. J apon 31.V-6.VI 3 5 ... J apan Prcf. : Kanagawa » 1 — Pref. : Kanagawa N ara » — 1 N ara OsaKa » — 1 OsaKa Hiogo » — 1 Hiogo Shimane )> — 1 Shimane FuKuoKa )) 2 1 FuKuoKa O saka 28.VI-4.VII 1 — 1 — O sa ka T urquie 1-31.V 16 — 1 — T urkey Vilayets: Denizli » 1 — — — Vilayets: Denizli Erzeroum » 1 — — — Erzerum Sivas » 14 — ---- —• Siva I n d e britannique . British India. DOMNÊBS RBÇUBS TÉt.fiGRAPIIIQUEWtBNX CONCERNANT LA VARIOLB DANS L*1NDE BRITANNIQUE. Data received bt T elegram concerning Smallpox in B ritish I ndia. Provinces dont Ports 14t 2 0 , V I 2 1 - S7.VJ 28.VI-4,VII P r o v in c e s tnei. Ports C. D . C . O. C. D. Prov. frontière du Nord-Ouest I l I l 7 6 North-W est Frontier Prov. Pendjab 92 20 78 29 ... ... Punjab Bengale Bengal C alcutta 4Ô 27 32 28 27 24 C a lcu tta C h itta g o n g 4 — 16 3 11 C h itta g o n g Assam 32 S 17 4 14 6 Birmanie 44 13 54 1 0 44 13 Burma R a n g o u n 1* — 1* ___ 1 R a n g o o n M o u lm c in 11 8 7 3 5 3 M o u lm e in Provinces Centrales 308 61 191 30 147 20 Central Provinces Présidence de Madras 21 4 54 9 19 7 Madras Presidenev Vizagapatam — — 1 — __ _ Vizaaanatam Présidence de Bombay 270 68 163 19 227 41 Bombay Presidency B o m b a y 35 29 20 13 10 9 B o m b a u K a ra tc h i — ---- 1 ■----- 1 1 K a ra c h i Sind 63 10 42 1 0 4 2 Sind * Importé.
    [Show full text]
  • Sport in Volyn in the Years 1921–1939. Outline History
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE Історичні, філософські, правові й кадрові проблеми фізичної культури та спорту УДК 796(477.82+438)"1921/1939" SPORT IN VOLYN IN THE YEARS 1921–1939. OUTLINE HISTORY Eligiusz Małolepszy1, Teresa Drozdek-Małolepsza1 Daniel Bakota1, Anatolii Tsos2 1 Jan Długosz University in Częstochowa, Institute of Physical Education, Tourism and Physiotherapy, Częstochowa, Poland, [email protected] 2 Lesya Ukrainka Eastern European National University, Lutsk, Ukraine, [email protected] https://doi.org/10.29038/2220-7481-2017-03-73-81 Abstract Introduction. The aim of this paper is to outline the history of sport in Volyn (the area of the Volhynian province in the period of the Second Polish Republic) in the years 1921–1939. The Volhynian province was established on 19 February 1921. As of April 1, 1939 its area covered 35,754 km2 and had a population of 2,085,600 people (as of 9 December 1931). The population of Polish nationality was 16,6 %, of Ukrainian nationality – 68,4 %, of Jewish nationality – 9,9 %, of German nationality – 2,3 %, of Czech nationality – 1,5 %, of Russian nationality – 1,1 %, the remaining nationalities – 0,2 %. Townspeople of the province represented only 13,3 % of the population. The province consisted of the following counties: Dubno, Horochów, Kostopil, Kovel, Kremenets, Liuboml, Lutsk, Rivne, Sarny, Volodymyr and Zdolbuniv. The county of Sarny (formerly included in Polesia province) became a part of the Volhynian province in December 1930. Methods and Research Problems. As part of preparation of this study the following research methods have been used: analysis of historical sources, the method of synthesis and comparison.
    [Show full text]
  • Save Polesia and Stop E40 Green-Blue Future for Connecting the Baltic and Black Seas
    Save Polesia and Stop E40 Green-Blue future for connecting the Baltic and Black Seas Position paper in relation to the suggested E40 inland waterway 2018 KEY FACTS • The E40 inland waterway would impact 392,949.08 km2, which is inhabited by 28 690 834 people. • Cost • Threat to human health in Chernobyl • Impacted size of protected areas • Impacted habitat types / biodiversity • Climate change & Ecosystem services • E40 promises vs our vision • Our demands POLESIA Polesia is a cross-border region located in Central and Eastern Europe. There are different criteria and approaches to define the boundaries of Polesia used by various disciplines. In this document, Polesia is defined according to the physiographic zones and corresponds to the Polesia physiographic subprovince (code 845 in the European Decimal Classification), which therefore appears to be a southern part of the Baltic-Belarusian lowland. Thus, Polesia consists of (moving from the West clockwise) South Podlashie lowland, North Podlashie lowland, Subpodlashie, Dnieper, Central Russian Upland, Sumy, Poltava and Dnieper lowlands, along with Dnieper, Lublin, Volynian and Podolian Uplands. The physiographic region of Polesia extends over a length more than 900 km from the West to the East and reaches over 300 km at its widest point. The total area covers more than 186 000 km2. The largest parts are located in Ukraine (over 94 000 km2) and Belarus (over 62 000 km2). 7 000 km2 of Polesia (Lublin and parts of the Volynian Polesia) are located in Poland. Bryansk- Zhizdrinsky Polesia is situated in the Russian Federation and occupies an area of around 23 000 km2.
    [Show full text]
  • Lviv Court Returns Guilty Verdicts in Case of 2002 Sknyliv Air Disaster
    INSIDE:• President Viktor Yushchenko to receive the Liberty Medal — page 5. • County prosecutor discusses issue of human trafficking — page 9. • Ukrainian American Youth Association resort marks 50th anniversary — centerfold. Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXXIII HE KRAINIANNo. 27 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JULY 3, 2005 EEKLY$1/$2 in Ukraine T U Presidents Wof Ukraine and Poland Lviv court returns guilty verdicts unveil memorials at Lviv cemetery in caseby Zenon of Zawada 2002 Sknyliving maneuver air and walked disaster away from the Kyiv Press Bureau carnage physically unscathed. They left in their wake not only the dead, LVIV – Though it is expected in Ukraine among them 28 children, but also 292 that a man will refrain from crying in public, injured victims in what became the worst air Bohdan Onyschak, 50, couldn’t contain his show catastrophe in history. (Unofficial esti- tears in a Lviv courtroom on June 23. mates of the injured reached as high as 500.) A judge had been reading the 77 On June 24 a three-judge panel led by names of those who died in the Sknyliv Vitalii Zahoruyka laid blame for the catas- airfield catastrophe in 2002, and had trophe upon the pilots and their command- reached those of Mr. Onyschak’s daugh- ers, determining that they were careless in ter-in-law, two sons and granddaughter. handling their military responsibilities. “Onyschak, Iryna Volodymyrivna, born The court found four defendants guilty 1979, reason for death was severe and fatal of failing to execute orders, negligence trauma to head and internal organs; and violating flight rules.
    [Show full text]
  • Contours and Consequences of the Lexical Divide in Ukrainian
    Geoffrey Hull and Halyna Koscharsky1 Contours and Consequences of the Lexical Divide in Ukrainian When compared with its two large neighbours, Russian and Polish, the Ukrainian language presents a picture of striking internal variation. Not only are Ukrainian dialects more mutually divergent than those of Polish or of territorially more widespread Russian,2 but on the literary level the language has long been characterized by the existence of two variants of the standard which have never been perfectly harmonized, in spite of the efforts of nationalist writers for a century and a half. While Ukraine’s modern standard language is based on the eastern dialect of the Kyiv-Poltava-Kharkiv triangle, the literary Ukrainian cultivated by most of the diaspora communities continues to follow to a greater or lesser degree the norms of the Lviv koiné in 1 The authors would like to thank Dr Lance Eccles of Macquarie University for technical assistance in producing this paper. 2 De Bray (1969: 30-35) identifies three main groups of Russian dialects, but the differences are the result of internal evolutionary divergence rather than of external influences. The popular perception is that Russian has minimal dialectal variation compared with other major European languages. Maximilian Fourman (1943: viii), for instance, told students of Russian that the language ‘is amazingly uniform; the same language is spoken over the vast extent of the globe where the flag of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics flies; and you will be understood whether you are speaking to a peasant or a university professor. There are no dialects to bother you, although, of course, there are parts of the Soviet Union where Russian may be spoken rather differently, as, for instance, English is spoken differently by a Londoner, a Scot, a Welshman, an Irishman, or natives of Yorkshire or Cornwall.
    [Show full text]
  • Radical Nationalist Parties and Movements in Contemporary Ukraine Before and After Independence: the Right and Its Politics, 1989-1994
    Nationalities Papers, Vol. 25, No. 2, 1997 RADICAL NATIONALIST PARTIES AND MOVEMENTS IN CONTEMPORARY UKRAINE BEFORE AND AFTER INDEPENDENCE: THE RIGHT AND ITS POLITICS, 1989-1994 Taras Kuzio Introduction The radical right in the Ukrainian political spectrum is dominated by three move- ments—the Nationalist Union Ukrainian State Independence (DSU), the Ukrainian National Assembly (UNA, formerly the Ukrainian Inter-Party Assembly, UMPA) and the Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists (KUN). The UNA is dominated by the highly secretive Ukrainian Nationalist Union (UNS) which grew out of the national- ist wing of the Association of Independent Ukrainian Youth (SNUM). The KUN was launched in 1992 in Ukraine as the overt arm of the emigre Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists-Bandera faction (known commonly as OUN revolutionaries, or OUNr). Other organisations, such as SNUM and the more radical eastern Ukrainian-based Association of Ukrainian Youth (SUM), increasingly adopted "revolutionary nationalism" as their ideology in 1990-1991, with nationalists propagating a "youth cult" to attract the younger generation (both for members and intellectual support).1 It is also often pointed out that Ukrainian nationalism will have a large appeal among the youth of tomorrow.2 Other nationalist groups, though smaller, have also emerged, such as the Ukrainian National-Radical Party (UNRP) and the Organisation for the Liberation of Ukraine,3 but they have remained largely insignificant. The UNRP was established at the end of 1990 in L'viv, joined the Ukrainian Inter-Party Assembly (UMPA) but remained underground. Its leader, Mykhailo Stasiuk, launched the nationalist and widely read journal Derzhavnist in 1991, claiming the highly inflated membership figure of 500 members.4 The Ukrainian National Party (UNP) and the Ukrainian People's Democratic Party (UNDP), the founders of the UMPA, amalga- mated into the Ukrainian National Conservative Party (UNKP) in 1992.
    [Show full text]
  • St. Andrew's College in Winnipeg
    ST. ANDREW’S COLLEGE IN WINNIPEG ACADEMIC CALENDAR 2015 WINNIPEG, CANADA St. Andrew’s College in Winnipeg (Affiliated with the University of Manitoba) A Ukrainian Canadian College sponsored by The Ukrainian Orthodox Church of Canada ACADEMIC CALENDAR 2015 For further information contact: St. Andrew’s College in Winnipeg 29 Dysart Road Winnipeg, Manitoba R3T 2M7 Canada Ph: (204) 474-8895 Fax: (204) 474-7624 Email: [email protected] www.umanitoba.ca/colleges/st_andrews 2 He who teaches must be especially careful to do it with meekness. St. John Chrysostom Our Good God did not forget any corner of the world, nor us; He desired and saved us and brought us to true understanding. St. Ilarion of Kyiv 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS ACADEMIC SCHEDULE (2015 - 2016) . 4 Who’s Who at the College…………………………………………...6 STATEMENT OF ACADEMIC FREEDOM . .10 MISSION STATEMENT . .. .12 VISION STATEMENT . .. .13 GENERAL INFORMATION . .14 Historical Background . .. 15 Chapel . 16 Library . .. .17 Publications . .. 17 FACULTY OF THEOLOGY . .. .18 Entrance and General Information . 18 Ordination . .. 24 Fees & Scholarships . 25 Graduation Requirements . 26 Courses of Instruction & Descriptions . 31 RESIDENCE . .. .. 42 CENTRE FOR UKRAINIAN CANADIAN STUDIES . .45 Courses offered by the Centre . .. .49 DEANS OF THE FACULTY OF THEOLOGY . .. .52 PRINCIPALS OF ST. ANDREW’S COLLEGE………………….53 HONOURARY ALUMNI………………………………………..…54 GRADUATES OF THE FACULTY OF THEOLOGY…………..55 STUDENTS OF THE FACULTY OF THEOLOGY…………......69 4 ACADEMIC SCHEDULE 2015-2016 2015/16 – SEMESTER 1 Sept. 8 Academic Year commences in Theology and in most Faculties – MOLEBEN Sept. 8-9 Orientation in Faculty of Theology and University 1 Sept. 10 Classes commence in the Faculty of Theology and Arts Sept.
    [Show full text]
  • Abn Correspondence Bulletin of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations
    FREEDOM FOR NATIONS ! CORRESPONDENCE FREEDOM FOR INDIVIDUALS! JANUARY-FEBRUARY 1989 CONTENTS: Carolling Ukrainian-Style ....................... 2 The Autobiography of Levko Lukyanenko ..................... 3 European Freedom Council Meeting ..............................16 Statement of the European Freedom Council .............. 16 Hon. John Wilkinson, M.P. Eastern European Policy for Western Europe .............. 19 Genevieve Aubry, M.P. Is Switzerland Ready for a New Challenge with the European Nations .......................... 26 Sir Frederic Bennett Can the Soviet Russian Empire Survive? ....................... 31 Bertil Haggman Aiding the Forces of Freedom in the Soviet Empire ................................... 34 Ukrainian Christian Democratic Front Holds Inaugural Meeting ........... 40 David Remnick Ukraine Could be Soviets’ Next Trouble Spot ..............41 Bohdan Nahaylo Specter of the Empire Haunts the Soviet Union ..........45 Appeal to the Russian Intelligentsia ......... ......................47 Freedom for Nations! Freedom for Individuals! ABN CORRESPONDENCE BULLETIN OF THE ANTI-BOLSHEVIK BLOC OF NATIONS Publisher and Owner (Verleger und Inha­ It is not our practice to pay for contribut­ ber): American Friends of the Anti-Bolshevik ed materials. Reproduction permitted only Bloc of Nations (AF ABN), 136 Second Avenue, with indication of source (ABN Corr.). New York, N.Y. 10003, USA. Annual subscription: 27 Dollars in the Zweigstelle Deutschland: A. Dankiw, USA, and the equivalent of 27 US Dollars in Zeppelinstr. 67, 8000 München 80. all other countries. Remittances to Deutsche Editorial Staff: Board of Editors Bank, Munich, Neuhauser Str. 6, Account Editor-in-Chief: Mrs. Slava Stetsko, M.A. No. 3021003, Anna Dankiw. Zeppelinstr. 67 Schriftleitung: Redaktionskollegium. 8000 München 80 Verantw. Redakteur Frau Slava Stetzko. West Germany Zeppelinstraße 67 Articles signed with name or pseudonym 8000 München 80 do not necessarily reflect the Editor’s opinion, Telefon: 48 25 32 but that of the author.
    [Show full text]