Frank B. Kellogg's View of History and Progress

KELLOGG as secretary of state in 1925

Frank B. Kellogg's VIEW of HISTORY and PROGRESS

CHARLES G. CLEAVER

MR. CLEAVER'S article is here presented to icant impact on the diplomacy of the 1920s. commemorate the centennial of Kellogg's The Olmsted County farm boy who first birth on December 22, 1856, at Potsdam, gained national prominence as a trust- New York. As a boy Kellogg went west busting lawyer represented Minnesota in with his parents, settling in Olmsted Coun the United States Senate from 1917 to 1923 ty, Minnesota, in 1866. He became a laiv- and was a leading "mild reservationist" in yer, removed to St. Paid in 1887, and went Senate debates over the League of Nations. on to the distinguished career in interna He acted as spokesman for the Republican tional affairs discussed below. The author majority on the important Senate foreign is a member of the English faculty in Grin relations committee when it considered the nell College. This article is based on a treaties to limit armaments drafted at the longer study of the attitudes and assump Washington conference in 1921 and 1922. tions that influenced Kellogg's foreign pol As ambassador to England from 1923 to icy decisions prepared by Mr. Cleaver as 1925, he played an important role in the a doctoral thesis in American studies at negotiation of the Dawes plan of economic the University of Minnesota. reparations. From 1925 to 1929, as secre tary of state under Coolidge, Keflogg ANY HISTORY of international relations passed on the merits of many questions of should take into account the mental proc international significance, including dis esses of statesmen like Frank B. Keflogg, putes with China and various Latin Amer whose decisions and opinions had a signif- ican countries. And, of course, he played a major role in drafting the famous Pact of ^For biographical information on Kellogg, see Paris, the so-cafled Kellogg-Briand pact to David Bryn-Jones, Frank B. Kellogg (New York, outlaw war, signed on August 27, 1928.^ 1937).

December 1956 157 Good and sufficient explanations may be and he often used it as his ultimate argu found in Kellogg's background and experi ment for or against a given course of ac ence for most of the opinions he expressed. tion, beyond which there was no appeal. His career is a classic example of the Amer Kellogg's description of history, as we ican rags-to-riches story. His early years piece it together, corresponded to what on a Minnesota farm were arduous, his can perhaps be called the American folk formal schooling was sparse, and his law concept of the past. Briefly, Kellogg saw training had been received by part-time history as a process with a predestined goal, study in the office of a Rochester lawyer. beginning with the fall of the Roman em Perhaps more than most men in public life, pire, enduring through the Dark Ages, and Kellogg obviously derived his values from achieving climaxes in the establishment of the mold of his own experience. Thus, some the government of the United States, in elements that entered into his thinking the conquest of the western frontier, and may be readfly explained. Economically, he in the economics and technology of the was a prosperous man warmly attached to America of his day. Certainly, Kellogg was the system on which his prosperity was aware of the development of nonwestern based. Politically, he was a Republican who civilizations, but he rarely made use of in his later years moved some distance tem such knowledge in his arguments. peramentally from the views he had held History, insofar as Kellogg spoke of it, during his early trust-busting days. Soci began with the fall of Rome. Pieced to ally, he had risen from obscure beginnings gether his version would read something on a farm near Rochester to a position of like this. Rome fell because of its deca some intimacy with the partners in the dence and the "destruction of the yeo Morgan banking firm and with such patri manry, the hardy farmers of Italy." There archs of politics as Elihu Root, William after foflowed the Dark Ages, characterized Howard Taft, and Charles Evans Hughes. by their barbarism, brutality, and supersti But explanations of Kellogg's views based tion— "incense burning," as Kellogg called upon his economic, political, and social af it. Governments during this period were finities are not completely satisfying. For tyrannies with a lust for power. To satisfy a fuller understanding of them, we must it, they precipitated wars with pitiless reg look also to the habits of mind, the phflo ularity, engaged in sinister plots, and signed sophical presuppositions, and the articles of military alliances which they then vio faith which underlay and circumscribed lated with reckless abandon. The people Kellogg's thought. suffered for the wickedness of their dynas tic rulers.- ONE SUCH pattern of perceptions, con The rescue of the world from this state ceptions, and beliefs that seems to have in of affairs was initiated, Kellogg said, by fluenced Kellogg's thinking was his view the Anglo-Saxons. The English (for it was of history — his idea of the direction in the English of whom Kellogg was speaking which events had moved in the past and when he used the term "Anglo-Saxons") should therefore move in the future. When wrested from tyranny the guaranties which Keflogg pondered a problem, he applied to were eventually embodied in the American it a complex of ideas and assumptions Bfll of Rights. In a Senate debate on June which included not only his view of his 21, 1922, the Minnesotan said, "From the tory, but also his faith in progress, and his day of King John at Runnymede, 600 years theory about the gradual enlightenment of before the adoption of our Constitution, public opinion. To this calculation, per ^ For examples of Kellogg's statements, see Con formed more or less intuitively, he referred gressional Record, 66 Congress, 1 session, 6990; 6.5 all his problems in international relations, Congress, 2 session, 4068, 7569; 3 session, 78,

1.58 MINNESOTA History >

KELLOGG with President and Mrs. Coolidge

the struggle had gone on." Kellogg ac ancestors to cement and make permanent" knowledged gratefully the English par the guaranties codified in the first ten entage of the American legal institutions amendments to the American Constitution. he admired so deeply. But he made it clear The religious overtones of Kellogg's pro that the process begun in England did not nouncements on the Constitution are un reach fulfillment until after the American mistakable, and the heat with which he Revolution. Speaking to a Republican met all challenges to the document as he party rally at St. Paul in 1919, he re understood it testifies that his language in marked, "Drawing from England the prin fact reflected religious emotions. On no ciples of self government, which she had other subject did Kellogg speak so fer evolved through the struggle of centuries, vently; when he felt his security threat we took a step in advance and laid the ened by events — war, depression, or the foundation of this republic, to be a lasting apparent rise of socialism, which he representative democracy. . . . We estab dreaded so fearfully — he evoked the name lished the first great constitutional democ of the Constitution as if it were magic.'' racy in the world." ^ In Keflogg's judgment, the historical SAFEGUARDING the Consritution, Keb process begun at Runnymede was consum logg believed, was the institution of judi mated in the American Constitution. The cial review, and to it he tendered some work of the founding fathers was final and thing of the same devotion that he gave complete, "sanctified by the blood of mar the Constitution. "More than a century tyrs," and "forged out of the fiery furnace and a quarter ago," he once told the Sen of the eighteenth century." He regarded ate when he fancied that one of his col their work as "the last great struggle of our leagues had attacked the right of the courts to set aside legislation, "our fore ' Congressional Record, 67 Congress, 2 session, fathers, with the experience of ages before 9074; speech at St. Paul, March 7, 1919, Kellogg Papers, owned by the Minnesota Historical Society. them, formulated for the government of Unless otherwise indicated, all citations in this article this people a written Constitution contain are to this group of papers. ing therein guaranties for the protection * Quotations may be found in Congressional Rec of life and liberty and the protection of our ord, 67 Congress, 2 session, 9073, 9074; Kellogg speech to Republican party rally, March 7, 1919, institutions, and wisely they divided that

December 1956 159 government into three parts — the legisla^ long practice has demonstrated are neces tive, the executive, and the judicial; the sary to individual freedom. . . . highest court of the land," he continued, "I believe that the perpetuity of repub "was estabhshed to see that the citizen was lican government, of the principles of hu protected in his constitutional rights man liberty which are necessary to such against the encroachments of the executive government, and to the advancement of or the encroachments of the legislative, be civilization," the ambassador concluded, cause unlimited power in all times has de "can best be obtained under a written Con veloped tyranny." Then Kellogg concluded stitution which can only be amended when in ringing tones, "Sir, I believe it was a de there is an overwhelming sentiment prop parture in the form of government. The erly expressed through the Congress and light of this Government was lifted into the requisite number of States." the western skies, and it has illuminated In short, as he put it on a later occasion, the world." ^ In this speech, with its hom Kellogg affirmed that "no people have ever ilies from Jefferson and Marshall, Kellogg "been blessed with a more righteous, liberal, says, in effect, that what illuminates the benevolent Government than ours, none world is the Constitution of the United more conducive to individual happiness, States and the process of judicial review, enterprise and prosperity.'' Speaking in the considered inseparably. Senate on June 6, 1918, the Minnesotan Perhaps Kellogg should be quoted as he said flatly that he had been "brought up explained in a calmer mood what, exactly, to revere the Constitution," and it is clear he meant when he said that the United that he meant it.^ States had taken a "step in advance" of Kellogg's description of the establish England's institutions. He felt that the ment of the government of the United founding fathers had developed more high States is an element in what might be ly the doctrine of the separation of powers cafled a mythical view of history, and than had the English. And they had also myths usually have heroes. In this case, established other necessary safeguards to they were the founding fathers — misty, individual liberty. Writing to a student in abstract figures whom Kellogg frequently 1924, Kellogg stated, "It is fair to say that mentioned but did not often name. Occa the British constitution has gradually sionally he singled out Hamilton as "prob evolved a democracy readily responsive to ably the greatest, statesman of his time." the popular will, but it is a question in my Otherwise he usually recalled the names in mind whether in the long run such a con lists which seemed themselves a part of stitution is adequate for the protection of the liturgy. Kellogg felt that these men individual property rights. ... I could had been astonishingly courageous and en point out to you," he wrote, "a large num lightened to have established at one stroke ber of cases in which State legislatures and the government which was the "lasting Congress have passed laws clearly in vio representative democracy." But beyond lation of individual rights' of the citizen, that Kellogg usually characterized them which the Court must protect or the Con only by their works.^ stitution is of no value whatever." "Under the British Government," Kel " Congressional Record, 65 Congress, 2 session, 7434. logg continued, "there is no written Con ° Material in this and succeeding paragraphs may be found in a letter from Kellogg to Ray E,-Harris, stitution and no guarantees of individual October 15, 1924, liberty.'' Thus he felt that in "times of ex ' Speech at Philadelphia on Washington's birthday citement and political agitation there is in New York Times, February 23, 1926, p, 4; Con gressional Record, 67 Congress, 2 session, 7434, nothing whatever to prevent the Parlia " See; for example, Congressional Record, 67 Con ment from taking away these rights which gress, 2 session, 9074,

160 MINNESOTA History THE ST. PAUL lawyer's concept of his The geographical and technological prog tory down to the founding of the United ress America had achieved captured Kel States was obviously fragmentary, and it logg's imagination. If the first climax in focused too narrowly on his homeland. Fur history occurred when the government of ther, it tended to influence him against the United States was established, the sec change. With the fruits of progress frozen ond involved another theme, the conquest into the Constitution and its corollary legal of nature and the frontier. Kellogg spoke institutions, little or no need for improve of this in 1935 when he said, "From the ment existed. Although he was almost cer slow, plodding ox trains which first pene tainly unaware of the formal existence of trated the silence of the wilderness to the such a theory, Kellogg entertained in es stagecoach, the pony express, and the rail sence what has been called the "germ the roads is a marvelous transition, probably ory" of American history-—the doctrine unequalled in the history of the world." ^^ that America's greatness rested heavily The marvels of westward expansion and upon the love of freedom, the respect for material progress may have affected Kel law, and the energy and enterprise which logg's imagination all the more poignantly people of Teutonic descent brought from because he identified his own life with these Europe to plant in the welcoming soil of aspects of his country's history. "I have America. Such a view of history empha had something of an interesting career," he sizes the importance of legal institutions wrote in 1929. "I came West in 1865, when which guarantee civil and economic lib this country was almost a wflderness and erties; once those liberties are established, have seen the country between here and the essential work of a nation is finished. the Pacific Ocean develop. My early ex Consequently, such a theory tends to con periences in Minnesota might be of interest centrate on the past rather than the future. to young men who have their way to make One might suppose that Kellogg, the law yer, would find such a reading of history particularly congenial. But he matched his rhetoric about the Constitution with an other kind of poetry when he described material progress and the conquest of the frontier — America's growth "from a little fringe of civilization along the eastern coast to a mighty Nation." ^ In 1934 Kellogg talked to the people of his native Rochester about their city when he first saw it in 1865, "beckoning to the ambitious youth and promising golden re turns ... an unknown village on the fringe of a far-flung empire reaching to the Pacific — a wilderness empire destined to become the great, rich country traversed by lines of railroads and dotted with opu lent cities and productive farms." "

" Congressional Record, 67 Congress, 4 session, 3861. " Speech, August 7, 1934. "^ Speech to Burlington Railroad officials, April 16, 1935. KELLOGG and Andrew Mellon, 1933

December 1956 161 in the world." ^^ In other words, Kellogg made good from the blood, sinew, and thought of his own life as a normal Ameri brain of the land.^^ can experience, an experience which con "Nothing," Kellogg continued, "is of tained ultimate values according to his greater importance than that we maintain standards. the independence and individual propri One aspect of Kellogg's history then — etorship, the prosperity, and the attractive his emphasis upon American institutions ness of farm life. . . . Show me a nation — was static; another — his excitement whose industries are based upon the inde about America's economic and technolog pendent, prosperous proprietor of the sofl ical progress — was dynamic. The former and I wifl show you a great nation," the led him to discourage change in areas Senator said emphatically. "Show me a where political and legal institutions had nation where agriculture declines and I wifl crystallized progress, while the latter area show you a decadent nation. It has been remained free and open to change. the history of the world since the doings of men have been recorded. The greatest BUT there was still another static element civilizations have sprung from the fertile in Kellogg's idea of history. Although the valleys and plains of the world." man w^ho had been counsel for the United In the midst of this speech (almost cer States Steel Corporation found excitement tainly delivered extemporaneously from in America's economic and technological notes as was his habit and to which the expansion, the Senator from Minnesota roughness of the prose attests) Kellogg enunciated eloquently, if conventionally, a asked himself why farm boys were moving philosophy bespeaking the special virtues to the city, and his answer, probably un of the independent small-holding yeoman. wittingly, was a little paean to the eco It is difficult to demonstrate that Kellogg's nomic and technological values of the city, politics were directly influenced by his delivered in much fresher prose and per agrarianism, beyond some agricultural leg haps with greater excitement. "The con islation he sponsored, and beyond the re centration of wealth, the marvelous accom inforcement this system of values gave to plishments in science and invention, the laissez faire economics. However, the no increase in manufacture and world com tions that occur in the following quotation merce, and the increase in communication from a speech Kellogg made in the Senate and rapid transportation have afforded op in 1917 are so persistent in his writing — portunities in the cities for large incomes, particularly but not exclusively in his pub the amassing of great fortunes, and that, lic addresses — that they must be men together with the attractiveness of city tioned. life," concluded the farm boy who made In debate on a wartime measure to con good in the city, "has taken from the farm serve fuel and food in June, 1918, Kellogg much of the best blood of the Nation." remarked that he realized "the supreme In a different tone, campaigning for Re importance to this Nation of the highest publican votes in 1928, Keflogg said, "Such development of agriculture. In all times the questions as the tariff, banking and cur prosperity and greatness of the nations of rency, transportation by railroad, or water, the world have been based upon agricul domestic and foreign commerce, control of tural pursuits. The roots of all great civili zations spring from the soil." He then "Kellogg to Roger L. Sciafe, December 23, 1929. informed his colleagues that "The degener "Material in this and succeeding paragraphs may ation which is going on in the centers of be found in the Congressional Record, 65 Congress, population, like our large cities, is a ter 1 session, 4414, 4417. These passages are typical of a number of similar speeches Kellogg delivered in the rible drain upon a Nation, which is being Senate and elsewhere.

162 MINNESOTA History corporations and the encouragement of in he discussed his work. His attitude mani dustries ... in these questions lie the fested itself, for example, in his advocacy foundations of the happiness, the prosper of national self-determinism, an issue on ity of the people and the advancement of which he pointedly outdid Wflson, for he our civilization." ^* hoped that "each of the great peoples of The first kind of confusion in Kellogg's the world may have an opportunity to de history — the germ theory versus the fron velop their nationality." ^^ tier theory — was not necessarily disabling; Furthermore, although he was an enthu it was perfectly possible for him to argue siastic coflector of arbitration and concilia that change might occur in one sector of tion treaties, he insisted that they never American activity and not in another. But violate a nation's sovereignty. In 1930 he the second, between agrarian values on the expressed to a newspaper reporter his con one hand and technological and commer viction that "Conciliation commissions and cial values on the other hand, represented general arbitration are available . . . an important confusion of ideas about the whenever nations are wflling to submit purposes of the American society which his their sovereign rights to arbitration. But concept of history glorified. . . . questions of political or economic pol icy," he stated flatly, "are within the sov A THIRD static element in Kellogg's view ereign jurisdiction of every independent of history was his assumption that the state." On an earlier occasion, writing to nation-state was a final, complete, irreduc Henry P. Fletcher, United States ambas ible, and absolute political arrangement. sador to Italy, Secretary of State Kellogg The nation, as Kellogg conceived of it, was said more specifically, "I do not relish the more than a phenomenon occurring in time idea of any foreign country demanding that and related to other finite historical events. we arbitrate the question of our control "All history admonishes us that there is a in Haiti, of Santo Domingo, or arbitrate nationalism, there are principles of self- the question of any foreign country at government, which cannot be merged, in tempting to take possession of the customs a conglomerated union of all nations,'' said of Central American countries in order to the Senator in 1919. Keflogg associated enforce debts, or to try to force us to arbi internationalism with socialism, which he trate anything pertaining to the Panama regarded as an "impossible" and "impracti Canal." ^' cable scheme that . . . yet rests in the brain Although he was an advocate of Ameri of the dreamer." Particularly during the can adhesion to the World Court, on which League of Nations debate in 1918, he he served as a judge from 1930 to 1935, inveighed against any "framework" of Kellogg insisted that the court limit its super-government . the dream of some jurisdiction to legal problems and refuse to inteflectuals." ^^ discuss political and economic questions. Kellogg's assumption regarding national Kellogg felt that any reasonable human ism almost necessarily supported all his being could tell where domestic questions thinking about international relations; it ended and international questions began. was buried in the very language with which Simflarly he felt that the edges of a na tion's irreducible sovereignty were so clear ly discernible that anyone could see that " Undated speech, autumn, 1928. " Speech to a Republican rally, St. Paul, March 7, certain questions were "political" and 1919; Congressional Record, 65 Congress, 3 session, within the limits of a nation's sovereignty, 74, 734. and that other questions were "legal," and " Congressional Record, 65 Congress, 3 session, 73. " Neiv York Times, December 21, 1930, section appropriate subjects for an international IX, p. 1; Kellogg to Fletcher, .lune 11. 1925. court's deliberations. Understanding this

December 1956 163 sharp and patent differentiation, no nation kinds of changes should be made in the had the right to infringe upon the domestic name of progress, Kellogg tended to be policies of another. vague, to utter generalizations about the An "inherent and inalienable" right of "advancement of science, education, com all sovereign nations was that of self- merce and other activities." But if his defense, said Kellogg. As secretary of state definition of progress was fuzzy at the he made it clear that in his view "The edges, it was specific at the center. "Each right of self-defense is not limited to ter generation," he declared, "seems to have ritory in the continental United States. . . . its task of human advancement. Each gen It means," he continued, "that this Gov eration that is worth while penetrates a ernment has a right to take such measures new frontier of human advancement." For as it believes necessary to the defense of his generation, Kellogg said, that task was the country, or to prevent things that nothing less than the abolition of war.^° might endanger the country; but the When Kellogg discussed the world's re United States must be the judge of that. action against war in his time, he aban . . . Self-defense," he added, "covers all doned the gradual contours of his curve of our possessions, all our rights." It was "in history. Particularly in his public addresses comprehensible" to Kellogg that anybody late in life when events in China, Ethiopia, should maintain that the right of self- and central Europe were challenging his defense should somehow be modified by the peace pact, Kellogg declared that war had, Pact of Paris.^* in fact, been outlawed, and that public opinion throughout the world was so SUCH, briefly, was the curve of history as strongly behind the pact that no nation Kellogg saw it, a curve beginning, in effect, would dare violate it. with the fall of the Roman empire and He had been ambitious for the cause of gradually rising to climaxes when Ameri peace, especially from the time of World cans established their government and con War I. For that war, he felt, purged the quered their technological and geographical world of its sin of militarism. He consid frontiers. History had established certain ered the war a baptism of fire, after which gains permanently and finally: notably the the world could expect a vita nuova. It nation-state and the legal institutions em was unreasonable to suppose that people bodied in the American Constitution. Kel would submit to the suffering and priva logg, the lawyer trained to search for prec tion of that war without vowing to prevent edent to justify present actions, leaned the recurrence of such a thing. To a St. on the past in argument perhaps more than Paul audience in 1919, Kellogg said, "When most men. As for the future, he ritualis- the sun went down on that memorable tically enunciated the orthodox American August [1914] day nearly five years ago, it faith in progress. "All history," he declared, was to rise upon a new world. The old had "points to continual progress." Normally, passed away. The Twentieth Century civil when he described the course of progress, ization was to pass through the fiery fur he gave it the smooth, gradual curve of his nace of war." Eleven years later in 1930 he view of history. Progress does not occur, he said, "in a day or by a single act"; rather, beneficial changes occur "step by " Testimony before the Senate foreign relations step in earnest and thoughtful progress." committee, reported in New York Times, December On another occasion he stated his belief 29, 1928, p. 7. " Speech to the League for Political Education, that "Human nature will not change over March 28, 1930; interview in the New York Times, night." " April 23, 1930, p. 21. °° Speech on CBS Radio, October 30, 1935, under When he tried to delineate exactly what the auspices of the League of Nations Association.

164 MINNESOTA History stated that during the decade following the conflict, there arose an "almost universal demand for the abolition of war . . . [a] great tidal wave of public opinion." Writ ing to a career diplomat in 1935, the elderly Kellogg expressed the belief that the world of the 1920s had broken the continuity of history; the 1920s were an "enlightened and advanced age," a "different world," a "modern, enlightened age." It was "simply idiotic," Kellogg declared, "to suppose that the people of the world would allow an other war to occur with the memory of the last one so fresh in their memories." -^

KELLOGG'S view of history and progress rested upon two further assumptions. First, he believed that the American Constitution embodied absolute truths derived from fundamental natural laws analogous to those of physics, and that all men were "PUTTING Him in His Proper Place" gifted with sufficient reason to understand the workings of such political and economic ciples among all the nations of the earth. laws. Second, Kellogg was convinced that If America's political and economic system all the peoples of the world aspired to imi approximated absolute and irrevocable tate the American form of government. It truth, and if all the world recognized this "comes nearer meeting the aspirations of fact, then America's most important mis mankind than any of those which have sion was to remain strong, independent, arisen," said Kellogg in a campaign speech and true to its principles. The best service made in 1919. His hope after the war, he America could perform for the peace, free had told the Senate earlier that year, was dom, and prosperity of the world was to that "the stricken peoples of Europe wfll maintain itself as a model which the world form governments modeled after our own, could imitate.-- where the right of the people to govern Near the close of World War I, he told shall be perpetuated." Kellogg held that the Senate that "The eyes of all nations World War I was more than merely a war are now turned toward this country. There to make the world safe for democracy; it never has been a time when our action was a war to establish democratic prin- would have had as much influence in shap ing the destiny of nations as at present." During the Senate debate over the Wash ^ Speeches to a Republican rally, St, Paul, March 7, 1919; to the League for Political Education, March ington treaties in 1922, Kellogg declared, 28, 1930; to Society of Pilgrims, November 22, 1929; "The United States today, I believe, is the and at a Nobel anniversary banquet. New York, De greatest moral force in the world." More cember 18, 1933; Kellogg to Theodore Marriner, April 5, 1935. over, he added, "The United States is "^Speech to a Republican rally, St. Paul, March 7, probably the only country which could 1919; Congressional Record, 65 Congress, 3 session, have taken the lead in this great movement 1927. [to limit armament] with any hope of suc THE CARTOON above appeared in the St. Paul Pioneer Press of August 26, 1928, the day before the cess." He said that the "war had left Europe Kellogg-Briand pact was signed at Paris, torn by factions. . . This Government

December 1956 165 had held aloof from these disputes, though the other hand, he insisted that the United deeply interested in the peace of the States should not "be subject to inspection worid." ^' or control by foreign agencies," stating that If all history was directed toward the "Limitation must depend upon good faith." formation of the United States, if the task The worid, he felt, understood that the of his generation, dramatized by the war, United States had no aggressive aims. "Our was to establish peace, if all the peoples object in being represented" at the Geneva of the world recognized America's leader Preparatory Conference, he told the Amer ship in this movement, and if the move ican ambassador to England in 1926, "is to ment was to be achieved without disturb show in every reasonable way our sym ing national sovereignty, then the general pathy and to give any aid consistent within drift of Kellogg's foreign policy during the our policy." As secretary of state his argu 1920s makes sense. As a Senator, he made ment in 1928 against reopening the ques it clear that he wanted nothing to do with tion of recognition of Soviet Russia was the "'pitfalls and dangers of European in based very largely on the fact that he be trigue," the "jealousies and entanglements lieved communism denied the truths which that are prevalent in Europe." As secretary were so well expressed by the American of state, he warned his fellow citizens about Constitution.^" "entangling alliances"; the policy of avoid At the end of his long public career in ing them, he said, was "the cornerstone of the late 1930s, Kellogg still fervently em our foreign policy." Whfle ambassador to braced the ideas set forth in the Pact of England in 1924, Kellogg wrote President Paris. To him it embodied the universal Coolidge that the United States must be aspirations toward the peaceable kingdom allowed its "freedom of action." But this that had been awakened by World War I; must not be interpreted, he said, as a sign it in no way affected the sovereignty of the of American indifference. On the contrary, United States; and it demonstrated finally the policy was an indication of how deeply and conclusively America's moral leader the United States felt its moral obligations, ship in the world. Two months before his for the "hope of the world" lay in Amer death in December, 1937, he wrote, "I be ica's peace and prosperity.-* lieve still . . . that the hope of the world Time and again, we find Kellogg's deci for peace depends upon the observance, by sions on crucial issues foflowing the gen all the signatory powers, of the terms and eral rule: be helpful, but stay aloof, and principles of the Pact of Paris." ^' Kellogg's keep the American model pure. As a Sen death spared him the full revelation of ator considering the League of Nations how frail that hope was to be, and how Covenant, Keflogg decided to be for the shaky were its philosophical footings. league because it represented progress to ward peace, but against it because he felt ^ Undated memo for use before the Senate foreign it compromised American sovereignty. On relations committee, about December 22, 1927; Kel November 19, 1919, he told the Senate, logg to Robert W. Bliss, April 10, 1928; Congressional "This Republic is the hope of the world. Record, 65 Congress, 2 session, 7569; 67 Congress, 2 Shall we surrender our aspirations and our session, 3473, 3478. "* Congressional Record, 65 Congress, 3 session, 77; Government to the dictation of foreign 66 Congress, 1 session, 6990; New York Times, Feb nations.''" ^^ ruary 23, 1926, p, 4; Kellogg to Coolidge, October 7, 1924, Keflogg approved in principle of various ^ Congressional Record, 66 Congress, 1 session, proposals made during the 1920s to limit 8781, land and naval armament, for he felt that ''"New York Times, August 19, 1926, p, 1, April the United States had always exerted lead 15, 1928, p, 1; Kellogg to Alanson B, Houghton, February 11, 1926, ership in the world in that direction. On -'Kellogg to Dr. Wang, October 17, 1937.

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