Magazine of the Socialist Party USA Editorial the Fighting Spirit of A

the Issue 3 • 2011 Socialist Magazine of the Socialist Party USA Editorial The Fighting Spirit of A. Philip Randolph

ay Day is traditionally a time to revive Socialist heroes of the past in order to be inspired by lives spent strug- Mgling for justice. Most often this means summoning heroes who lead thrilling movements. What’s lost is the grinding determination exhibited by most political activists. Long struggles lack the inspirational qualities of the big moments in history. A. Philip Randolph is one historical figure whose life captures both of these qualities. While he certainly soared to the heights of mass movements for change, he also operated with a patient determination that offers much to socialist activists of today. Randolph began his political life being inspired by the great Socialist Party of America leader Eugene Debs. In Debs’ radical message of socialist democracy, he saw the best hope for African- Americans to relieve the deep burdens of economic exploitation and racial prejudice. These ideas were tested immediately, as major Black leaders such as W.E.B. DuBois rallied around the call for US intervention in World War I. Randolph refused to support the War. “The Negro may be choosing between being burnt by Ten- nessee, Georgia or Texas mobs or being shot by Germans in Bel- gium.” For this, the newly minted socialist earned a place in jail. Randolph’s position on World War I was an early example of his great contribution to Socialist theory and practice in America. He held a perspective that was equally informed by race and class. This placed him in the ranks of innovative early American social- sented a resolution at the American Federation of Labor’s Conven- ists and radicals in the Black community such as Hubert Harrison, tion calling for the integration of union locals. Randolph wanted W.E.B. DuBois and Chandler Owen. What distinguished Ran- to “remove from the hands of the employing class the weapon of dolph was his firm commitment to the trade union movement. The race prejudice.” His resolution was ultimately squashed, but Ran- working class would always be at the center of his strategies for dolph’s patient determination would outlast the labor segregation- social change. ists in the same way he had defeated the railroad bosses. The organization of the Sleeping Car Porters Union was the In the 1940s, Randolph used the government’s dependence on great accomplishment of Randolph’s life. Here, his patient de- war industries as a wedge to advance the cause of racial integra- termination as an organizer was just as important as the worker- tion. He and other radicals began to mobilize black workers to centered perspective provided by his socialism. As John Nichols demand that the government end discrimination in the war indus- skillfully argued in his recent book The S Word, Randolph was up tries and the military. This pressure from below at a sensitive time against more than just economic exploitation when it came to or- resulted in an Executive Order ending discrimination in state in- ganizing the porters. Decades of racial oppression on the worksite dustries and, perhaps more important, led Randolph to the idea that also had to be challenged. would define the second half of his life. For example, train porters were subjected to being called The March on Washington Movement was the brainchild “George” by customers – a generic named used to dehumanize of Randolph and built momentum toward a mass occupation of them by reducing them to the first name of railroad founder George Washington D.C. A flyer advertising the movement denounced Pullman. This, in addition to a hostile management and a union both Jim Crow and Poverty and quoted Randolph, “Winning De- movement intent on keeping locals race segregated, presented seri- mocracy for the Negro is Winning the War for Democracy.” These ous obstacles to organizing. words carried a remarkably clear vision of the future as the Black Randolph and the Porter organizers relied on a community struggle for freedom became the cutting edge of the overall move- strategy – using a network of Black churches as meeting places ment for democracy in post war America. and relying on support from the Socialist Party and other sources. Though the march was called off in 1942, it became a Twelve years after he initiated the organizing campaign, the Broth- framework for the Civil Rights movement of the 1950s and erhood of Sleeping Car Porters was finally organized. Randolph 60s. By then, Randolph was the elder statesman of the move- had translated the youthful militancy of anti-war politics into a ment, but still carried the belief that the movement for socialism concrete organizing victory that challenged both race and class op- needed to work from a race and class perspective. Behind the pression. scenes of the 1963 March on Washington, Randolph served to The country’s most noted socialist then took this perspective temper the language of John Lewis, then a young radical in the into the national trade union movement. As early as 1933 he pre- (continued on page 15) 2 The Socialist | Issue 3 • 2011 Another Front in the War Against Workers C o n t e n t s By Sally Joyner 2...... The Fighting Spirit s we join youth and the workers in jury. The reputation of unions suffered as a 3...... Another Front the streets this spring against bills result of this criminalization. Adesigned to destroy both public The injunction also had a radicalizing Sally Joyner sector unions and the standard of living for effect; it was Eugene V. Debs’ time in jail 4...... After Madison every worker in America, a similar battle for violating the injunction against the Pull- Billy Wharton is being waged in California state court- man workers’ strike that led him from trade 5...... Unions Good for Children rooms, which could ignite an employers’ unionism to socialism. The use of the in- Kristin Schall movement to bring back the era of “gov- junction laid bare the biases of the judiciary ernment by injunction.” and thus the entire legal system—there was 7...... Child Care Empowerment This timely assault on workers by the no veneer of justice to placate workers. Susan Dorazio judicial branch is unsurprising—there has Throughout this era there were lib- 8...... Two Futures of Labor been no greater weapon employed by the eral voices—including then-Professor Zelig Stern capitalists against the people than the com- Felix Frankfurter and Justice Louis 9...... War and Unemployment mon law itself. Fashioned in the context Brandeis—calling for an end to the of individual property rights by judges use of the labor injunction, and unions Lydia Howell who candidly admitted their class biases, fought for decades for the implemen- 10...... Working Class Struggle the common law provides no framework tation of anti-injunction legislation. Matty O’Dea on which to structure substantial collective In 1932, they got it in the form of 12...... Book Review rights. This renders union rights particu- the Norris-LaGuardia Act (NLA). The Matthew Sundin larly vulnerable to legal challenges. NLA set out the policy of the United States In 1825, England nominally recog- as being in favor of workers acting peace- 13...... Memphis SP nized unions as legal in order to quell rising fully to assert their collective bargaining 14...... NJ Update social unrest, although there was no end to rights and opposed to interference from the Greg Pason the ways in which union organizing and ac- courts, and it set forth strict rules on when EDITOR tivity could be criminalized. In 1868, the federal courts could issue an injunction Billy Wharton courts adapted the equitable remedy of the during a labor dispute. EDITORIAL BOARD injunction—used to halt or prevent injury A labor dispute was defined broadly by Jim Marra Convener, Mal Herbert, to property by maintaining a status quo—to the NLA, but its protections were limited Sally Joyner, Steve Rossignol, Kristin apply to concerted actions involving labor to those people acting in “self-interest,” Schall disputes, such as strikes, peaceful picket- meaning within the same workplace or in- LAYOUT ing, or the mere advertisement of a dispute. dustry. This language was explicitly used Marvin Gonzalez The theory was, because such actions by its liberal authors to ensure the contin- caused inestimable harm to the employer’s ued criminalization of class-based solidar- SUBMISSIONS right to do business, his business’ reputa- ity and the general strike. The Socialist is always looking for fresh tion, and his profits, this was an appropri- At least twenty-six states have adopted material, which highlights the struggles ate use of the injunction. Prior to this use, similar laws that limit state courts’ ability of the working class. News stories, first injunctions were only granted to protect to issue injunctions against peaceful con- person testimonials and all forms of the tangible property; legal scholars criticized certed actions related to a labor dispute. arts are welcomed. Please limit letters the use of the injunction in a labor context Anti-injunction laws were initially chal- to 500 words and articles 1,250. from its inception. lenged on the theory that they violated the CONTACT THE EDITOR The injunction was so successful at pre- Equal Protection clause of the Fourteenth Billy Wharton. SP-USA venting unionization and stripping workers Amendment. 339 Lafayette St #303 of collective power that it was the primary Employers argued that these “special means of regulating labor disputes in the protections” for labor privileged unions New York, NY 10012 United States by 1910, long after England over other groups by allowing them to [email protected] abandoned its use as unsound in law and “trespass” where other people could not. DISCLAIMER unfair in practice. The injunction was par- Furthermore, they said that taking away the The Socialist is published by the SP- ticularly effective because it requires nei- right to obtain an injunction to halt damage USA. Unless otherwise noted, views ther a trial nor a jury. to their intangible property violated due expressed in this publication are those Juries generally sympathized with process. of the authors and not necessarily of unions and would not convict workers of Courts responded that the laws were the SP-USA. The Socialist may be re- “criminal conspiracy in restraint of trade” written to avoid court interference into printed with permission for non-profit or “tortious interference with property.” In- labor disputes and that no property purposes. junctions were also desirable for employers right had been taken from the employ- PRINTING because one could be jailed for contempt (continued on page 5) for violating a court order, again without a REM Printing Inc. The Socialist | Issue 3 • 2011 3 After Madison: Labor Radicals Begin at the Beginning by Billy Wharton

t wasn’t supposed to be this way. After a week of the largest labor mobiliza- Itions in recent history and militant dec- larations from previously passive organized labor leaders, Madison, Wisconsin seemed headed toward a political explosion. Once the Budget Repair Bill was signed, an esca- lation of the struggle seemed imminent. A video of the head of the Firefighters Union declaring his support for a General Strike, fueled the optimism of outside observers to the events in Madison. Yet a week after the passage of the Bill, the mobilizations have mostly ended – all of the dissent fun- neled into a longer-term campaign to recall Governor Scott Walker and other Repub- lican leaders. So what are the lessons of Madison? Two lessons seemed to be lingering in call of the public officials made sense to cational campaigns before they can be the air at the annual meeting of leftists and them. It allowed union leaders to avoid re-born. No assumptions about histori- progressives at the Left Forum. The first, assessments of their relationship with the cal memory can be made inside this new an excited and optimistic sense that the Democratic Party, to dodge questions about movement. protests in Madison marked a new moment signing no-strike pledges in contracts and Perhaps, the sense of slightly naïve in popular resistance to budget cuts and to resist the temptation of listening to optimism expressed by the folks inspired anti-union measures was clearly evident. rank-and-file leaders demanding militant by Madison can end up as a great asset in Madison protestors seemed to throw off action. For long-time labor radicals, this the process of beginning to create a new old restraints thereby fueling a feeling that was a worst case scenario come true – the labor movement. The willingness of pro- anything was now possible when it comes masses of workers not yet able to act in- testers to look beyond national borders to political mobilization. The fairly high dependently and the leaders employing the for influences – to be inspired by events visibility of pro-Wisconsin fist t-shirts, same old failed strategies to demobilize the in places like Egypt – is a positive one Wisconsin buttons and excitement when demonstrations. that can be built upon. Yet, there can be the “spirit of Wisconsin” was mentioned The message from the labor radicals no shortcuts. What’s left of the organized advertised this position. circulating through the tables and panels at trade union movement shows few signs, A different sense prevailed in the ranks the Left Forum was that we are beginning even upon threat of extinction, of either of veteran leftist labor movement activists. now at the beginning. A new labor move- the willingness or the ability to organize We lost. And the loss was monumental. ment will literally have to be re-created a substantial fight back. We must begin Madison represented a kind of Waterloo from scratch. This means breathing in the at the beginning again and create new for the American trade union movement. wretched air of worker exploitation, dis- structures for economic and social justice What began in the late 19th century with crimination and demoralization just as the built out of the real experiences of work- militant strikes and struggles to integrate 19th century pioneers of the labor move- ing people. union locals, ended in Wisconsin with the ment did. The great lesson of the 20th century stripping of collective bargaining rights The old methods of person-to-person is that democracy is a useful idea. The and the end of dues check off. 100 years and worksite-to-worksite organizing will great challenge of the 21st century is to of progress gone with a single stroke of a have to be recovered – though in a manner apply this good idea to all sectors of soci- right-wing pen. that is enhanced and supplemented by new ety. The task of radicals everywhere is to Union leadership, even when faced forms of communication from the electron- make good on this hefty promise. After with the loss of their gravy train of mem- ic media. The very notions of a union, of Madison, it seems clear that the old strat- ber’s dues, wouldn’t fight. In a pinch they worker’s solidarity and of striking should egies and old structures just won’t get us chose the path of lesser resistance. A re- treated as new concepts that require edu- there. 4 The Socialist | Issue 3 • 2011 (continued from “front,” page 3) up version of the equal protection claims private union workers can assert their de- ers. While the Supreme Court has never that were deemed meritless decades ago, mands through power rather than appease- ruled on the constitutionality of the NLA but this does not mean that the California ment are being challenged. itself, it has found similar state laws to Supreme Court or United States Supreme The California Supreme Court will be be constitutional, which discouraged at- Court will not take this opportunity to once making its decision on the issue later this tacks on the NLA and its state progeny. again subordinate the collective rights of year, which will likely trigger an appeal to However, in June 2010 the Third Dis- workers to the individual property rights of the Supreme Court. If either court affirms, trict Court of Appeal of California declared employers. the NLA and state anti-injunction laws the California anti-injunction acts to be un- In the United States, only workers’ across the country may become the latest constitutional “content-based restrictions rights are “collective” in nature rather casualties of the war on workers. on speech” in violation of the First and than “individual,” compounding their The answer is not to continue to play Fourteenth Amendments. The California precariousness—a precariousness usually the capitalists’ game as they change the anti-injunction statutes were closely pat- reserved for rights protecting women or rules, but to agitate for a revolutionary terned after the NLA. minority groups. As the ephemeral nature change in social relations that ends the Until now, only laws that restricted of reforms is once again being revealed in reign of the individual rights of employers, speech in public places based on the every state capitol building and as public while ushering in an era where collective speech’s content were considered to be unions experience increasing vulnerabil- rights form the basis for new social, politi- content-based restrictions on speech. These ity, the means by which the few remaining cal, and economic systems. types of restrictions violate free speech and equal protection because they do not treat Why Unions are Good for Children all types of speech the same. by Kristin Schall For example, it is unconstitutional to allow all forms of speech in a park except ould you feel safe leaving your worker. It is possible to work in this field speech concerning environmental degrada- child with an over-stressed and possessing only a high school diploma and tion. For the same reasons, it is unconsti- Wunderpaid person working at an thus be without even a rudimentary under- tutional to disallow all speech on sidewalks uncertified Day Care Center? The gut re- standing of child development and psy- near schools, except speech concerning a action of any parent is “Hell No!” Yet, ev- chology. labor dispute. In both cases, the govern- ery day, hundreds of thousands of parents Not surprisingly, given the poor condi- ment is impermissibly prioritizing certain in America place their children in just such tions, the unionization rate for this field is speech over other types, controlling pubic a scenario. The plight of child daycare an abysmally low 5 percent, compared to discourse. workers is one of the many silent crises of the 14 percent for all industries. The 5 per- Anti-injunction legislation, however, American society, a subtle inequity with cent includes public school kindergarten is purely procedural in nature and does a potential for disaster at any moment. and pre-k teachers, which likely make up not specifically address speech. It merely Though often unnoticed by the general pub- a large portion of the unionized, consider- limits the courts’ ability to allow employ- lic, the Bureau of Labor Statistics’ (BLS) ing that child day care is a largely private ers to restrict labor speech on their own description of childcare workers accurate- sector field. As a result, the BLS paints a property during a labor dispute—this is ly captures their oppression “Child day much rosier picture of the work environ- hardly analogous to government restriction care workers may become dissatisfied with ment when discussing kindergarten and in public areas. However, the Court of Ap- their job’s stressful conditions, low pay, preschool teachers separately from child- peal deemed this “a distinction without a and lack of benefits and eventually leave.” care workers as a whole. Having a union difference.” The vast majority of Child daycare matters. The twisted think-tank logic of the court workers are young and untrained. They The demand for childcare is clearly ris- is accompanied with the same flowery de- work long hours for a mean salary of ing. A quarter of all children in the US are fense of property rights found in the most $17,440 per year. Because daycare is a cared for by non-relatives, either in center- reactionary 19th century judicial opinions. largely unregulated industry, there are based daycare, home-based daycare or by The employers’ theory is clearly a dressed- no requirements for becoming a daycare (continued on next page)

The Socialist | Issue 3 • 2011 5 (continued from previous page) ploy a cost-benefit ratio on our - chil and organize in their interest, children are nannies. This makes child daycare workers dren, we are putting them at risk. better served by teachers who have made responsible for the education and well be- The low wages and lack of job security for a commitment to childcare as a career and ing of hundreds of thousands of children. childcare workers alone is directly detri- who are given the support and benefits nec- Since the field is largely unregulated as mental to young children, who need to be essary to do their job well. far as education, training, and curriculum able to form attachments with their care- Making childcare a public service goes, there is great disparity in the qual- givers. However, childcare workers are would also come with the requirement that ity of care being provided to children. For constantly driven to look for better, higher childcare workers receive some amount of those who can afford to pay, there are high paying work, which results in the poten- training in child development and psychol- quality centers and preschools that are ac- tial traumatization of the children they are ogy. It also means greater regulation of credited by the National Association for the forced to abandon. This occurs daily, yet things like the conditions of the childcare Education of Young Children (NAEYC). receives little of the attention that high pro- centers and the curriculum being imple- These centers tend to employ qualified file cases of abuse or the physical injury of mented. teachers who have studied or are in the children do. Early childhood educators are often process of studying early childhood edu- The simple solution to this looming forgotten in discussions about education. cation. They implement developmentally national crisis is to make a public com- And they are entirely invisible in the grow- appropriate curriculum and draw on child mitment to attach childcare services to the ing popular literature about parenting. As a development as the basis of their philoso- public school system so that children infant result, K-12 teachers are often stuck trying phies. On the other hand, poor and work- through 4 years old have the same benefits to fix damage that was already done to chil- ing class children tend to get dumped into of highly qualified teachers that children in dren who were not provided quality early unregulated home-based daycares or other kindergarten through 12th grades are af- childhood education. And as they become forms of informal childcare arrangements. forded. Allowing the unionization of the young adults, the children that have been The lack of regulation and availabil- sector would produce immediate benefits placed in such precarious situations con- ity of public childcare opens the field to for the deeply underpaid workers while also front the long-term damage done to their be largely dominated by private, for-profit enhancing the developmental prospects for educational development and emotional companies – from small-scale home-based our children. As education historian, Diane well being. centers to large childcare chains. These Ravitch, pointed out, children in states with Putting unionized childcare workers in businesses employ typical capitalist mod- high union density among teachers perform every publicly administered childcare cen- els of paying low wages and providing as better then children in right to work states. ter would go a long way toward living up few services as possible in order to maxi- Unionization allows for collective bar- to the noble ideals this society holds about mize profit. To do this, companies hire only gaining of wages, benefits, working hours children. If we are indeed to fulfill the those workers who will work long hours and other job conditions and provides job promise of equality made so clearly as a re- for low pay and no benefits. This tends to security. Giving childcare workers this sult of the Civil Rights movement, a good eliminate anyone with advanced degrees same right that is afforded to many public place to start would be with our children. in child development or even familiarity school teachers across the country would Let the educational development of our with early childhood curriculum. The real- serve to attract the same highly qualified children become a primary public concern ity at many of these for-profit daycares is professionals to the field. By giving work- and our society will become richer for it. that children are subjected very early on ers the right to make collective demands to the logic of the cost-benefit ratio, where each developmentally positive activity is measured against the owner’s potential for profits. As in the society at large, the children of the poor and working class come out on the short side of the equation. The basic fact that parents and childcare workers must insist upon is that working in a childcare center is not just babysit- ting. A babysitter is a short term substitute for a parent or guardian. A childcare worker spends most of the day with the children they tend to. And this time occurs at an age when children are growing and developing rapidly, when they are most in need of nur- turing and consistent relations with adults. It is essential then, that those responsible for children’s care be highly trained, certi- fied professionals operating in a safe workplace that affords them living wages and benefits. By allowing corporations to em- 6 The Socialist | Issue 3 • 2011 moment. And again, like the children in 2008, recovery refers to the corporate prof- Expanding What We group problem-solving situations, we find it line not to the lives of ordinary people. Child Care Workers out that sometimes a particular individual What’s called for is a militant effort by or group of individuals has the skills/en- working people to stop budget cuts while Know About Empow- ergy/interest that will kick-start the pro- putting forward our own program of fully- cess. Other times, the whole group gets funded health, education, and social servic- erment the process going from the beginning. One es. As an integral element of this strategy, way is the more “top down” model and the child care workers must take the time and other the more“bottom up” model (or the make the effort to connect with individu- by Susan Dorazio “leaderless group” as Barbara called one of als, organizations, and cultural and political our large-group-improvisation options). In projects that offer and model alternatives to ctivists are used to grappling with either case, collaboration via a “diversity the status quo. Reciprocally, peace and jus- the subject of leadership, so are of tactics” is a good recipe for successful tice activists must put the rights and needs Achild care workers, which is why problem solving. of child care workers and families on their numerous workshops, key-note addresses, The point is that leadership in practice agenda. courses, and forums are devoted to this top- is dynamic. It’s malleable, with a strong The time has come for us child care ic. Many of these enhance our interactions improvisational element. It’s quirky and workers to acknowledge the fact that af- with co-workers, children, families, and intricate, and can be ambiguous and frus- ter decades of relying on the promises of allies in the community. However, few of trating. Basically, it is a creative and em- “good” Democrats, we remain far from our them raise the concept of leadership to its powering activity that is fun, exciting, and goal of Rights, Raises, and Respect. In- full stature as a route to empowerment-- the challenging. Anybody can do it. Every- stead of wasting our energy on lobbying, basis for helping build a mass movement body does do it! photo ops, and mainstream political cam- for social change. Without these ongoing, Ultimately, leadership springs from paigns, let’s take an active role in the global interrelated efforts of workers, families, within. It recharges through external in- drive for the creation of, and full participa- and communities, our goals will never be teractions, returns to its inner space, and tion in, truly democratic systems and struc- achieved. Without placing leadership in a continues back and forth as long as we let tures where human rights and social justice broad social, political, and economic con- it. As a favorite children’s book says of for all workers and communities come first. text, all the nifty power points will stay one child’s journey, leadership wends its This is not as grandiose as it sounds. detached from our concerns and our ideals. way “inside, outside, upside down”. It de- The process starts the way our Worthy Fortunately, what we already know rives from passion, values, principles, and Wage and Education for All campaigns about how young children in groups solve commitment. It motivates change and is did, by defining quality care and curricu- problems is a good way to expand our defi- inspired by visions of the possible. In this lum, and quality wages, benefits, and work- nition and practice of leadership into the way, leadership is a call to action. ing conditions. Reams of paper are full of arenas of political action and social change. Indeed, as a collective process, with information and opinions on this. As we For example, as we watch children play, we such potential for insight and action, lead- compare notes with others in the public and notice that leading and following aren’t the ership by child care workers can and should non-profit sectors, as well as the industrial exclusive domains of certain group mem- contribute significantly to the struggle for a and service sectors, we will undoubtedly bers. In fact, those attributes and actions society that guarantees the rights of children find out that we are not alone, as far as gov- switch back and forth frequently-- and in and families to high-quality programs and ernmental and corporate priorities go. This the case of a dispute, often in the midst of services based on, but going way beyond, is where we start teaming up with other our best mediating behaviors. their basic needs. However, the success of workers and activists to demand what we I learned this concretely as a student of our efforts strongly depends on broadening deserve. the wonderful artist of creative dance, Bar- the base of the fight for free, public care It’s important that we proceed from this bara Mettler-- training I used to its fullest and schooling from infancy through post- basis. The expressions, “This is what de- as a teacher of young children, as a shop secondary and adult education. mocracy looks like” and “Another world is steward, and as a community activist. Her Building alliances, as the Wisconsin possible”, coined by the anti-globalization unique teaching method was large group teachers have been doing, is of the ultmost movement of the late 1990’s, can guide us. improvisation. Central to this was the con- importance. Together, we must demand, They represent both short-term demands cept of leading and following. What a joy besides free tuition, well paid and well and long-range goals rooted in knowledge when we dancers got to the place where trained staff; low student-teacher ratios; of how the capitalist system operates, along we could move easily from one role to the maximum class sizes; a full range of course with the history of people,worldwide, who other! offerings and support services; and worker, have fought back and continue to do so, as So it is with the process of empowering student, and community control of center we’ve seen recently in Tunisia, Egypt, and ourselves as child care workers-- individu- and school curriculum and management. Libya. This information and related analy- ally and collectively. Along the way, we All school personnel must have the right sis is available, and we should seek it out. discover that leadership is a means of em- to work in a safe and healthy environment, A big eye-opener for many of us are the powerment to the extent that it is viewed bargain collectively, and strike. statistics regarding distribution of wealth as something to be shared and rotated, with This empowered, activist outlook is in the U.S. and in the world, along with a leading and following trading off project particularly crucial right now when, in the tax structure that basically excludes rich by project-- in some situations, moment by aftermath of the economic meltdown of (continued on page 11) The Socialist | Issue 3 • 2011 7 For the last three decades Two Futures for Labor the strategy of American labor unions can be summarized by the by Zelig Stern word “concessions”

he scenes of massive protest spread- they will be able to restore a peace with also attempted to defeat unions by simply ing across the Midwest are familiar the bosses. This strategy has lead to defeat eliminating union jobs through outsourcing Tto everyone by now. The most in- after defeat. While public sector unions in or employing new labor replacing technol- tense of these fights is taking place in Mad- states (usually with Democrat controlled ogy. Lawmakers aided this process through ison Wisconsin, but others are being staged legislatures) where public sector worker's the passage of free trade agreements such in many states around the country, includ- benefits are being slashed but their rights as NAFTA and the WTO. The result of ing Indiana, Ohio, and Michigan. Republi- to collectively bargain have not yet been these attacks is that for the last thirty years can legislatures are attempting to pass bills challenged remain more or less passive, the power of unions in society has declined that limit or eliminate public sector union unions in states such as Wisconsin seem along with their density and the total num- rights to collective bargaining. These laws to be waking up. The difference is that in ber of members. constitute a direct attack on the working these latter states it is not just the well be- History, however, is not one sided. class, and aim to eliminate some of the last ing of their members that is threatened, Capitalists will always try to weaken the high paying jobs available to working peo- but the very institution of the union is at power of workers, but workers also resist ple. With union density (percent of wage stake. There is little doubt, however, that and fight for their own interests. - There and salaried workers who are members of states such as Wisconsin are only the test- fore, to explain the thirty year decline in unions) down to 6.9% in the private sec- ing grounds. If these laws are successfully the power of the labor movement, it is not tor, from a high of above 35% in the mid passed there, more “liberal” governors like enough to point to globalization and stron- 1940s, the public sector remains the last Cuomo in New York will surely try similar ger anti union activities of bosses and the stronghold of the union movement. It is no things in the coming years. government. We must also explain why or- surprise then that these laws have been met The labor movement must now make a ganized labor was not able to resist these with heavy resistance from unions and their choice. On the one hand, we can return to a attacks. This story begins in the period di- supporters. strategy where struggle is the rallying cry, rectly after WWII. As a result of the war These laws come as part of a broader where the strike is employed in a serious the economy was booming. Labor had just strategy by big business and its allies in way, and where we fight not just to defend come out of twenty years of intense strug- government to deal with the economic cri- what we have but to make new gains. If gle and was large and powerful. Capitalists sis in a way that best suits their interests. we do this, there is a chance that we could had two choices, either they could attempt Businesses are struggling to maintain the not only overcome the current attacks be- an all out war with labor, which there was a high profit margins they have reestablished ing made by Republican governors, but good chance they could lose, or they could since the collapse at the end of 2007. Mean- maybe even bring growth back to the labor offer workers a deal. A deal was offered. In while, with unemployment high and wages movement. On the other hand, we can stick exchange for allowing bosses to maintain low, local, state, and the federal govern- with the same strategies, watch public sec- complete control over the worksite, and a ments are bringing in far less tax revenue tor unions be stripped of their right to col- guarantee that the nature of the American from working and middle class families. lectively bargain, and watch the last of the capitalist system would not be challenged, This leaves government with two choices, labor movement fade away. workers would be able to unionize more raise corporate taxes and taxes on the ul- These drastic measures taken being or less freely and high wages and benefits tra rich, or implement austerity programs taken by conservative lawmakers go be- would be granted. Labor took the deal. across the country. The choice was obvious, yond the battle over how best to deal with For the next three decades, things went and now working class families are facing the current economic crisis. They are part of smoothly. Workers were happy with their massive cuts to services they depend on. A a more protracted war, which was launched growing wages, and businesses were happy key piece of these austerity measures is to in the late 70’s to permanently defeat the with their growing profits uninterrupted by slash the pay and benefits of public sector labor movement. Starting in that period, aggressive union activity. workers. In every state, Democrat and Re- in response to falling profit rates that had This was called the labor management publican law makers are in agreement on led to severe economic crisis, corporate accord. This accord lead to a change in the austerity and on the attack on public sec- bosses, along with their allies in govern- nature of American unions. At their height tor worker compensation. Even President ment, launched an all out attack on the in the 1930s and 40s the unions were fight- Obama has implemented a wage freeze for working class and its unions. This attack ing organizations of the working class. federal employees. took two forms. First, employers and law- Under the labor management accord they For the last three decades the strategy makers directly attacked the unions by at- became bureaucratic organizations that of American labor unions can be summa- tempting union busting tactics in organized provided a service for their members, much rized by the word “concessions”. While workplaces and by passing anti union leg- like a business. Rank and File participation bosses have been energetically attacking islation. The crushing defeat of the PATCO in unions fell and the bureaucracies began unions, union bureaucrats have responded workers by Ronald Reagan was the most to develop their own interests, which con- by making concessions in the hopes that dramatic of these kinds of tactics. Bosses sisted of collecting dues to pay their large 8 The Socialist | Issue 3 • 2011 salaries and preserving peace with the boss- like their counterparts in the private sector, hindsight. They saw what happened when es. When economic crisis hit in the 70’s and continued to operate as though the labor they did nothing in the 70’s and 80’s. Ad- the bosses and lawmakers changed tactics, management accord was still in effect. ditionally, unlike the last round, for the the unions no longer knew how to fight. It is in this context that Scott Walker public sector unions it is not just a particu- For the past thirty years unions have been and his counterparts across the country are lar contract or worksite that is at stake, but acting like the labor management accord is attempting to strip public sector unions the very institution of the unions. Without still in effect, while bosses and lawmakers of their rights to collective bargaining. these institutions, they can no longer col- have been carrying out a full assault on the It is their hope that this struggle will sig- lect the dues that pay their paychecks. So, unions. nify for the public sector what the defeat for the first time in decades, the union of- While the labor movement as a whole of the PATCO strikers in 1981 did for the ficials are speaking of general strikes again, has been in retreat, public sector workers rest of the union movement. And there is and, at least for a while, endorsed the occu- have maintained a strong union presence. good reason to suspect that they are right. pation of the capital building in Madison. Union density in the public sector is 36% There is also some hope that things may It is no accident that unions were compared to 6.9% in the private sector. play out differently this time. Throughout the largest and most powerful at a While the public sector unions are already the 70’s and early 80’s the union bureau- point in time when they employed weakened by a number of federal and state cracies, who hold the key to the financial aggressive tactics. Union density was at its laws that limit their ability to strike, their and organizational resources of the unions, highest when the strike was in regular use. large size and density poses a threat to law- remained committed to their labor manage- When plant occupations were in the news makers trying to create a healthy climate ment accord strategy. So while the rank and frequently. When unions didn't just fight for unrestricted corporate profits. This has file rebelled, they did so with a handicap. In to maintain what they had, but fought for become especially true as lawmakers at- 2011 there is some indication that the bu- more, not just in wages and benefits but for tempt to overcome the current economic reaucracy may finally change its tune. worker control on the shop floor. The union crisis by pushing austerity measures on all Like during the last round of struggle, bureaucracies will not adopt these tactics levels of government. With communities it is the rank and file who have taken the on their own. But a determined and aggres- disorganized and shell shocked from the lead in confronting the attacks. The occu- sive rank and file uprising could bring them effects of unemployment, the public sec- pation of the capital building in Madison, along. If there was ever a time these strate- tor unions remain the last line of defense the mass demonstrations, all of this was gies could effectively be brought back into against the plans for austerity. However, up lead by rank and file workers. But unlike use, the time is now. And not a moment to to this point the public sector unions have, last time, the bureaucracy has the benefit of late because the alternative looks bleak. Unemployment and Building roads, bridges and other for a particular Cold War-era weapons major infrastructure, running public system, the cry of “You’re CUTTING War transportation, creating community- JOBS” can always be raised to defend based services from daycare to clinics funneling billions into what President by Lydia Howell and schools, investing in new technol- Dwight Eisenhower called “the mili- ogy such as clean, renewable energy or tary-industrial complex”. High unemployment is good for research, such as the National Institute Saying “Just put it on the charge war. Whether it’s debt-ridden college of Health---all this government spend- card!” for the longest war in U.S. his- graduates working as baristas or small ing includes contracts to the private tory (Afghanistan) and the latest war- town youth with only fast-food and sector that create jobs. Cut the spend- based-on-a-lie (Iraq) has escalated the Wal-Mart as post-high school career ing and, inevitably, you cut jobs. federal deficit. The Tea Party mantra options, high unemployment keeps a So, debates about the federal bud- “cut spending” means, to the politicial volunteer military ranks full. get (as well as state and local ones) are right, cutting other (non-military-relat- Underemployment, whether the labor issues. That includes debating ed) jobs. The “trickle-down” econom- problem is low wages or part-time what gets a priority and what does not. ics produces federal aid cuts to states, hours, makes the National Guard and When seemingly endless wars and then local government aid gets slashed, military reserves attractive for essential weapons-makers are given sacrosanct too, leading to…more job cuts. cash for (the promised) one weekend a status in budget discussions, workers This is a downward spiral that hurts month. Unfortunately, more and more lose. workers, families and communities--- “weekend warriors” are finding them- Yes, corporations like Lockheed while not only not contributing to our selves in combat when they thought Martin have made sure that bomb- security but, instead, creating more en- they’d be helping with disaster relief in ers and the parts needed for them are emies. How many Americans wake in their local communities. made in as many states as possible, in the middle of the night, worrying about In spite of the current parroting order to insure no cuts are made in their terrorists as opposed to the millions that “only the private sector can create bloated, no-bid contracts. who’ve lost jobs or had their home jobs,” government plays a critical role When the newest high-tech plane foreclosed? directly and indirectly. doesn’t work or there’s no real need (continued on page 14) The Socialist | Issue 3 • 2011 9 Rally in Madison Wisconsin last April on The Working Class Struggle is Still Alive... Tax Day when the Tea Party Express came And What Are We Doing About It rolling through town. That’s not the case at all The upper by Matty O'Dea class enjoys the finer things of life - fancy dinners at $1,000 dollars a plate, fine wine, Mayday is here once again and I’m care or food, we can say that capitalism is dancing, smoking cigars and talking about excited. It’s the only day when I can look turning the world into a wasteland. how many profits they made over the last my boss in the face and say, “I’m not com- Crime rates are soaring, places are quarter. While their workers are at home ing into work today because I have better being robbed, communities are being de- with their families eating hot dogs, mac things to do.” When asked what do I have stroyed. And who’s to blame? The worker and cheese and potatoes. Wondering how to do that’s more important than making who goes to work everyday - does nothing, they are going to make ends meet and liv- him wealthy. I reply, “It’s Mayday! The day says nothing, but just keeps focused on ing from paycheck to paycheck. of the Working Class, The Proletariat, and their job to make sure it’s done correctly In fact, we are the exact same people the Immigrants. This is Labor Day the one while all the while being watched by cam- who make it possible for their employers to day a year when I can stand in solidarity eras controlled by the managers, security go out and hob-knob with other executives, with workers all over this vast world and guards and the bosses. Knowing at any in fancy suits and evening gowns. There here in this country who are being exploit- minute their jobs can be taken from them. they make their funny little jokes about ed bought and sold out for the sake of profit Or is it the boss who is to blame? The the little people – about the “silly” work- that’s why I can’t come into work today”. boss who fired his whole staff and moved ers who don’t understand much, about the Without workers, these fat cats would their work to other poor countries where “welfare chiselers” who are living off “the be nothing. There would no industry, there they can exploit workers because there system” or about the great “sacrifices” they would be no shops, no restaurants, no food, are no labor laws. The right-wing likes to make as businessmen. May Day is the day no clothes no nothing! With millions of blame the unions. Saying it’s the unions to end these jokes! people homeless, employment through the demand for decent wages that is tearing Sure we can take to the streets we can roof, houses being foreclosed on, families apart the workforce in this country. I actu- rant and we can rage about how we are starving and dying because of no health ally heard someone say that at a Tea Party (continued on next page)

10 The Socialist | Issue 3 • 2011 (continued from previous page)

being screwed and yet it’s not getting the job done. We need too look towards a better future for ourselves. It’s time for Direct Action. We need to follow the examples of the folks at Republic Windows and Doors in Chicago, or the workers in Buenos Aries who occupied their factories and showed that workers don’t really need bosses. As Socialists we struggle along side our fellow workers who are being locked out, exploited, harassed, threatened, and terminated. We need to stand as human be- ings and let all struggling workers know that they have our support. On the sit down strikes and picket lines. While scabs are being brought in we need to man the gates and doors and every place they can enter and shout the same words the Spanish An- archists shouted at the Fascists, “NO PAS- SARAN” They shall not pass. And that is what May Day is. A day to say no more, enough, basta! Happy Mayday! Solidarity to you all! Workers of the World Unite and Fight back!

(continued from “childcare,” page 7)

people. Another is the amount of U.S. tax revenue that is war- and military-related, as opposed to what is spent on education, child care, housing, health care, mass tran- sit, libraries, environmental protection, and social services. If today, with our skills and experiences, we reached out to others increas- ingly disturbed as we are by the acceler- ating assault on the public sector, plus the other injustices faced by poor and working people, we would have a global movement for change that would not only be daunting to the rich and powerful right now, but also would lay the foundation for a new kind of society for future generations.

Susan Dorazio was a long-time West- ern Massachusetts child care worker and advocate, and community activist. She is currently dividing her time between Wash- ington state, New York/New England, and Glasgow, Scotland, all the while maintaining her attachments to children, their families, and their teachers and caregivers; and her membership in the Socialist Party USA. She can be reached at doraziosusan@ gmail.com.

The Socialist | Issue 3 • 2011 11 record the slogans, the acts of social soli- Review of Postmodern Geographies darity, and the faces of Egyptians them- by Matthew Sundin selves; many of whom were experiencing the freedom to assemble freely for the first time in their lives. erso books has made available one In the recent uprising in Egypt which For an uprising that is credited as hav- of Edward W. Soja's first published ousted the octagenarian thug Hosni ing been originally started online using Vworks as part of its radical think- Mubarak, Tahrir Square became the sym- social media, it is remarkable to see how ers series. Postmodern Geographies is an bolic and literal center of the aspirations important a physical geographical place early meditation on the question of space of a wide-range of Egyptians hoping to became in deciding the fate of the move- in capitalism and geography in modern awake from the oppressive doldrums of 30 ment in Egypt. Despite any praise on the critical theory. One might wonder about the years of emergency laws and neo-liberal part of the media that served to fetishize relevancy of this to radical politics while social decay. World-wide television view- technology and the role of these new on- wading through passages on spatialized on- ers were treated to daily images of endless line forms of communication in reshaping tology, but in fact the refocus on this work crowds of protestors, dramatic street bat- social movements, in the end it was people comes at a perfect time to help rethink po- tles, and eventually the jubilation that filled on the ground, occupying central squares litical upheavals that have occurred in just the square when Mubarak begrudgingly and factories across Egypt, which brought the last few weeks. stepped down. Reporters were on hand to about tangible change. Further revolts have brought to our attention similar locations in other World capitals. And in America, the capital building in Madison, Wisconsin was more a focal point by being occupied by public employee unions and supporters staging a protest against anti-labor legislation meekly disguised as budgetary policy measures. It seems as though taking control of public space in order to create a central point of resistance has done more in a few weeks in these situations than merely blog- ging and tweeting could have ever done. There is something refreshingly old fashioned about seeing this kind of street politics reemerging. Of course we cannot be grateful for the outrageous injustices that have brought people out to the streets. But seeing the classic images of march- ing columns of protestors, barricades, and grassroots rallies is something never seen before by a young leftist raised almost entirely after the collapse of the USSR. There was an aspect of immediacy, something so human, about seeing people stare down the institutions of state oppression face to face. And in reading Soja's insights into the ways in which oppression is now veiled more by geography than history, we can begin to understand the novelty of seeing direct political confrontation in public space. Postmodern Geographies is a collec- tion of 9 essays each of which deal with aspects of space in critical social theory. Starting with a history of the resistance to the conceptualization of space in critical theory, Soja explains how geography was often neglected for being considered to be stilted, empirical, and thoroughly undialec- tical as opposed to the preferred focus on time and history. He gives a thorough sum- mary of why space has often been pushed to the side by the injunction to “always his- 12 The Socialist | Issue 3 • 2011 toricize”. Showing the extent of this resis- their subject the urban environment. At that his move to exhibiting the real-life ex- tance, he is able to exhibit the originality other levels he doesn't seem as convinc- ample of the capital of postmodern geogra- of Henri Lefebvre's thought in approach- ing. Although necessary to the stated goal phy seems much more like dry empiricism ing space as well as tracing the awakening of a comprehensive reassertion of space than dynamic analysis. of Michel Foucault to the usefulness that at all levels of critical theory, his passages As political struggle goes forward, Ed- geography would have in his own inves- on “spatialized ontology” and Anthony ward Soja's book will be useful by giving us tigation of social institutions. We are also Giddens' concept of “structuration” seem another approach to envisioning resistance shown how other big names in critical the- particularly unhelpful. He also takes a to the logic of capitalism. Using his excel- ory have incorporated spatiality into their step in the opposite direction by becom- lent examination of how capital produces works. In a motif that continues through- ing less theoretical and applying his and and controls space, it is up to us to work out out the book, in this historical explanation other critical theorists' ideas on spatiality the implications. Especially given the pre- we begin to see for ourselves how thinking to a geographical portrait of Los Angeles. liminary and open-ended nature of Postmod- about space offers new perspectives on un- Soja offers some spectacular figures on the ern Geographies, the ways in which we can derstanding how the survival of capitalism immense economic output of Los Angeles, reassert space into our political strategies is depends on the creation of space. At this and shows empirically just how fractured ample. When thinking about a fight over use point it is at the micro-level of everyday and unequal the built environment is. How- of a public square, or the fate of a marginal- life, what Lefebvre calls the “bureaucratic ever, after such an excellent explanation of ized urban group, foreign wars, or even our society of controlled consumption.” The the dialectic of space in capitalism and a own individual place in everyday life, it will essay offers a wealth of academic sources strong critique of the resistance to the role be fruitful to remember a new injunction: al- for anyone interested in how an individual of space in critical theory, it seems ironic ways territorialize! exists within a space constructed to in- duce consumption and quiescence. Anyone raised in the suburbs can find a fair deal that resonates with this approach to think- Memphis SP Challenges Anti-union Hearing ing about space. Nashville- Members of the Memphis SP members Sally Joyner, Bennett Foster, and In following essays, Soja goes on to and activists from the Memphis/Mid-South Paul Garner, were forcibly removed, de- narrate the various debates that come with area joined over a thousand in Nashville tained, and arrested by TN Capitol Police incorporating the concept of spatiality into and rallied on the plaza in front of the Ten- and charged with disorderly conduct and critical theory. For instance, in the chapter nessee capitol building in protest of legisla- resisting arrest. They were not being heard, on the “Socio-spatial Dialectic,” we see tion designed to break the backs of unions and when they raised their voices, they how difficult it is to conceptualize how ex- in a bid similar to those in WI, OH, and were silenced by the state. actly social relations of production produce elsewhere. Labor activists and union mem- The Memphis SP stands in solidar- space. Is the built environment a product bers entered the Senate Commerce Com- ity with our comrades, and with all those of this process, or merely part of the “su- mittee meeting to express concern over the whose voice is silenced by the business as perstructure”? How do we understand a anti-labor bills. After the committee stalled usual violence of capitalism rolling on. We struggle over public space, or rent, using for over an hour, people began to chant, stand in solidarity with the workers of TN a Marxist form of analysis that is more “Union busting has got to go”. Seven ac- and the workers throughout the world who immediately concerned with the struggle tivists, including Memphis Socialist Party are standing for their rights. going on in the workplace? Soja provides some fascinating viewpoints and directs our attention towards an understanding of why controlling public space is still important in our contemporary age. Political power is not only interested in controlling what goes on at the point of production or in the realm of ideology, but indeed aims to create a built environment conducive to the survival of capitalism. Class struggle, therefore, must include a fight over the production of space and its “territorial structure of exploitation and domination.” By taking over public space, these recent up- risings in places like Wisconsin and Egypt have made a powerful assertion that a democratic and free sense of space is not one in which capitalism is able to roam “freely,” but instead one where democratic delibera- tion is present and central. Soja's strengths definitely lie in bringing together theories of space that have as The Socialist | Issue 3 • 2011 13 (continued from “War,” page 9) With Wisconsin Governor Scott turned into 401k accounts that are vul- War is good for Big Business. Walker and other rightist governors nerable to Wall Street speculators, an Corporations like Haliburton/KBR and Republican legislators assaulting old saying has new truth: we came over and Parsons have made out very well workers’ rights to union representation here in different ships but, we’re all in with their “cost-plus” contracts to “re- and bargaining rights, another kind of the same boat now. build” in Afghanistan and Iraq. They war is heating up at home. When workers’ leaky row boats are guaranteed profits--whether they Actually, the war on workers has are struggling to stay afloat in choppy finish the job or not. Often, they do been going on (sometimes covertly) for economic waters, does it make sense shoddy work or have failed to do what more than thirty years: to build more warships to attack other they were hired for, but, there’s been Since the late 1970s, corporations countries---or for that matter to give little accountability. The Associated have been reversing the post-World more tax breaks to the richest 400 peo- Press reported $5 billion wasted in just War II American middle-class, largely ple so they can have bigger yachts? this way in Iraq. created by the unionization of one- The war being waged on American http://www.marinecorpstimes.com/ third of workers in the 1950s. For the workers could (finally) open a debate news/2010/08/ap-iraq-legacy-of-re- first time in the nation’s history, more about the wars being waged in our construction-083010 everyday people than ever could have names. Instead of shoveling the an- Wouldn’t the money have been bet- a fair share of the profits their labor nual hundreds of billions to weapons- ter spent at home with contracts going produced. For African-Americans, makers, overseas bases, occupations to small businesses that actually create unionized private sector and govern- and the who-knows-how-much in cor- 75 per cent of all new jobs? Fraud-pre- ment jobs have been the primary way porate welfare and tax-giveaways, na- vention and oversight of small, local they’ve made economic gains in the tional priorities are in desperate need businesses would be a lot more possi- last 50 years. Exporting factories and of re-thinking. ble---as opposed to huge multination- government budget cuts have a dispro- In a time where the catch phrase als working in a country thousands of portionate impact on them. used by both President Obama and miles away deploying their armies of But, when 75 percent of American the Republicans is “shared sacrifice,” lobbyists and “consultants” in Wash- workers make $46,000 or less, have working people have already sacri- ington. lost health insurance, had pensions ficed too much: jobs, homes, college educations, healthcare--and for some, a son or a daughter on battlefields they should never have seen.

Lydia Howell is an independent Min- neapolis journalist. She is producer/ host of “Catalyst: politics & culture” on KFAI Radio at http://www.kfai.org. NJ Update by Greg Pason

The Socialist Party of New Jersey has been organizing and just chartered a new Local in Monmouth/Ocean counties (northern shore area). The Northern NJ Local members worked to reorganize Take Back Tren- ton to build a movement to combat budget cuts and build a community/student/worker movement outside the two capitalist parties. Take Back Trenton will organize a teach-in on budget issues in April. The Party is also looking to contest some local and state Assembly or state Senate elections. Our membership has jumped about 20% in the state and Northern NJ and Monmouth/Ocean County locals are meeting monthly. 14 The Socialist | Issue 3 • 2011 (continued from “editorial,” page 2) stream parties. In it, he decried the “Alice-in-Wonderland system of poverty” that existed while the economy was at a point of over- Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee, while pressuring production. The window of opportunity was small, but Randolph the more conservative sections of the Civil Rights movement to believed that significant support existed for such an effort – “From finally acknowledge Martin Luther King Jr. as their spokesperson. farm and factory, from kitchen and classroom will come people When Randolph rose to speak to massive crowd that day he ready to work hard to build a party which carries hope of a better once again displayed his perspective on the interconnections be- social order.” And the cost of failure was high, inaction would tween class and race. “Yes,” he began, “we want all public ac- leave voters much in the same place they are now in 21st century commodations open to all citizens, but those accommodations will America choosing “…between slightly varied shades of reaction.” mean little to those who cannot afford to use them.” In words as On this momentous May Day, when the need for democratic poignant today as they were in 1963, he denounced unemploy- socialism is greater than ever, the patient determination of A. Phil- ment, indicted the system for poverty and declared the need for ip Randolph can help to guide our current struggles. Randolph a “massive moral revolution for jobs and freedom.” That day in proved definitively that a radical perspective that mixes race and Washington, A. Philip Randolph was the living representative of class analysis combined with an impulse toward to building or- three generations of American radicals. He brought every bit of ganizational strength can be a potent formula for social change. the militant spirit of Eugene Debs to the podium that afternoon. “Nothing counts” he stated, “but pressure, pressure, more pres- And Randolph was not confined to just movement organizing. sure, and still more pressure through broad organized aggressive Especially as a young radical, he recognized the importance of in- mass action.” Let this be a lesson for May Day 2011 and let us dependent political action. A short article in 1944 mapped out the re-dedicate ourselves to completing the project initiated by people need for broad left electoral challenges from outside of the main- like Debs, and Randolph and King.

Statement of Principles

THE SOCIALIST PARTY strives to establish a radical democracy that places people’s lives under their own control - a non-racist, classless, feminist socialist society... where working people own and control the means of production and distribution through demo- cratically-controlled public agencies; where full employment is realized for everyone who wants to work; where workers have the right to form unions freely, and to strike and engage in other forms of job actions; and where the production of society is used for the benefit of all humanity, not for the private profit of a few. We believe socialism and democracy are one and indivisible. The working class is in a key and central position to fight back against the ruling capitalist class and its power. The working class is the major force worldwide that can lead the way to a socialist future - to a real radical democracy from below. The Socialist Party fights for progressive changes compatible with a socialist future. We support militant working class struggles and electoral action, independent of the capitalist controlled two-party system, to present socialist alternatives. We strive for democratic revolutions - radical and fundamental changes in the structure and quality of economic, political, and personal relations - to abolish the power now exercised by the few who control great wealth and the government. The Social- ist Party is a democratic, multi-tendency organization, with structure and practices visible and accessible to all members.

The Socialist | Issue 3 • 2011 15 Kansas Northern New Jersey Texas Socialist Party of Kansas Socialist Party Socialist Party of Texas SOCIALIST PO Box 20156 PO Box 3056 Memorial c/o 1012 West Warren St. PARTY-USA Wichita, KS 67208 Station Pharr, TX 78577 www.sunflowersocialists.org Upper Montclair, NJ 07043 www.socialistpartyoftexas. NATIONAL [email protected] org DIRECTORY Kentucky Bluegrass Socialist Party Socialist Party of Mon- Socialist Party of Dallas / bluegrass.socialists@gmail. mouth and Ocean Counties Ft. Worth Arizona com www.socialistpartymon- www.facebook.com/SPDFW Socialist Party of Southern mouth-ocean.webs.com Arizona Maryland Partido Socialista de Valle www.sopasoaz.blogspot. Socialist Party of Baltimore New York c/o 1012 West Warren St. com/ [email protected] New York State Socialist Pharr, TX 78577 Party California Massachusetts http://sites.google.com/site/ Vermont Socialist Party of Los Socialist Party of newyorksocialists/ Brattleboro Socialist Party Angeles Massachusetts c/o 71 Westminster Rd. c/o 2617 Hauser Blvd. http://www.spmassachusetts. Socialist Party of New York Putney, VT 05346 Los Angeles, CA 90016 org/ City www.socialistparty-losange- c/o 339 Lafayette St. #303 Virginia leslocal.org/ Socialist Party of Boston New York, NY 10012 Socialist Party of Central PO Box 15342 www.spnyc.org Virginia Riverside County Socialist Boston, MA 02215 c/o 536 Meade Ave. Party [email protected] Socialist Party of Central Charlottesville, VA 22902 c/o 40485 Murrieta Hot New York Springs Rd. #149 Michigan PO Box 35113 Wisconsin Murrieta, CA 92563 Socialist Party of Michigan University Station Socialist Party of Wisconsin 2937 E. Grand Boulevard Syracuse, NY 13235 c/o 1001 East Keefe Connecticut Detroit, MI 48202 www.cnyreds.org Milwaukee, WI 53212 Socialist Party of Connecti- [email protected] www.spwi.org cut www.spmichigan.org Ohio c/o 342 Westchester Rd. Socialist Party of Ohio Socialist Party of Colchester, CT 06415 Detroit Socialist Party socialistpartyohio@gmail. Milwaukee www.socialistpartyct.org 2937 E. Grand Blvd. #3 com c/o 1001 East Keefe Detroit, MI 48202 Milwaukee, WI 53212 Florida [email protected] Tennessee Socialist Party of Florida www.detroitsocialistparty. Memphis Socialist Party Socialist Party of South PO Box 22953 org PO Box 40814 Central Wisconsin Ft. Lauderdale, FL 33335 Memphis, TN 38174 PO Box 260216 Minnesota Memphissocialists.blogspot. Madison, WI 53726-0216 Illinois Central/Eastern Minnesota com Chicago Socialist Party Socialist Party c/o PO Box 618124 [email protected] Chicago, IL 60661 National Office [email protected] New Jersey 339 Lafayette St #303 Socialist Party of New Indiana Jersey New York, NY 10012 Greater Indianapolis www.njsocialistparty.org Socialist Party (212) 982-4586 c/o 17433 Trailerview Cir. [email protected] Noblesview, IN 46060 [email protected]