Informal Housing Network Project

INFORMAL HOUSING NETWORK PROJECT

LIVING ON THE RAGGED EDGES: ABSOLUTE AND HIDDEN HOMELESSNESS AMONG LATIN AMERICANS AND MUSLIMS IN WEST CENTRAL TORONTO

BY JASMIN ZINE (2002)

EQUINOX RESEARCH AND CONSULTING SERVICES

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Introduction

This examination of housing and homelessness in the Latin American and Muslim communities attempts to map the realities of those living on the unstable peripheries of our society. Research on homelessness among these particular populations is virtually non-existent. To date, few research studies have been attempted that examine how Latin Americans and Muslims are affected by homelessness. This exploratory study hopes to open the door to future research and community development focusing on the housing needs of these communities.

The purpose of this study was to 1) unpack the social, economic and political conditions that contribute to the marginalization and disenfranchisement of Muslims and Latin Americans living in West Central Toronto 2) to analyze how the interlocking systems of oppression based on race, class, gender, religion, sexuality, age, mental health status and disability impact on their ability to access and maintain stable housing 3) uncover the specific housing needs within these target groups and 4) to explore the dynamics of informal housing networks.

The Continuum of Homelessness

Common notions of homelessness as an inner city problem experienced by dysfunctional, self-exiled members of society has long been seriously challenged. It is widely recognized that homelessness takes many shapes and forms. It ranges from absolute homelessness, such as living on the street, parks, forests, vehicles abandoned buildings or in temporary shelters or sleeping in churches and mosques, to hidden homelessness such as living in over-crowed conditions, being at-risk of eviction, paying more than 50 percent of income toward rent, living in unsafe domestic situations or with family or friends. Homelessness can no longer be simply viewed as an “inner city” plight, but as a crisis that affects many neighborhoods all across our towns and suburbs. As an exploratory research study, the Informal Housing Network Project attempts to explore this continuum of homelessness, as it affects members of the Latin American and Muslim communities living in West Central Toronto. 2

Research Objectives

The goals of this study focus on the following three objectives:

1. To document and analyze the multiple factors contributing to situations of hidden and absolute homelessness in the Latin American and Muslim communities. 2. Explore the dynamics of informal housing networks in the Latin American and Muslim communities and develop interventions that further support informal channels as a means of accessing information and support related to housing. 3. Identifying the specific need for services geared toward developing support and empowerment for individuals and families in these target groups experiencing housing difficulties in West Central Toronto.

Integrated Framework for Unpacking Homelessness

The first objective relates to the need to develop a holistic framework for understanding the ways that access to stable affordable housing occurs at the nexus of a variety of social, cultural, economic and political factors. These include the lack of affordable rental units being built in Ontario, long waiting lists for social housing, low vacancy rates, decrease in social assistance support, legislation that favours landlords, and the lack of strong political will to end the housing crisis. These factors in turn are mediated by an individual’s immigration status, race, gender, language, age, religion, sexuality, mental health and disability as additional barriers to accessing and maintaining adequate affordable housing. Immigrants and refugees must cope with the difficulties associated with settlement; the shifting narrative of “home” as being a strange and unfamiliar place, lacking the “cultural capital” to negotiate the institutional systems in Canada, language barriers, the lack of accreditation for professional skills, being channeled into lower paying jobs and often social or emotional isolation. These barriers are compounded when serious mental health problems are involved, domestic abuse, disabilities and discrimination on the basis of race, ethnicity and religion. 1

Therefore, an integrated framework involves examining the inter-connectedness of these multiple factors that mediate homelessness. It is essential not to homogenize the

1 See also Murdie, Robert, A, Chambron, Adrienne, S, Hulchanski, David, J. Teixeira, Carlos. “Housing Issues Facing Immigrants and Refugees in Greater Toronto: Initial Findings from the Jamaican, Polish and Somali Communities.” In Emine M. Komut (ed) Housing Question of the ‘Others’. Ankara: Chamber of Architects of Turkey, 1996 and Chambron, Adrienne, S, Hulchanski, David, J, Murdie, Robert, A, Teixeira, Carlos.Access to Housing in a Canadian City: Experiences of Three Immigrant Groups. Toronto: Paper presented at the Urban Affairs Association Conference, 1997

3 variety of situations that fall along the continuum of “hidden” to “absolute” homelessness as circumstances that occur independent of issues of race, class, gender and other forms of social difference. In other words, people occupying positions along the continuum of homelessness live those experiences differently according to their varied social locations. Therefore, we cannot fully understand circumstances of homelessness unless we see them as being lived through more complex social narratives. The issues affecting homeless women for example, cannot be fully understood if we view them as a universal social category unmediated by class or race. Therefore, homelessness as a wide-ranging as a social phenomenon must be understood through the ways that it is raced, classed and gendered.

Informal Housing Networks

The third objective, and a significant focus of this research has been the understanding of how informal housing networks operate within these communities. Informal housing network systems are the channels through which people access information about their housing needs. People in need of housing help turn first to their primary group relations (family members) and then secondary group relations (friends, community members). 2 These contacts provide the initial gateway to resources that can help with housing related concerns. However, many newcomers lack these supports and also lack access to formal housing support systems provided by housing help centers. This study further examines the possibilities of intervention that can strengthen both informal as well as formal channels to ensure eliminate barriers to accessing housing help.

Context of Housing in Toronto

Not surprisingly, poverty is a main factor in the homelessness crisis. In Toronto, one in four people and one in three children live below the poverty line, which is twice the provincial average. In Toronto, 106,000 low income households pay more than 50% of their income on rent.3 This is compounded by a lack of affordable housing. More than 60,000 people are on the waiting list for social housing in Toronto with applicants waiting over 10 years for availability.

These conditions are even more problematic for people from racially and ethnically minoritized communities that have lower income rates and suffer from housing

2 See Rose, D. Carrasco, P. & Charboneau, J.The Role of “Weak Ties” in the Settlement Experiences of Immigrant Women with Young Children: The Case of Central Americans in Montreal. Toronto: Centre for Excellence in Research on Immigration and Settlement, 2000 3 Golden, Anne, Currie, William, H, Greaves, Elizabeth, Latimer John, E. Taking Responsibility For Homelessness. City of Toronto: Mayor’s Task Force on Homelessness, 1999, p. 137

discrimination based on race, ethnicity, gender and religion.4 Toronto city council recently voted for changes in the social housing priority list allowing for 1 in 7 vacant units to be allocated to those deemed to be the most disadvantaged on the waiting list. This figure was reduced from 1 in every 10 available units, shortening the waiting period for some. However, these changes have a negative impact on newcomers who must now be homeless in order to receive priority on the waiting list. The top priority for these units remain as follows: people fleeing family violence, the terminally ill, those currently living in social housing units with more bedrooms than needed, the homeless, families whose children have been removed by Children’s Aid due to inadequate housing, youths and homeless immigrants and refugees.5

Vacancy Rates

According to a recent survey by the Fair Rental Policy Organization, that represents landlords, owners and developers, the extremely low vacancy rates in Toronto have recently increased from 0.9% to 2%, more than double since last fall. However these vacancies are primarily on units that rent on the higher end of the market and therefore do not affect the very limited availability of more affordable units for low income families.6 Most of the apartments available for rent in Toronto are in the range of $1,000 or more. According to financial experts, an income of $41,000 per year is needed in order to afford that level of monthly rent. However, the vast number of Toronto’s 1 million renters do not even approach that income level.7 Figures from the Canada Housing and Mortgage Corporation (CMHC) show that in 2001, the number of affordable rental units available in Toronto was below the target vacancy rate of 2.5%. For example, vacancy rates for a 1 bedroom apartment renting for $600 per month was 0.5% and for a 3 bedroom in the same price range, the vacancy rate was 0%. Therefore, the increase of vacancy rates occurs with higher market rent, while lower end more afford able units remain a scarcity in Toronto’s housing market. The available housing stock for larger families represented by 3 bedroom units are even lower, making the incidence of overcrowding for larger low income families more inevitable. These figures clearly show that those with lower incomes are destined to remain under-housed unless significant government intervention takes place to create more equitable housing opportunities.

4 See for example, Chambron et al, 1997, and Ornstein, Micheal. The Differential Effect of Income Criteria on Access to Rental Accomodation on the Basis of Age and Race: 1996 Census Results. Toronto: York University, 1997 5 Council Insider. “Shortening the Housing Wait.” Toronto Star, 21/06/02, B-2 6 Gillespie, Kerry. Vacancy Rates More than Doubles: Survey. Toronto Star. 06/12/02, B1 7 ibid, B1

Building Affordable Housing

The Federation of Canadian Municipalities has stated to the federal government that Canada needs $1.6 billion per year to deal with a nation-wide housing crisis. In order to achieve parity with the U.S and European cities, that figure must be matched by the provinces and contributions made by municipalities to reach a figure of $4 billion. Through the Affordable Housing Framework Agreement, Ottawa has instead offered $680 million over five years to build new homes. Under the terms of this agreement, the federal government will negotiate separate arrangements with the provinces and territories, determining the details of each financial arrangement.

According to Golden et al (1999), Toronto will need a total of 2,000 new low-rent units annually just to meet the new demand.8 After 6 months of negotiation, the new bilateral deal between the federal and provincial government will allow for 10,000 new homes across the Ontario over the next 4 years.9 Toronto is expected to receive 2, 500. The agreement gives private and non-profit developers in Ontario access to $490 million to build affordable housing. As part of the deal, the federal government is providing half the funds through a cash grant while the province and municipalities will waive taxes and development charges as additional incentives. Another incentive offers developers up to $50, 000 to build affordable housing. Taking $50,000 off the cost of an average apartment reduces the rent by $450 per month.10 Critics however contest the definition of affordability based on market rent, arguing that years of rent increases at often double the rate of inflation mean that current market rents are still out of the reach of many renter households.11 According to Shapcott (2002) the average market rent in Ontario is $815, based on a 30% income to rent ratio, renters would need an average income of $32,000 in order to afford the market rate. Given the fact that two thirds of Ontario households have annual incomes below $32,000, only the wealthiest third would be able to afford these new units.

The Tenant protection Act of 1998, also limited access to low rent units by allowing landlords to increase rents to market levels when a tenant vacates a unit. According to Layton (2001) rather than protect tenants, the Act increased pressure on tenants by making evictions more profitable and easier to accomplish.12 This has made it easier for developers to convert rental housing into condominiums. Changes to tax laws were also made so that the private sector could take over building affordable housing since the Ontario government removed itself from building new social housing over a decade ago. Had the provincial government not cancelled assisted housing construction, over

8 Golden et al, 1999, p.140 9 Gilllespie, Kerry. “Critics Charge Funding Falls Short of Meeting Demand.” Toronto Star 30/05/02 10 ibid 11 Shapcott, Micheal. “Federal- Provincial Housing Deal.” Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, 2002 12 Layton, Jack.. Homelessness, The Making and Unmaking of a Crisis. Toronto: Penguin Books, 2000, p.81

54,000 units would have been developed for low income households by 2001.13 Therefore while many tenant incomes are in decline and cuts to social assistance have been made, there continues to be a dearth of affordable housing stock in Toronto.

Latin Americans and Muslims in Toronto: Demographic Overview

Latin Americans and Muslims in Toronto represent “communities in exile” that have created local diasporic societies. Whether fleeing war, civil strife or persecution, reuniting with families or looking for better economic opportunities, newcomers from these communities are re-creating the narrative of home in Canada and re-building the framework of community through new social networks. Canada is home to many new diasporas--the result of migration due to an unstable global geo-political and economic context.

According to the 1996 Census, 14 Toronto is the preferred destination for immigrants to Canada. Toronto had 1.8 million immigrants in 1996, a 21% increase since 1991, compared with 5% for those born in Canada. Toronto has the largest immigrant population of all 25 census population areas in 1996. Immigrants accounted for 42% of Toronto’s population in 1996, up from 38% in 1991. About 441, 000 or 42% of all new arrivals to Canada settled in Toronto, nearly 3 times its share of the total Canadian population (15%).

Census data also sets criteria to provide information and statistics on those defined as “visible minorities.”15 Using the definition found in the Employment Equity Act this category refers to “persons other than Aboriginal peoples, who are non-caucasian in race and or non-White in colour.” Under this definition, the regulations of the Act specify the following groups as visible minorities: Chinese, South Asians, Blacks, Arabs and West Asians, Filipinos, South East Asians, Latin Americans, Japanese Koreans and Pacific Islanders. According to the 1996 census data, Canada was home to 3.2 million persons who identified themselves as members of a visible minority group. The Census showed that 3 out of every 10 individuals who identified as a visible minority were born in Canada, the rest were immigrants.

In Ontario, 4 out of 5 of the visible minority population lived in Toronto. In 1996, 42% of Toronto’s population were people from racialized communities and the projection for 2001 is that these groups will comprise 53% of Toronto’s population. About one quarter

13 ibid, p.80 14 Statistics Canada. 1996 Census: Immigration and Citizenship, The Daily 15 The term “visible minorities” is one that is highly contested. Throughout this report, the term “minoritized” is used to denote the fact that those traditionally seen as “visible minorities” are in fact no longer a minority population in Toronto and certainly not within a global context. The term minoritized then, acknowledges the fact that there are social, economic, cultural and political factors that serve to marginalize and minoritize specific categories of people.

of the total number of visible minorities in Toronto (1,338,090) were Chinese, a further one quarter were South Asian and one fifth were Black. The total number of Latin Americans living in Toronto numbered 61,655. Immigration statistics on Latin Americans show that more than half immigrated to Canada in the 1980s (the majority between 1982-91). Latin Americans are therefore among the youngest immigrant groups in Canada. Other aspects of the demographic profile of Latin Americans in Canada show that as a group, they tend to have less formal education, low labour force participation and a high rate of unemployment.

The 1996 Census data does not provide population statistics according to religious groups, therefore it is difficult to determine the current numbers of Muslims in Canada. Projections have noted that the figure is likely to increase from 253, 300 in 1991 to approximately 600,000 in 2001.16 According to the 1991 census there were 105, 970 Muslims living in Toronto, current projections place this figure at 325, 000 -350,000 in 2001. The Muslim community is ethnically and racially diverse including South Asians, Africans, West Asians/Middle Easterners, Iranians, Afghanis, Indonesians and Malaysians, as well as many from the Caribbean. There are also many Anglo-Canadian and African-Canadian converts to Islam. Various sectarian orientations to the Islamic faith also exist, including the Sunni, Shia and Ismaili groups. For the purpose of this study, there are no sectarian divisions made to the general category of “Muslim.” The term “Muslim” refers to adherents of the religion of Islam.

Discursive Framework The discursive framework for this study is based on a critical integrative anti-racism and anti-oppression framework. The foundations of this framework are based on the understanding that various forms of social marginality based on race, ethnicity, class, gender, sexuality, religion, mental health status and ability form a system of interlocking oppressions that are mutually reinforcing. Attempting to unravel and dismantle these systems involves addressing the multiple sites of oppression and challenging the hierarchies of racialized and class-based dominance that ideologically and structurally sustains social difference and inequality.

A critical, integrative anti-racism17 allows for the analysis of systems of oppression based on race, ethnicity, class, gender, sexuality, religion mental health status and ability as they intersect with the social construction and lived experience of under- housing and homelessness in the Latin American and Muslim communities. This involves an understanding of how access to housing and situations of homelessness are

16 See Siddiqui, 2001. “Census Draws Portrait of Multi-Hued Country.” Toronto Star. 15/04/01, A-1. Census data on population by religious groups are only tabulated every 10 years. The next available figures will be in the 2001 census. 17 See also Dei, George J. Sefa. Anti-Racism Education: Theory and Practice. Halifax: Fernwood Press, 1996

8 racialized, classed, gendered and mediated by one’s ethnicity, faith, sexuality and ability and mental health status.

Methodology

The research methodology involved both quantitative and qualitative methods. A survey of housing needs was developed in consultation with the project’s advisory committee. The survey was translated into Spanish, Somali, Urdu, Arabic, Farsi and Dari and disseminated through various ethno-specific agencies and LINC (Language Instruction for Newcomers) classes in the West Central Toronto area. The survey was also administered during two housing seminars conducted by a project advisory member from Syme -Woolner Neighbourhood and Family Centre

Quantitative Methods: A total of 300 surveys were completed from October 2001- March 2002. Specific sites were chosen to administer the survey that ensured a breadth of sample. These included LINC classes, seniors groups, women’s organizations, youth- focused programs and mental health support groups.

Qualitative Methods : Interviews and focus groups were conducted with three categories of informants: 1) people experiencing situations of absolute or hidden homelessness in the Latin American or Muslim communities in West Central Toronto; 2) service providers in agencies dealing with homelessness among these populations and; 3) people involved in informal housing networks such as family or friends or members of church groups and mosques. This method allowed for a triangulation of the data collected. In total 10 individual interviews were conducted with individuals in the absolute and hidden homeless categories. Of these, 3 were Latin Americans and 7 were Muslims. Among the 7 service providers interviewed, 5 were Latin American and 2 were Muslim.

OVERVIEW OF KEY FINDINGS:

The Sample • Of the 300 participants surveyed, 44% of the participants were from the Latin American community and 56 % were from the Muslim community . • The Latin American participants came from, Central America (19%), South America (21%) and the Spanish Caribbean (4%). • Within the Muslim community, the largest number came from South Central Asia, including Iran and Afghanistan (17% ) and the Horn of Africa region, including Somalia, Eritrea and Ethiopia (14% ). Other regions represented include: West Asia (Turkey, Azerbaijan, 6% ), East Africa (Kenya, Tanzania, Sudan 5% ), South Asia (Pakistan, Kashmir and India- 4%), the Middle East (3%), and the Balkans (Bosnia, Kosova, Albania, 2%). A fewer number of (0.3%) also

came from each of the following regions: Central Asia, West Africa and the Caribbean.

Length of Time in Canada

• Of the entire sample, only 2% were Canadian-born. • The majority were relative newcomers with 70% having lived in Canada 5 years or less. • Of the most recent newcomers, 36 % had been in Canada 1 year or less, while 34% had lived in Canada 2-5 years. • A much smaller number (14 % ) lived in Canada 5-10 years and only 14% had lived in Canada more than 10 years.

The predominance of newcomers in this sample is also due to the sites where the survey had been distributed, such as LINC classes and through various ethno-specific settlement agencies.

Immigration Status • Of the total sample, 40% were landed immigrants. • The highest proportion of participants, 49% were refugee claimants while only 6 % were sponsored refugees. • A total of 4 % indicated that they were waiting for status.

These findings indicate that the largest proportion of the sample were refugee claimants. According to the Golden Report on homelessness, refugee claimants are the most at risk of homelessness18.

• Our findings also indicate that the highest proportion, or 48% of those who indicated that they were at risk of homelessness, fell into the refugee claimant category. • The second highest category of those who felt at risk of homelessness were landed immigrants at 38% . • Of those who identified as refugee claimants, 42 % were Latin American representing 52% of the total Latin American sample. • In the Muslim community 53% were refugee claimants representing 46% of the total Muslim sample. These represent the highest proportion of participants for both communities. • In the sponsored refugee category, a higher number of 82% were Muslims while only 18% were Latin Americans with sponsored status.

18 Golden et al, 1999, p.72

• In the overall sample, a higher number of Latin Americans indicated that they were waiting for status, 83% , while only 17% of the Muslims identified themselves as being in the same category.

The uncertainty of immigration status and limited access to income and settlement services make housing particularly unstable for refugee claimants and individuals without status.

Reasons for Immigration

• In keeping with the high proportion of refugees represented in the sample, 70% of the participants cited situations of personal violence, war, civil strife and political reasons for their immigration to Canada. • War and civil strife were the most significant reasons for immigration, with 30% of the sample indicating this as the reason they fled their homeland. • A total of 22% cited political reasons for migration and 18% indicated that they were fleeing personal violence. • A total of 18% responded that they left their country to find better economic opportunities, while 10% cited “other” reasons.

Reasons for Immigration : Community Cross-tabulation • Examining the community cross-tabulation, 59% of those fleeing personal violence were Latin American, while 42% were Muslim. • Of those fleeing war and civil strife, 26% were Latin American and 74% were Muslim. This finding is a result of current global conditions and political instability in many regions of the Muslim world including the Middle East, Somalia and Afghanistan where many of the participants were from. • Of those participants citing political reasons for leaving their homeland, 49% were Latin American and 52% were Muslim. • Of those leaving their homeland in search of better economic opportunities, 61% were Latin American and 39% were Muslim.

These findings show the impact of global poverty and political instability on patterns of transnational migration, particularly in Latin American and the Muslim world. This also indicates the high incidence of people from these regions who are fleeing violent and politically turbulent circumstances.

Languages Spoken:

With regard to the settlement of newcomers, overcoming language barriers is a necessary first step to integration.

• In this sample, 46% indicated that they were able to speak English. However, 60% indicated that they understood English to varying degrees, though not all were able yet to speak fluently. • A total of 43% of the sample were Spanish-speaking. • In terms of the Muslim community, the language groups represented included: (10% )Arabic, (4%) Urdu, (18%) Farsi, (10% ) Somali and (21%) citing “other” languages. In some cases multiple language facility is noted as with many Afghans who often speak Urdu due to being displaced in Pakistan, and Somalis who often also speak Arabic and Italian.

EDUCATION AND EMPLOYMENT

Education Background

• In the overall sample, the highest level of education achieved by most of the participants was high school, comprising 48% . • A total of 15% had graduated from a community college, and 10% had a university undergraduate education. • In terms of higher education, a significant number ( 18% ) had attained a graduate degree, while only 6% stated they had no formal schooling.

Overall these findings show that the majority of participants in both the Latin American and Muslim communities had a minimum of high school education and significant numbers also had high levels of post secondary education in either community colleges or universities.

Gender and Education • With respect to gender, cross-tabulation of results on the level of education show that 30% of those whose highest level of education was high school were men, while 70% were female. • For community college graduates, 23% were male and 77% were female. • At the undergraduate university level, 48% were male and 53% were female and for those with graduate degrees, 52% were male and 48% were female. • While gender differences at the post-secondary level were not significant, in the category of “no formal schooling,” there were a disproportionate number of women (94%) representing 8% of all women in the sample, versus 6% of men, or 1% of all men represented.

This demonstrates that women have had less access to education than the men in this sample, although those who have had access have achieved academic levels on par or higher than men, particularly at a community college level.

Education and Employment

• The under-utilization of these valuable human resources is evidenced by the fact that while 49% of the participants in this study indicated that they had training in a professional field, only 4% were working in this field in Canada. • The majority of those who were professionally trained were women comprising 65%, and professionally trained men comprised 35% . This is consistent with the higher number of women in the sample who had attended community college. • In terms of the cross-tabulation by community, 41% of those with professional training were Latin American representing 45% of the total Latin American community in this sample, and 59% were Muslim, representing 51% of the Muslim sample. • The majority of participants had received their education outside of Canada in their homelands. Only 3% had received their education and professional training in Canada. This means that the majority of the participants had foreign degrees and certification that were not recognized in Canada and, as a result, we see that only 4% had been able to find work in their field.

According to Reitz (2001), non- European immigrant men earn anywhere between 15- 25% less than most men with European origins. Foreign education is considered to be an underlying factor in the income and employability discrepancies in Reitz’s study. As evidence of employment discrimination, this attests to the fact that :

“ …Canadian employers treat schooling in certain countries of origin, mostly in Asia, Africa, the Caribbean and Latin America, differently from the way they treat schooling in other countries of origin, mostly European.”19

• In keeping with other research on the underemployment within the groups represented within the Latin American and Muslim communities, in terms of employment status, the findings in this study show that only 18% were currently employed. • Of the 18% employed, 52% were Latin American and 48% were Muslim. In total, 21% of the Latin American participants and 15% of the Muslim were working.

19 Reitz, Jeffrey, G. “Immigrant Skill Utilization in the Canadian Labour Market: Implications of Human Capital Research.” Journal of International Migration and Integration (forthcoming), 2001, p. 19

Therefore, there was little difference between communities in the level of employment. In both cases the proportion of those employed is significantly low. Given the relatively high levels of professional training and post-secondary education found among participants in this study, coupled with the fact that 46% also had English language facility, this finding creates both surprise and concern.

Level of Education and Employment Status One of the most significant and disturbing findings is the correlation between the level of education and current employment status. The findings show a negative correlation between the level of education and employability in Canada. The results are counter- intuitive, as they indicate that the higher the level of education, the lower the employment status. • For example, the highest number of those currently employed (57%) had only achieved a high school level education, while 26% had attended a community college. • Only 4% of those currently employed had a university degree and 10% of those working had a graduate degree. • Of those currently employed, 6% had no formal schooling whatsoever.

These results indicate that in this sample, high levels of education negatively correspond to employment opportunities. These findings need to be evaluated in light of other significant demographic variables, such as the fact that the Latin Americans and Muslims are from racialized communities and are represented in this sample by a large proportion of newcomers. These factors represent barriers related to the interlocking systems of racism and xenophobia that impact on one’s access to economic opportunities. These results also relate to Reitz’s (2001) findings that provide significant evidence to demonstrate that the employment success of newly-arriving immigrants is much less than before.20

Lack of Accreditation and Employment for Foreign Professionals

Other barriers relate to the lack of accreditation and recognition of foreign degrees by professional societies and institutions in Canada.

• The majority of participants in this sample, earned their degrees and professional qualifications outside of Canada, though only 4% were able to find work in their respective fields. • In contrast , the highest level of those who were employed, 57% only had a high school education and 6% had no formal schooling. Lower academic

20 ibid, p.2

qualifications translate into the channeling of these minoritized groups into low skilled, low paying jobs.

Therefore, these findings show that while the doors to professional fields may be closed for newcomers with foreign degrees, the doors to the unskilled, low paid labour force are wide open.

Income Status

The primary sources of income for participants in this sample were the following:

1) Wages and salaries 25% 2) Social assistance 69% 3) Income from self employment 2% 4) Child support 5% 5) Economic support from family and friends 3% 6) Child Tax Credit 10%

• Of those receiving their income from wages and salaries, 54% were Latin American representing 31% of the total Latin American community in this sample and 46% were Muslims, (21% ) of the Muslim community. • By far the highest source of income for participants in this study was social assistance, with a total of 69% of the overall sample. Among those receiving social assistance benefits as their primary source of income, 37% were Latin American representing 58% of the Latin Americans in the study and 63% were Muslim, representing 77% of the total Muslims in the sample.

The high number of participants in both communities receiving social assistance is consistent with the previous finding indicating the high number of well-educated participants unable to find work in their professional field in Canada.

The percentage of the sample receiving social assistance benefits decreases as the length of residency in Canada increases, as would be expected.

• For newcomers who had been in Canada less than 1 year, 77% were receiving social assistance. • For those who had been in Canada 2-5 years, the number decreases to 70%, however it remains at 70% for those who had been in Canada 5-10 years. • The number then decreases to 48% for those who have lived in Canada more than 10 years. Despite the decline with years of residency, the numbers of those on social assistance is still very high. • Even after 10 years, almost half of the participants were unable to find employment.

According to the Ornstein report, Central Americans, Afghans, Arabs, West Asians, Pakistani/Bangladeshi and Somalis were among those categorized as the most severely disadvantaged with an unemployment rate of 20-29.9% as opposed to the overall average of 9.4%.21

Income Levels for Participants in this Study • The average annual income of participants in this study ($13, 467.90), is well below the low income cut off (LICO) or poverty line. • The mode, (or range within the distribution) within which the majority of income fell, was significantly low at $6, 240. • Examining the data through quartiles shows that: 25% earned below $7,440, 50% earned below $13,200 (the median income level), and 75% earned below $18,000 per year. A total of 90% of all participants earned below $21, 600 per year.

These figures are well below the low income cut off level. These income levels are also considerably lower than those cited for the average household income in the catchment area of this study, the former City of York ( $43, 192). The average income level in this region is significantly lower than other municipalities in the Greater Toronto Area. 22

DIFFICULTIES IN FINDING HOUSING

• Participants were asked how difficult their last housing search had been. In total, 62% found their housing search to be “very difficult,” 32% found it to be “somewhat difficult,” and 5% found it “somewhat easy.” With vacancy rates as low as 0.9% in Toronto, it is not surprising that for the majority of the sample, the housing search was “very difficult.” • Lack of income, source of income, and being on social assistance were the most prevalent reasons for why the housing search was difficult. • Number of children, lack of transportation, and the need for references and a guarantor were also barriers to finding housing for participants in this study.

21 Ornstein, Micheal. Ethnoracial Inequality in the City of Toronto: Analysis of the 1996 Census. Toronto: Access and Equity Unit, Strategic and Corporate Policy Division, Chief Administrator’s Office, 2000, p.124

Example of Difficulties in Finding Housing Lack of Income The primary reason for difficulty in finding adequate housing was the lack of income. This corresponds to the fact that, as social assistance benefits have decreased, rental housing in Toronto has increased, making it extremely difficult for low income families to find affordable housing. Related to this is source of income and being on social assistance, which were also cited as reasons that made finding housing a difficult prospect. Landlords are reluctant to rent to individuals on social assistance and this can often be a barrier to securing housing as Isabel, a political refugee from Argentina, relates in the following quote:

“I also have encountered discrimination from the owners or landlords because they refuse to rent to people who receive social assistance. So many landlords are not receiving or not allowing renters that are on social assistance. “

Other factors that proved to be barriers to finding housing included not having money for first and last month’s rent and needing a credit card as Siraj, a street involved Somali youth notes:

“That was back ’98 when I first came to Canada. I stayed in a shelter for about four months looking for an apartment for rent. Each time I found an apartment I just called and they’re like, “you have to pay first and last and we need a credit card”, and stuff like that. It takes me four months to find an apartment because of those reasons. “

• Other factors that participants noted made their housing search difficult included needing references and specifically Canadian housing references as well as a guarantor, which may be difficult for newcomers to obtain. • Language difficulties also differentially affect newcomers and are a clear obstacle in finding a home. • Other difficulties included: a credit check, having to pay more than two months deposit, lack of information, time and transport. Lack of supportive housing for people with serious mental health problems was also seen as a barrier.

22 Wallace and Frisken. City Sub-urban Differences in Government Responses to Immigration in the Greater Toronto Area. Research Paper 197,. Centre for Urban and Community Studies: University of Toronto, 2000, p.30

Numerous Refusals by Landlords In addition to barriers such as these, many face numerous refusals by landlords and end up with “slum landlords” living in sub-standard housing in dangerous areas of the city. This was the case with the street-involved Somali youth in our study, as Siraj explained:

“You find cheap places, like cheap rent, but it’s in the worst area in Toronto---like a lot of crack addicts; a lot of drugs people and homeless and some bad people on the street. You can hear screaming all night from violence on the street.”

Siraj and his friends pointed out that slum landlords rarely refuse anyone , so they had not encountered any discrimination in the less desirable areas where they sought housing. Social and economic disadvantage place these youth at the nexus of various forms of oppression that impact upon their life chances. According to Dion (2001),23 being housed in substandard circumstances directly impacts access to other social and economic needs such as education, healthcare and employment:

“Being forced to live in inadequate housing in a less desirable part of a community also often means substandard educational opportunities for one’s self, one’s partner or spouse and one’s children, fewer and less desirable employment prospects, and poorer access to a wide variety of services, including health care and transportation.”

Therefore, it is necessary to examine housing in a broader sociological framework that attends to the way these interlocking forms of oppression implicate housing options and effectively reproduce situations of social inequality by compromising access to other services such as education.

HOUSING DISCRIMINATION

Participants were given a definition of housing discrimination and then asked to indicate whether they felt that they had experienced discrimination on the various grounds that were listed. The definition read as follows: “Sometimes landlords or their staff refuse to rent to people for unfair reasons and/or people have to pay higher rent than others for no valid reason. This is housing discrimination based on things like ethnicity, gender and income. Do you feel that you faced any in discrimination in finding housing?”

• In response, the majority of participants, a total of 68% indicated that they had experienced some form of housing discrimination.

23 Dion, Kenneth, L. Immigrants Perceptions of Housing Discrimination in Toronto: The Housing New Canadians Project.” Journal of Social Issues, 2001, Vol. 57 No.3, p. 536

• Of those who stated they had experienced discrimination in housing, a higher number 54% were Latin American representing 80% of all Latin Americans in the study and 46% were Muslim, representing 57% of the total Muslim community. Overall these figures for housing discrimination are high. • Level and source of income were the most noted forms of housing discrimination, although the narratives revealed strong examples based on racism and Islamophobia.

Examples of Housing Discrimination Source of Income Discrimination

Miguel, a Latin American service provider, pointed out the “catch-22” situation that many of his clients find themselves within when having to negotiate numerous barriers based on immigration status, and also social class as the result of receiving social assistance benefits:

“Most of our clients’ barriers are income source because most of them are on social assistance. Another one is immigration status. A lot of them are refugee claimants. We’re seeing a rising trend in terms of finding it difficult to find housing even for those who are independent immigrants because they don’t have work. Their income source is not considered by many landlords as a valid one. And they’re ineligible to apply for social assistance so they are in a catch-22.”

Miguel also was very direct in citing the level of discrimination found within the landlord community despite that fact that discrimination on the basis of income source was illegal:

“ If I can add something that I think also summarizes what we’ve said is the rampant discrimination in the larger landlord community. We all know that it’s against the law to discriminate based on your income. We face this every single day when we workers try to negotiate with landlords. As soon as we mention social assistance, all of a sudden, miraculously, the apartment they were saying that our client could go see has a waiting list of 10 people. In the same breath, “yes, Miguel, you can send a client” and when the issue of income source comes up they’ll say, “but you know, I just remembered, there are 3 people coming to see it. I will give you a call to let you know”. That happens a lot.”

Islamophobia and Housing Discrimination The Current Context • Islamophobia was another salient factor that added to the nexus of oppressions based on race, ethnicity and class and gender that were barriers to accessing housing. • For example, the Refugee Housing Task Group in Toronto reported that since Sept. 11, there has been a reduction of Muslim clients attending programs due to fear of backlash and landlords are openly refusing to rent to Muslims. 24 • Islamic religious identity in the era of post September 11th, has been the center of racial profiling and the object of great suspicion and mistrust in many circles. According to a report by the Toronto Police Services, there was a 66% increase in hate crimes in 2001.25 The largest increase was against Muslims. Of the 121 hate crimes linked directly to September 11th, 45 incidents were perpetrated against Muslims, 20 against Jews and 38 against other groups. • In addition to these individual acts of violence, racial profiling at airports, train and bus stations have also been reported and compromise the civil liberties of Muslim Canadians. • Finding housing in this political climate is difficult for many Muslims already disadvantaged by the barriers of race, ethnicity and as is the case with the majority of participants in this study, lower socio-economic status.

Example of Racism, Islamophobia and Housing Discrimination

Racialized bodies face constant rejection from some landlords, who have un-stated policies of racial exclusion and the “selection” of tenants from groups seen as socially acceptable and desirable. Khadeem gave an example of the various circumstances in his housing career that were interrupted by issues of racism and social difference:

“Just me being young and black I think sometimes might have scared off landlords from letting me rent from them. I can give you one or two examples. I showed up at one lady’s place. She sounded optimistic. I told her that I was taking one or two night school courses and I was working part-time. I told her how old I was. I didn’t believe she knew about my race or she didn’t have any preconceived notions over the phone after hearing my voice. But when I showed up there, she had like a shocked look on her face. I don’t know. I guess she had a different face in mind when I told her my name over the phone. She didn’t even let me come in. She told me that

24 Refugee Housing Task Group Meeting Minutes, October 16th, 2001 25 The Toronto Police Services Annual Hate/Bias Crime Statistical Report, 2001

somebody had already come by and they were giving the place to them. She said basically, “oh, sorry. Somebody else already had the place”

For Khadeem, who had converted to Islam, rampant Islamophobia among some landlords forced him to use his given Christian name rather than his Muslim name to landlords over the phone:

“Sometimes I would get different responses in regard to my name and how I would sound on the phone…my Islamic name. So at times I would use my given name---my birth name---just at least to get my foot in the door.”

Imran also described how Islamophobia added another layer of oppression onto the discrimination he already experienced with respect to race:

“When you’re black you get discriminated. But when you’re Muslim and black you get a double dose because they don’t want to see Muslim, they just want to see Christian. They look to add the colour now. Before it was the colour, but now it’s the religion and the colour. So I have to be in defense of the religion and the colour. So you just get sharper that’s all. You can’t hurt nobody, you just have to try to explain it to them they best that you can. “

INTERLOCKING SYSTEMS OF OPPRESSION AND HOUSING

Various social issues that impact on housing for Latin Americans and Muslims are part of the interlocking systems of oppression that affect daily interactions and broader systemic barriers. These are based on discrimination related to race, class, gender, sexuality, religion, mental health status, age and ability. According to Dion (2001)26 “Housing discrimination is an integral part of an overarching, interlocking system of discrimination that Sidanius and Pratto (1999) have aptly termed “the circle of oppression.” Interlocking systems of oppression are mutually reinforcing and relate to the multiple and layered aspects of the identities we all inhabit based the various forms of social difference.

Gender

• There was a clear recognition among the service providers interviewed for this study, that all of the issues related to housing and homelessness were generally experienced in a more pronounced way by women, particularly women already marginalized by race, poverty and language barriers. • Issues of sexual harassment and abuse were noted as situations that sometimes involved landlords taking advantage of single women. Women in the

26 Dion, 2001, p.536

Latin American and Muslim communities must therefore contend with the barriers associated with their gender as well as other forms of social difference, such as race and class that lead to multiple marginalities. • Single mothers face “multiple burdens” as providers of shelter and support for their families.

Latin American Youth

• Limited opportunities due to language barriers, lack of education and training set already marginalized or at-risk youth along an uncertain trajectory. Life is an uneven playing field for racialized youth who have differential and unequal access to material success in society. • The issue of police targeting and the negative stereotypes that criminalize Latin American youth are a major barrier. These representations reduce the varied experiences of these youth to a single negative referent. This social positioning has serious implications for their access to housing. Many landlords see youth as irresponsible and undesirable to house due to their age and poverty.

Homophobia

• Although issues of sexual orientation were not noted as factors of concern for participants in this study, there are broader concerns in both communities, particularly regarding lesbian, gay, bi-sexual and transgendered (LGBT) youth who leave home due to their family’s negative reaction to their sexual orientation. It is estimated that up to 75% of Toronto’s street youth are gay and fleeing family violence and rejection.27 • A focus group with Latin American Service providers revealed that the social stigma and discrimination surrounding homophobia can be a barrier to seeking formal help, since many do not feel safe in “coming out” given the lack of tolerance they have encountered. • The silence around talking about issues of homosexuality openly and the lack of gay positive support available for those who need housing help, leading to greater isolation for those members of the community.

Disability

• Finding affordable subsidized housing was a barrier for people with disabilities who may also lack employment opportunities.

27 Wolfe, Julie et al. Situational Assessment: Political, Economic, Social-Demographic, Technological and Legal Context for Community Mental Health in Toronto/ Best Practices, Community resources Consultants of Toronto, 2002, p.8

• People with disabilities face barriers in locating housing that is wheelchair accessible.

Seniors:

• The number of homeless seniors is increasing as the result of changing family dynamics, whereby elders are brought to Canada to help with grandchildren and to re-build an extended family network of support. • As families grow and change and there is less need for support from elders, many may find them themselves in need of alternate support and shelter. Or if overcrowding occurs as the result of families doubling up with grandparents, there is the possibility of eviction. • Many seniors suffer elder abuse from family members with whom they are housed. • By being reticent to disclose the problems they face, these seniors, many of whom are already socially isolated, exist within silence preserving their sense of family duty and loyalty, but at the same time remaining in often abusive situations.

MENTAL HEALTH, ADDICTION AND THE CONTINUUM OF HOMELESSNESS

• Research has shown that there is an over-representation of people with severe mental problems among the homeless population. An estimated 33% of men in hostels have serious mental health problems and as many as 75% of women do as well. • This can be traced as a direct result of the de-institutionalization of psychiatric patients that began in the 1960s and the failure to replace these services with community-based alternatives. • To compound the situation, the number of psychiatric beds available in the Greater Toronto Area has fallen by 80% since 1960.28 • There is also significant evidence that homeless people with mental health problems remain homeless for longer and have less contact with family and friends than other homeless people. • They encounter more barriers to employment, tend to be in poorer physical health, and have more contact with the legal system than the rest of the homeless population. • Approximately 85% of individuals with serious mental health problems are unemployed, however many are willing and able to work under appropriate and supportive conditions.29

28 Golden et al, 1999, p.114

• Research also shows that low-income people with mental health problems are at increased risk of homelessness. 30

Findings Related to Mental Health and Housing in the Latin American and Muslim Communities

Muslim Community

• The Somali youth who had been displaced from their families back home and migrated to Canada as refugees, became further displaced living in shelters or on the street. As a result, they faced many emotional stresses associated with the danger and instability of their transient lifestyle. Living on the streets created fear and anxiety and they also suffered from the stress and anxiety of not knowing what had happened to their families back home. • Religion is a spiritual lifeline for these youth who found solace in religious practice and spending time at the mosque. While spirituality is an important mechanism grounding these youth, who remained committed to their Islamic practices despite their transient and unstable lifestyle, traditional services geared toward the homeless population place little emphasis on this aspect of emotional and spiritual survival.31 • The impact of post-traumatic stress affects many who had to flee situations of war and violence in their homeland. There were few community-based supports for counseling and housing help • Cultural stigmas around serious mental health problems are often barriers to people disclosing their problems to others and therefore seeking professional help. • Many Somalis favour indigenous health practices to those based on a Western model. Muslims have a different cultural framework for understanding mental or physical illness that proceeds from a more spiritual worldview.

The Mental Health and Criminal Justice System

• At other times cultural or religious practices can lead to the stigmatization of Muslims within the mental health and criminal justice system. Many of these individuals leave the prison system and end up homeless.

29 Thunder Bay CMHA. Facts About Work and Mental Illness. Cited in: Wolfe et al, 2002, p.10 30 US National Coalition for the Homeless Fact Sheet #5

31 See also Kappel, Betsy, Ramji, Zubeida, Consulting Group. Common Occurrence: The Impact of Homelessness on Women’s Health. Toronto: Sistering: A Woman’s Place, 2002

• These religious practices are sometimes pathologized and seen as evidence of mental illness. There is insufficient knowledge about Islamic practices within the mental health care system. • September 11th, has prompted people in the Federal Correctional System to pay much unwanted attention to Muslims in the care of the government, and this surveillance is not only limited to the Muslims behind bars. Some have been denied their parole date and their presence in the system is lengthened. There has been targeting, stereotyping, violence and anti-Arab, anti-Muslim backlash. Prisoners that are discharged have been left in the “middle of nowhere.” • Muslim men in the criminal justice system have difficulties finding adequate housing once released from prison and this impacts upon their mental health. The trauma these former inmates encounter in trying to re-integrate into society is often too much to bear and many prefer to try to remain institutionalized. • Feelings of marginality and alienation can be causes of mental health problems, as was the case with homeless Muslim youth, yet they are also barriers to seeking help, due to the internalized feelings of oppression

Race, class and the Misdiagnosis of Mental Health Problems

• Misdiagnoses of serious mental health problems are often related to racialized or culture based stereotypes, and in association with negative perceptions of social class. • One community mental health rehabilitation worker noted: “ Somebody from the upper classes would be diagnosed with neurosis. If it is somebody from working class, lack of status, or from a different ethnic group it will be psychosis.32”

Mental Health Issues in the Latin American Community

• The loss of occupational status many Latin American men have experienced in their transition to Canadian society can lead to mental health problems. 33. • For Latin American men, this results in the loss of identity and in the traditional role of the man as provider, and leads to feelings of inadequacy, anxiety, loneliness and isolation, a complex referred to as “nervios” or an idiom

32 The clinical difference between these terms can be understood in the following way: neurosis is understood as “being overtly in touch with reality” (eg. overly aware of risks in the environment) while psychosis is a complete break with reality. Psychosis is perceived to be a more serious condition and is often misdiagnosed when it is ascribed to people from racialized and lower income communities. 33 Freire, 1995 Cited in : Dunn, Samuel, et al. “ Problemas Con Tus Nervios? Que Puedes Hacer? Problems with your Nerves? What Can You Do?” Toronto: York Community Services, 2000, p.13-14

of emotional distress.34 The loss of social networks as the result of migration was also seen as contributing to mental health problems for both Latin American men and women

Stigmas Surrounding Mental Health Problemsas Barriers to Accessing Housing Support

• Within both the Latin American and the Muslim community, stigma surrounding serious mental health problems was a barrier to disclosure. While people might report experiencing depression they are far more reluctant to speak of more serious mental health problems. • The silence around mental health issues was evident in the findings of this study, since although some of the surveys were administered in a mental health support group, only a small number, 7% indicated that they needed mental health support. • Being able to ascertain a client’s mental health conditions and their needs, was one of the “many hats” that housing help workers stated they needed to provide the kind of holistic care required. Ongoing training and support for housing service providers was cited as a need in order to meet the growing demands of their work. • People with serious mental health problems are often labeled “hard to house” and face barriers to housing based on the stigmas related to people experiencing these mental health difficulties. • The need for more housing that provides support services to people with serious mental health problems was highlighted. More creative options that provide a range of both supportive and independent housing need to be developed. For example, long-term transitional housing that encourages mutual support systems, portable supports, and alternative housing. • Supportive housing does not always attend to the religious and cultural needs of clients therefore the issue of cultural and religious diversity in this sector of service delivery also needs to be addressed.

RENT AND HOUSING Rent- to- Income Ratio

34 Bakshi, Leena, Rooney, Rosie, O’Neill, Krissa. 1999. Reducing Stigma About Mental Illness in Transcultural Settings: A Guide. Melbourne, Australia: Australian Transcultural Mental Health network, Department of Psychiatry, the University of Melbourne, 1999, p.13

In Ontario, a comparison between the 1991 and 1996 census shows that the proportion of tenants paying more than one half of their total income on rental costs increased dramatically by 47% [representing 194, 920 households]. This amounted to a disturbingly high number of 300,645 tenant households in Ontario. This figure is expected to rise significantly after the last census.35

• In our findings, participants were paying and average of 64% of their income toward rent. • For Latin Americans , the rent-to-income ratio was 60% and for Muslims the ratio was 67%. Overall these represent very high proportions of income being paid to rent. • In low income subsidized units, rent geared to income is 30%. For participants in this sample, 69% of whom are on social assistance, their rent–to- income ratio is more than double that which is geared to low income earners in subsidized housing units. This means that there is substantially less income left after rent to pay for other basic needs such as food and clothing. • Examining the data as it relates to length of time in Canada, it is also evident that newcomers in Canada 1 year or less were paying the highest proportion 69% of their income toward rent. Among those living in Canada 2-5 years, the proportion is lower at 65%, and among those in Canada 5-10 years the average was 66%. There is a significant drop in the rent-to-income ratio (49% ) among those who had lived in Canada 10 years or more. • In examining the average monthly household income we can see however, that there is not a high income differential between the length of residency categories from 2 years onward. While those who had lived in Canada 1 year or less had the lowest monthly income at $902.07, there is less difference between the other categories. Those who had lived in Canada between 2-5 years had little difference in their average monthly income level ($1257.61) than those who had lived in Canada more that 10 years ( $1253.24). Median income level among those in Canada 10 years or more, actually shows a lower distribution range at $973.50.

These findings show that while the length of time in Canada does have an effect on lowering the potential rent-to-income ratio, higher levels of income are not the reason. In fact, there is little difference in the average income generated by those who are relative newcomers having lived in Canada 2-5 years than that of those who had been in Canada more than 10 years.

This can be brought into perspective when we take into account the high number of participants receiving social assistance. While the number of those on social assistance decreased over time, almost half of the sample were receiving welfare benefits after

35 Layton, 2000, p.79

27 having been in Canada 10 years or more. This is significant as it provides a sad commentary on the difficulties faced by immigrants and refugees from racialized communities in achieving consistent economic growth, despite having lived in Canada for longer periods of time and overcoming the initial barriers of language and employment. Yet this is also consistent with earlier findings reported that point to the under-employment of skilled participants in this sample.

Access to Affordable Housing

The decrease in social assistance benefits and the higher rents in Toronto also contribute to the high rent-to-income ratios found. With a 22% cut to welfare rates and the elimination of rent control on vacant apartments people on social assistance have less money to pay for much higher rents.

• Only 14% of the participants in this sample lived in social housing with a rent geared to income ratio of 30%. The majority, (76%), paid rent to a private landlord. • The break down of these figures according to community shows that of those living in public housing a very low number (9%) were Latin Americans representing only 3% of the total Latin American community in this sample. • Of the relatively few participants who were living in social housing, a higher number were Muslims, representing 90% of those who paid rent to a public landlord. This represented 24% of the total Muslims in this sample. • Overall, the high proportion of participants paying rent to private landlords, means that the majority are subject to paying for high priced rental units. • According to the Rental Market Survey 2001,36 the average rent in the former City of York, while lower than other parts of Toronto, increased from $750 in 1998 to $850 in 2001. The rental rates have therefore significantly increased while social assistance benefits have been cut.

Subsidized Housing:

• A total of 42% of the sample had applied for subsidized housing. Of these, 30% had been on the waiting list for 1-5 years and 4% had been on the waiting list 6-10 years.

36 CMHC Rental Housing Survey 2001 Fact Sheet

• The majority, (58%), had not applied for subsidized housing. Current waiting lists for social housing in Toronto are 10 years or more with approximately 100,000 people currently waiting for a placement.

BEING AT-RISK FOR HOMELESSNESS

Participants were asked whether they felt they were at risk of losing their home.

• Overall, 55% said that they were at–risk of homelessness. • When we invoke the criteria of paying more that 50% of one’s income on rent as being an indicator of potential homelessness, the majority of people in this study qualify in this category. • With a median level ratio of 63%, half of the participants were paying more than this percentage of their income toward rent, placing them in a high risk category. • The primary reasons given for being at-risk, was that their housing was too expensive, with 42% of the sample indicating this reason. • Not being able to pay rent on time and facing eviction were also key factors noted. • A high number of participants also found they had difficulty paying rent, a major factor contributing to their being at risk of homelessness. • A total of 52% indicated that they did have difficulty paying their rent. This again is consistent with the high number of participants paying large proportions of their income toward rent and also reflective of the high number unemployed and on social assistance. • A total of 19% of the participants indicated that they had been without a permanent home in the last 5 years. • A total of 22% of the sample were currently without a permanent home. The most prevalent reason given for their unstable housing condition was that the housing was too expensive.

No Fixed Address: Living in Shelters and on the Street

• Many shelters lack cultural sensitivity, particularly with respect to religious dietary restrictions. As a result many Muslims cannot eat the food provided in the shelters. • The severe overcrowded conditions in many shelters violate the United Nation’s basic requirements for refugee camps that call for 4.5 to 5 metres per person.37 Participants in this study cited concerns with overcrowding, privacy, safety and cleanliness in the shelter system. • Many youth are very suspicious of dealing with “the system” and when they find they are not getting a youth-friendly reception, they become alienated and back off. Few Latin American youth are accessing shelters. • Latin American and Muslim youth who become street-involved may be more prone to live in over-crowded and inadequate housing.

Examples of Living on the Streets

The Somali street-involved youth who participated in our study related their experiences of living in shelters or on the street. Some had been displaced from their families when they immigrated to Canada as refugees. Displacement from their family was causing them a great deal of emotional stress compounding their already difficult situation. These youth were very keen and interested in staying in school, but found that difficult due to their transient lifestyle. They went from living in shelters, to staying with friends or sleeping rough on the streets or in coffee shops, as Kareem explains:

“ I used to sleep in coffee shops. Sometimes I’d sit in the chair and put my head on the table and sleep. Sometimes I go sleep in the parks. It was tough. Sometimes you learn stuff from the street. You know things that you will never do it again. You learn things bad and good.”

Pedro, a 24 year old homeless youth from Guatemala, also talked about his transient lifestyle and having to travel on foot to different places to find food:

“They serve food to people that are homeless so I usually am walking a lot because I’m going from place to place. The places sometimes are far away but I don’t have other choice. I have to do this in order to survive. I am constantly moving because I can’t stay in one place for long. So I’m thankful that at least there are some places that I can go and have some food because I don’ t have much money.”

LIVING IN ADEQUATE HOUSING Participants were asked whether they felt they were living in adequate housing. Adequate housing was defined as meaning that “ your home has heating, lighting, ventilation, sanitation and washing facilities and does not need major repairs.”38

37 Gilllespie, Kerry. “Secret Video Exposes Plight of Homeless.” Toronto Star, 21/05/02, A1 38 See Informal Housing Network Project, Survey of Housing Needs, Appendix I

• By this definition, a total of 63% felt that their living conditions were adequate, while 34% felt they lived in inadequate conditions. • Living in housing that is in a state of disrepair was given as a primary reason for the housing being inadequate. Other factors included improper heating, ventilation, problems with appliances, and cockroaches or mice.

Ability to Afford Basic Needs

• When participants were asked whether they felt they had the means to afford such basic needs as food and clothing, a large proportion, (71%), indicated that they felt they could meet these basic needs, while 27% did not. • This is a counter-intuitive finding given the high rent-to-income ratios paid by the participants that inevitably make meeting basic needs extremely difficult. The possible reasons for such a contradictory finding may be the lack of willingness to disclose situations of abject poverty and also the fact that many of the participants came to Canada as refugees and may be comparing their circumstances as being more favorable with those they left behind. • Food and clothing were among the most prominent needs that were not able to be met by participants. Others also included transportation, furniture and telephone. • Education was seen as a basic need by street-involved Somali youth. Rather than finding support and intervention from schools, these youth found themselves labeled and dismissed as another example of troubled at-risk youth. They were individually pathologized as being lazy, with little regard for the structural conditions that lead to their marginalized circumstances.

INFORMAL HOUSING NETWORKS

Social Network Theory

The issue of informal housing networks is central to this research as one of the primary mechanisms for housing support utilized by members of the Latin American and Muslim communities. For example, in a study of housing conditions and social networks among Haitians and Latin Americans in Montreal, Ray (1997) argues that the experiences of these immigrant communities, “highlight the importance of intricate networks of neighbors, friends and family that are used to mediate the demands of

daily life in a new city.”39 In addition to this empirical work, the theoretical dimensions for understanding the role and function of informal housing networks as well as the pros and cons, can be drawn from social network studies. This branch of social research draws from studies on the integration of immigrant and refugee communities. Social network theories provide an important conceptual framework through which to analyze the structure and function of informal housing networks.

A study conducted by Rose et al ( 2000) on Latin American women in Montreal, is a particularly useful starting place as it differentiates between different types of interpersonal ties (e.g. relatives, work colleagues, neighborhood, leisure activities, faith communities) developed among immigrants and refugees for support. Immigrant and refugees undergo a major reconstruction of their personal social networks within the host society. Traditionally primary group relationships have been the first reference points for integration and adaptation of immigrants, especially in communities where there is a strong tradition of mutual aid. Those with whom one establishes ties can fulfill different roles (e.g. someone to confide in, provide material aid or shelter, access information and resources). These interpersonal relationships are categorized as either “strong” or “weak” ties.

These social relations provide a gateway to accessing a wider range of resources (e.g. finding a job, solving family problems) and enabling greater autonomy of the individual. This finding contravenes the dominant social and political discourse that invokes the responsibility of family networks for many kinds of social support, rather than state supported agencies. The research on Latin American women in Montreal showed that while networks based on strong family ties and close friends were important for “frontline” assistance for new immigrants, many refugees lack these supports. Moreover, strong ties were not sufficient in terms of their potential for mid- long term social support. There was also a strong correlation between the support generated through weak ties and the development of greater confidence and self esteem.

Strong ties refer to close relations such as family and friends from the same homogeneous ethno-racial community. Weak ties refer to acquaintances rather than family or friends and can be from outside the boundaries of one’s social group. The development of weak ties often necessitates going beyond the immediate socially homogenous neighborhood where one lives. Advantages of weak ties or those beyond the immediate family and circle of friends, is that the diversification of social networks serves as a gateway to an array of socio-economic and cultural resources beyond those generally found in ethnic immigrant communities

39 Ray, Brian, K. Housing Conditions and Social Networks among Haitian and Latin American Immigrants in Montreal. Paper presented at the Annual Meetings of the Urban Affairs Association, Toronto, Ontario, 1997, p.2

Informal Housing Network Findings

Family Support

• Examining the dynamics of informal housing networks in our sample, we find that while the majority of participants in this sample had made housing arrangements with either family or friends prior to coming to Canada, only 26% had sustained ongoing housing help from relatives. • Of those receiving housing help from relatives, 31% were Latin American representing 19% of the total Latin American community in this sample, and 69% were Muslim, representing 32% of the total Muslim community. The most common form of support was help in finding a place to live.

There is an obvious gap in the housing help that is available from family after the initial housing support provided to family members who are newcomers. This is consistent with the findings of Rose et al (2000) who note that family support systems are not sufficient in providing mid-to long-term support for housing needs. For many of the participants, their families themselves may be relative newcomers who have not gained the sufficient cultural capital to help access the information and resources needed to provide adequate housing support. Nevertheless, Murdie (1999) 40 notes that in research among Somalis in Toronto, proximity to relatives and friends was the most important factor in searching for the first permanent residence. Therefore maintaining bonds with social networks based on family friends and community group is an important means of facilitating integration to a new society, but may not provide the kind of longer term support needed to negotiate the various systems in Canadian society, in this case, access to housing.

Support From Friends

• A larger number, ( 39% ) of the sample said they received some form of housing help from friends. This is also consistent with the notion of social network theory which purports that social contacts outside of the primary groups relationships may provide a broader gateway to housing information and resources. If friendships are cultivated outside of the immediate circle of friends and family through community or faith-based organizations, language classes or workplace relationships, the more diversified the opportunities are to accessing knowledge related to housing. The findings also relate to the fact that many of the participants are refugees who may rely on support from friends in the absence of family ties in Canada. For example, Ray (1997) found that in

40 Murdie, Robert, A. The Housing Careers of Polish and Somali Newcomers in Toronto’s Rental Market. Toronto: Centre for Excellence in Research on Immigration and Settlement (CERIS), 1999, p.6

his study of housing and social networks among Central Americans in Montreal, a higher percentage relied on friends to help them find housing as opposed to relatives41.

• According to our findings, those receiving support from friends, 47% were from the Latin American community representing 41% of the total Latin Americans in this sample • A total of 54% were from the Muslim community representing 30% of the total Muslim community. The most common form of support again was help in finding a place to live.

Informal Housing Networks as Systems of Support

Sonia, a Latin American woman from Ecuador, had been providing informal housing support for her sister-in-law Pilar and her family who came to Canada as refugee claimants. Sonia was supporting her brother’s family as well as her own and they had 16 people living together in a three bedroom house for the past 5 months. She detailed the kind of support that she was providing for her relatives:

“ I’m providing a place to stay, food, all the facilities of my home. I cannot provide too much because I have my own family. I can’t provide childcare because I work and my husband works. We can provide financial support and food and housing but that’s as far as we can really provide. Also, an orientation, I guess. We were living here in Canada now for over 20 years so I guess we can also give them some guidance and give them some information.”

Aside from helping to meet her relative’s basic needs such as food, shelter and clothing, Sonia also provided guidance and information as an “orientation” that would help her relatives gain the cultural capital they needed to negotiate the housing system in Canada. Many newcomers are without such support and must rely on other informal channels for support or gain support through formal settlement agencies.

The Mosque as Informal Housing Provider

Mosques can be a source of community support, especially for newcomers who find them to be a source of communal and spiritual strength and solidarity. They also operate as informal centers for the dissemination of various kinds of information related to housing, education and employment. This relates to the framework of social network theory that identifies religious groups as sites which open up a larger array of information and services beyond the scope of the immediate family and primary group relationships. Mosques are, however, not formally structured to address housing or employment needs, and have little funding to engage in more formalized systems of

41 Ray, 1997, p.19

34 support to meet these needs. However, in many cases when the family networks break down, the mosque also becomes a surrogate for support.

Living in a mosque or church can only be a temporary arrangement. Imran had been living in a mosque for the past two months as he tried to save money to support himself and a daughter who was chronically ill. He recognized the need to be self-sufficient and gain the capacity to provide for himself and his family:

“ I don’t mind staying here because the brothers are here but it’s good to be independent and I don’t feel like I’m doing things for myself by staying here. Like, I would like to pay for my own shelter for me and my daughter to be a good example….If I need help I’ll come to the masjid42 but that’s for help not for permanent residence. But you just feel like, you know what, I can’t stay here forever. I have to find a permanent place for myself and my daughter. From the first day I got here, I said, “alright I’m going to start building here. And then when I start building, I’ll leave here and go move with my daughter.”

FORMAL AGENCIES ACCESSED FOR HOUSING HELP

Participants were asked to identify which agencies in the catchment area of this study they had approached for housing-related help. Relatively low numbers of participants indicated that they went to formal agencies to access support for their housing needs. In fact, the majority of the participants had never accessed a formal agency for housing help . Given the relative weakness in the structure of informal housing networks as we have seen, this finding is troubling as it would seem that few participants have any form of support, either formal or informal with their housing needs.

Understanding Housing Support Needs

• The highest percentage indicated that “finding a place to live” was the greatest need that formal agencies could help to fulfill. • It is also significant that the second highest need was “understanding tenant rights” ( 45%) . This shows the desire among participants to gain the cultural capital they need to advocate for themselves by learning their rights as tenants. This reflects a desire to engage in political self-advocacy by building knowledge of the legal and institutional frameworks that would protect their interests as tenants. • Gaining knowledge of tenant rights was also noted in the previous section as a function of informal housing networks, although participants noted that only 9% received such assistance from family and only 1% from friends. While these informal social systems can provide some knowledge

42 The term “masjid” is the Arabic word for “mosque”

based on people’s own experience that they could share among family and friends, it is clear that participants are looking for other formal support in this area.

Given the current political context of housing in Ontario it is not surprising that participants in this study, from socially and economically marginalized communities see the need to develop a political and cultural literacy of housing rights. Enhancing the level of information on tenant rights disseminated through informal and formal channels of housing support will help develop greater capacity and political literacy among communities.

New Strategies for Housing Help Outreach

Housing Seminars

During the research period of this study, two housing seminars were conducted in partnership with the Afghan Women’s Organization and the Arab Community Centre as a means to provide public education on housing rights, eviction prevention and access to affordable social housing. In total, there were 56 at-risk homeless people in attendance as well as 4 service providers. The housing seminars were conducted by Syme-Woolner Neighbourhood and Family Centre’s Homeless Outreach Coordinator and the Informal Housing Network Project’s (IHNP) outreach workers. The IHNP survey on housing needs was also disseminated after these seminars and the data collected by the project’s outreach workers.

Volunteers in the community organizations hosting the seminars translated them into Arabic and Dari. These outreach seminars provided housing help to individuals in the at -risk for homeless category and enhanced the capacity of the sponsoring organizations to develop effective partnerships with other agencies within the Muslim and Latin American communities also dealing with housing-related concerns.

This public education service provided by the IHNP project was critical in disseminating information and resources to other organizations who require additional knowledge on housing to help meet the needs of their clients. Information packages were prepared by Syme-Woolner’s Homeless Outreach Coordinator and distributed at the seminars to provide additional support to both clients and service providers. These seminars were an important means of developing capacity among people in the at -risk homeless category as well as service providers, through access to information on housing.

Alternate Strategies: Mobile Housing Clinics

As a result of this project’s experience with the housing seminars, some directions for alternative models of outreach were developed. Given the fact that the study has shown that the majority of participants have not accessed formal agencies for housing help and that informal housing supports are limited, a culturally accessible means of providing support needed to be re-conceptualized. Current structures for providing housing help to marginalized communities follow a centralized model, whereby clients are expected to approach housing help centers for assistance. Our research has shown that this model is not effective in reaching the majority of people who need housing help in these communities.

An alternative model of service delivery proposed by the IHNP involves a de-centralized approach, including the development of mobile housing clinics that can provide training and workshops in the areas of housing support identified in the research, as well as providing housing referral services. These clinics would be made available in various culturally accessible sites. This represents a departure from the current centralized approach to housing help that require people in need of housing support to obtain help from the location of the center.

By making housing clinics mobile and moving them into different community-based sites and connecting them into existing programs, such as language classes or parenting groups, a far greater number of people can be accessed who are now not be served by formal service provision. This strategy also allows for information to be communicated in first languages with the support of community partners on site. This decentralized process of providing housing support will also considerably strengthen the ability of informal housing networks to provide housing information and support through less formal channels.

As the information from these seminars reaches broader and more isolated sectors of the communities, there will be a greater opportunity for this information to be shared through informal channels. This process also mitigates the reluctance of members of marginalized communities to access mainstream organizations that they feel do not have the cultural sensitivities to deal with their concerns.

SOME KEY RECOMMENDATIONS

The following provides some of the key recommendations from our study. The complete series of recommendations can be found in the final report.

1.0 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT IN THE LATIN AMERICAN AND MUSLIM COMMUNITIES:

1.1 Support Informal Housing Networks

Undertake greater grassroots capacity- building by coordinating formal and informal housing networks to provide for : 1) temporary housing when necessary and 2) information and resources related to housing needs.

1.2 Enhanced Capacity- Building

The notion of capacity building must be broadened to include not only the ability of service providers to deliver housing support in enhanced ways, but also to build capacity among the homeless and unstably housed themselves. Traditionally interventions on behalf of the homeless are carried out in ways that are modeled after humanitarian aid and charitable initiatives, and act as temporary stop gap measures (emergency shelters, food banks, Out of the Cold Programs etc.) While these are vital and important services, they create situations of dependency if they are not coupled with long-term political and economic initiatives to provide people with the eventual means for self- sufficiency and sustainability.

1.3 Enhanced Organizational Support and Funding for Communities and Community-based Organizations

Adequate funding and organizational support to ethno-cultural and neighbourhood associations to allow them to participate in partnerships, develop funding proposals, and meet community needs.

Adaquate funding for community development and community economic development initiatives in the Latin American and Muslim communities that are led by community members or communities of interest. Funding and organizational support for capacity-building initiatives that encourage partnerships, development of pilot projects, and community involvement in the areas housing ,employment, community economic development, etc.

2.0 ACCESS TO AFFORDABLE, ACCESSIBLE AND SUPPORTIVE HOUSING

2.1 Building Affordable Housing

Funding must be allocated to build more affordable social housing in the West Central Toronto area, which currently has few social housing units. New funding initiatives for building new affordable housing must include adequate numbers of affordable units to accommodate large families. Government initiatives to build subsidized housing need to ensure rents will be affordable and not simply a reduction of current market rents which are unaffordable. Better subsidized housing planning to avoid the ghettoization of neighborhoods (e.g. Jane-Woolner, Flemington, Regent Park, etc)

2.2 Building Accessible and Supportive Housing

Funding must be allocated to build:

¾ housing for people with serious mental health problems that meets the spectrum of needs including: 1) supportive housing (services are linked to housing); supported housing (services are de-linked); and alternative housing (focus on community development rather than medical or psycho-social programs). ¾ innovative and effective culturally accessible supportive housing to meet the needs of the culturally and religiously diverse communities of Toronto. ¾ more culturally accessible small, high support, gender-segregated housing catering to the needs of the Latin American and Muslim communities. ¾ culturally accessible safe house for women experiencing violence. ¾ holistic ,culturally accessible, affordable housing for Latin American and Muslim seniors, including a senior’s recreation centers. ¾ culturally-based foster homes for children and youth.

Increased supportive housing options must be available for populations labeled “hard to house”, by providing high support, low demand program models.

Provide mandatory legislation and plan about implementation of making housing wheelchair accessible. All future housing stock must be wheelchair accessible. Social Housing Connections should give priority to people with disabilities. Shelters meet the basic UN standards for occupancy.

3.0 SPECIFIC NEEDS FOR POLICIES, FRAMEWORKS AND PROGRAMS

3.1 Policy Frameworks Should be Holistic and Based on Interlocking Systems of Oppression Model

Policy development must acknowledge and integrate a holistic framework for addressing the ways that access to stable affordable housing occurs at the nexus of a variety of social, cultural, economic and political factors that represent interlocking forms of oppression based on race, class, gender, sexuality, religion, ability and mental health status.

3.2 Mandate Employment Equity, Service Equity and Fair Accreditation Practices

Implementation of mandatory Employment Equity and Service Equity Legislation Implementation of Employment Equity and Service Equity Plans within community, organizational and business practice both in the public and private sectors. Appropriate levels of government must work with professional associations and universities to provide a fair and expedient process for the accreditation of foreign degrees. Equivalent experience must be recognized through fair, expeditious and culturally accessible process.

3.3 Increase Social Assistance Benefits

An immediate increase in social assistance and disability benefits, adjusted to increases in the cost of living.

3.4 Ensure Access to Affordable Housing and Fair Tenant Rights

Reinstate rent control, revoke the Tenant Protection Act and create one that truly protects tenants, including the elimination of tenant application fees.

3.5 Enhance Policies and Services for Immigrants and Refugees

The federal government must ensure that refugee claimants, government sponsored refugees and sponsored refugees should have all the same rights in relation to meeting basic human needs (e.g. access to financial and settlement services). Furthermore, the process must be culturally accessible and transparent (e.g. all people at all the borders get information about refugee status process and settlement workers are right on site to give information and any necessary emergency work) Refugee status must be expedient process. Appeals should be more expedient and addressing the needs of the people not the system. Ensure that when sponsorship breaks down because of violence, women can still access the same financial and settlement services in tandem with culturally accessible counseling supports. Ensure that all newcomers have access and help to affordable housing, language support, food, income, employment and self defined support. Funding for programs that provide a process for newcomers to access a guarantor, two-month deposit, information, basic needs allowance and the start of credit rating. A system must be developed and implemented for people to live up to reasonable expectations within their means, for example interest free loans. This way we are investing in people and community.

3.6 Develop and Implement Anti-Housing Discrimination Measures Based on the Ontario Human Rights Policy:

Develop a tool where income should be judged holistically based on a process that includes “domestic, informal, social, market and state economy,”43 This framework shows that there is a wider diversity in the potential avenues for generating additional household resources that augment the base income. Landlords and advocates would then have a tool that assists with mitigating income discrimination. Discriminatory practices such as those based on level of income need to be continually challenged as lacking any empirical validity, as a basis for potential risk of rental default, on a systemic level. Pro bono legal support for class action legal suits against various forms of housing discrimination. (e.g. people from marginalized communities would have support to take on a large and small landlords who systemically exclude tenants on the basis of level or source of income, family size, race, ethnicity, gender, serious mental health problems etc.)

43 Hulchanski, David, J. 1999. The Use of Minimum Income Criteria, Summary of Evidence. Toronto: Ontario Human Rights Commission, Sinclair and Newby v. Bexon Investments Ltd. et al, Board of Inquiry File No BI-0207/8-99

4.0 SERVICE SUPPORTS AND INNOVATIONS

4. 1 Provide Culturally Accessible and Holistic Housing Help

Holistic housing support involves meeting the needs of clients related as they relate to the various social, cultural and psychological factors that impact on the ability to access and maintain housing. This includes identifying and supporting needs relating to: ¾ mental health problems, substance use, gambling addiction ¾ sexual orientation, family conflict ¾ housing discrimination (based on level and source of income, race, gender, religion, immigration or mental health status) ¾ education and employment counseling

This level of integrated service delivery involves more than client referral, and involves ongoing training of service providers so that they are able to provide:

¾ more holistic assessments of clients’ housing needs based on an integrated anti- racism, anti-Islampohobia and anti-oppression framework ¾ culturally accessible service delivery

Training and funding for holistic housing help is especially needed in ethno-specific organizations that generally lack the requisite resources to provide adequate housing help along with other linguistic or settlement services. Greater coordination and partnership between mainstream and ethno-specific organizations is needed to exchange mutually beneficial information and resources. Housing help centers must be adequately funded to provide information and support in culturally and linguistically accessible ways for information relating to the following : ¾ support to find a place to live ¾ help maintaining a home ¾ information about social assistance ¾ information about shelters and drop-ins ¾ information about food banks ¾ information about tenant rights

Develop and provide cross-cultural services in shelters, including provision of halal meals, prayer or mediation rooms as a recognition of the important of spiritual support for those facing housing crises.

4.2 Mental Health and Criminal Justice System

Better discharge planning in the prison system for people experiencing serious mental health problems i.e: secured housing, clothes, income etc. The Reintegration Project (delivered by the Ontario Multi-faith Council on spiritual and religious care) that seeks to house inmates discharged from the provincial prisons should be extended to the federal system.

4 .3 Interventions for Latin American and Muslim Youth

There are specific ways that service providers can work with youth in accommodating their holistic housing needs :

¾ Youth Friendly Interventions – e.g. non-judgmental ways of providing support to youth who are at-risk. ¾ Providing a more co-ordinated, informed approach to service provision in working across sectors in the public and private sectors – e.g. Mosques, social service and informal networks working together toward meeting the needs of at-risk youth – avoiding duplication and redressing gaps in the system. ¾ Government investment in finding and funding solutions for at risk youth are clearly necessary to avoid the continual reproduction of a racialized underclass who do not have access to education and employment and thereby reproduce their marginality. Supports are therefore needed in the areas of education and employment as well as housing. ¾ Ensure that the education system works within an anti-oppression, anti- Islamophobia, anti-racism context and that standards are not different in low income, racialized neighbourhoods. ¾ Provide anti-racism, anti-Islamophobia education for police to avoid targeted policing of racially minoritized youths as well as other members of these communities.

4.4 Develop Culturally Accessible Mobile Housing Clinics

Funding must be provided for alternative model of service delivery proposed by the Informal Housing Network Project (IHNP) that involves a de-centralized approach, including the development of mobile housing clinics that can provide training and workshops as well as providing housing referral services. These clinics must be made available in various culturally accessible sites. By making housing clinics mobile and moving them into different community-based sites and connecting them into existing programs, such as language classes or parenting groups, a far greater number of people can be accessed who are now not being

served by formal service provision. As a result, the information from these seminars reaches broader and more isolated sectors of the communities, there will be a greater opportunity for this information to be shared through informal channels.

5. 0 PUBLIC EDUCATION, TRAINING AND ADVOCACY

5.1 Public Education and Training for Holistic Housing Help, Mental Health, Addiction and Incarceration

Training for front-line providers about mental health, addiction and incarceration in the Latin American and Muslim communities and its connection to homelessness. Training should be based on an anti-racist, anti-Islamophobia and anti-oppression, framework, emphasizing cultural accessibility and non-judgment. Public education in the Latin American and Muslim communities about mental health, addiction (including various approaches like for example Harm Reduction vs. Abstinence approach) and incarceration and undertaking anti-stigma campaigns in those areas that incorporate an anti-oppression framework. Funding allocated to train frontline housing workers and provide ongoing professional development in the following areas:

¾ mental health ¾ substance use (e.g. harm reduction/abstinence) ¾ anti-racism, anti-Islamophobia and anti-oppression ¾ domestic violence, elder abuse, family counseling ¾ conflict resolution ¾ cultural sensitivity training to work with diverse youth, LGBT people, seniors, people with serious mental health problems and addictions, including an understanding of the stigmas that exist relating to these areas of social difference. This includes working with communities to combat harmful stigmas and stereotypes. ¾ providing appropriate referrals ¾ developing networks of support and shared information and resources with other service providers

Undertake public education initiatives among landlords and service providers that deal with the anti-Arab, anti-Muslim backlash since September 11.

5.2 Education on Tenant Rights and Political Advocacy

Develop greater cultural and political literacy among people in marginalized communities to better understand and advocate for housing rights. Given the current political context of housing in Ontario it is not surprising that participants in this study, from socially and economically marginalized communities saw the need to develop a political and cultural literacy of housing rights. Enhancing the level of information on tenant rights disseminated through informal and formal channels of housing support will help develop greater capacity and political literacy among communities. Develop public education strategies for landlords. Reach out to the landlord community, put up posters, talk to city councilors – encouraging them to include information in their monthly newsletter to constituents; city council members meeting with the landlords in their ridings; encouraging more communication between landlords and tenants groups; ensuring that there is continued funding for tenant services, like the Tenant Hotline, the Federation of Metro Tenants – all those bodies that provide legal representation and information to tenants. Educate the landlords on tenant’s rights in a formal way through the government. The government has to let landlords know what their responsibilities are. Reach out to the landlord community and use whatever method is possible to find or influence landlords that are tenant friendly. Develop more participatory democratic structures for community feedback on policy initiatives. Find ways for the public, including those communities most economically and socially disadvantaged and under-represented in public discourse, to be more involved in the process of decision making for how money is spent and resources are allocated, and to monitor the accountability of those administering these policy initiatives. Educate refugee claimants about the Canadian political system (e.g. about the income support programs and help them identify who is doing what; who are the advocates; who can they call). Encourage people to assert their political rights and contact their local politicians about housing concerns, identifying themselves as future voters. Develop a critical mass through public education on political and economic rights. With the majority of Toronto’s population as renters, this should be translated into a platform for political action . Enhanced community coalition-building to coordinate and advocate for changes in housing legislation, tenant rights, housing discrimination, etc. Strategies to include marginalized and disenfranchised communities, traditionally under-represented need to be explored as part of an inclusive process of building solidarity and strategic alliances.

SOME KEY RECOMMENDATIONS

The following provides some of the key recommendations from our study. The complete series of recommendations can be found in the final report.

1.0 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT IN THE LATIN AMERICAN AND MUSLIM COMMUNITIES:

1.3 Support Informal Housing Networks

1.4 Enhanced Capacity- Building

1.4 Enhanced Organizational Support and Funding for Communities and Community-based Organizations

Adequate funding and organizational support to ethno-cultural and neighbourhood associations to allow them to participate in partnerships, develop funding proposals, and meet community needs. Adaquate funding for community development and community economic development initiatives in the Latin American and Muslim communities that are led by community members or communities of interest. Funding and organizational support for capacity-building initiatives that encourage partnerships, development of pilot projects, and community involvement in the areas housing ,employment, community economic development, etc.

2.0 ACCESS TO AFFORDABLE, ACCESSIBLE AND SUPPORTIVE HOUSING

2.1 Building Affordable Housing

2.2 Building Accessible and Supportive Housing

Funding must be allocated to build:

Increased supportive housing options must be available for populations labeled “hard to house”, by providing high support, low demand program models. Provide mandatory legislation and plan about implementation of making housing wheelchair accessible. All future housing stock must be wheelchair accessible. Social Housing Connections should give priority to people with disabilities. Shelters meet the basic UN standards for occupancy.

4.0 SPECIFIC NEEDS FOR POLICIES, FRAMEWORKS AND PROGRAMS

3.1 Policy Frameworks Should be Holistic and Based on Interlocking Systems of Oppression Model

3.2 Mandate Employment Equity, Service Equity and Fair Accreditation Practices

3.3 Increase Social Assistance Benefits

An immediate increase in social assistance and disability benefits, adjusted to increases in the cost of living.

3.4 Ensure Access to Affordable Housing and Fair Tenant Rights

Reinstate rent control, revoke the Tenant Protection Act and create one that truly protects tenants, including the elimination of tenant application fees.

3.5 Enhance Policies and Services for Immigrants and Refugees

Ensure that when sponsorship breaks down because of violence, women can still access the same financial and settlement services in tandem with culturally accessible counseling supports. Ensure that all newcomers have access and help to affordable housing, language support, food, income, employment and self defined support. Funding for programs that provide a process for newcomers to access a guarantor, two-month deposit, information, basic needs allowance and the start of credit rating. A system must be developed and implemented for people to live up to reasonable expectations within their means, for example interest free loans. This way we are investing in people and community.

3.6 Develop and Implement Anti-Housing Discrimination Measures Based on the Ontario Human Rights Policy:

Develop a tool where income should be judged holistically based on a process that includes “domestic, informal, social, market and state economy,”44 This framework shows that there is a wider diversity in the potential avenues for generating additional household resources that augment the base income. Landlords and advocates would then have a tool that assists with mitigating income discrimination. Discriminatory practices such as those based on level of income need to be continually challenged as lacking any empirical validity, as a basis for potential risk of rental default, on a systemic level. Pro bono legal support for class action legal suits against various forms of housing discrimination. (e.g. people from marginalized communities would have support to take on a large and small landlords who systemically exclude tenants on the basis of level or source of income, family size, race, ethnicity, gender, serious mental health problems etc.)

4.0 SERVICE SUPPORTS AND INNOVATIONS

4. 1 Provide Culturally Accessible and Holistic Housing Help

44 Hulchanski, David, J. 1999. The Use of Minimum Income Criteria, Summary of Evidence. Toronto: Ontario Human Rights Commission, Sinclair and Newby v. Bexon Investments Ltd. et al, Board of Inquiry File No BI-0207/8-99

¾ housing discrimination (based on level and source of income, race, gender, religion, immigration or mental health status) ¾ education and employment counseling

This level of integrated service delivery involves more than client referral, and involves ongoing training of service providers so that they are able to provide:

¾ more holistic assessments of clients’ housing needs based on an integrated anti- racism, anti-Islampohobia and anti-oppression framework ¾ culturally accessible service delivery

4.2 Mental Health and Criminal Justice System

4 .3 Interventions for Latin American and Muslim Youth

There are specific ways that service providers can work with youth in accommodating their holistic housing needs :

¾ Youth Friendly Interventions – e.g. non-judgmental ways of providing support to youth who are at-risk. ¾ Providing a more co-ordinated, informed approach to service provision in working across sectors in the public and private sectors – eg. Mosques, social service and informal networks working together toward meeting the needs of at-risk youth – avoiding duplication and redressing gaps in the system. ¾ Government investment in finding and funding solutions for at risk youth are clearly necessary to avoid the continual reproduction of a racialized underclass who do not have access to education and employment and thereby reproduce their marginality. Supports are therefore needed in the areas of education and employment as well as housing. ¾ Ensure that the education system works within an anti-oppression, anti- Islamophobia, anti-racism context and that standards are not different in low income, racialized neighbourhoods. ¾ Provide anti-racism, anti-Islamophobia education for police to avoid targeted policing of racially minoritized youths as well as other members of these communities.

4.4 Develop Culturally Accessible Mobile Housing Clinics

5. 0 PUBLIC EDUCATION, TRAINING AND ADVOCACY

5.1 Public Education and Training for Holistic Housing Help, Mental Health, Addiction and Incarceration

Undertake public education initiatives among landlords and service providers that deal with the anti-Arab, anti-Muslim backlash since September 11.

5.2 Education on Tenant Rights and Political Advocacy

Develop public education strategies for landlords. Reach out to the landlord community, put up posters, talk to city councilors – encouraging them to include information in their monthly newsletter to constituents; city council members meeting with the landlords in their ridings; encouraging more communication between landlords and tenants groups; ensuring that there is continued funding for tenant services, like the Tenant Hotline, the Federation of Metro Tenants – all those bodies that provide legal representation and information to tenants. Educate the landlords on tenant’s rights in a formal way through the government. The government has to let landlords know what their responsibilities are. Reach out to the landlord community and use whatever method is possible to find or influence landlords that are tenant friendly. Develop more participatory democratic structures for community feedback on policy initiatives. Find ways for the public, including those communities most economically and socially disadvantaged and under-represented in public discourse, to be more involved in the process of decision making for how money is spent and resources are allocated, and to monitor the accountability of those administering these policy initiatives. Educate refugee claimants about the Canadian political system (e.g. about the income support programs and help them identify who is doing what; who are the advocates; who can they call). Encourage people to assert their political rights and contact their local politicians about housing concerns, identifying themselves as future voters. Develop a critical mass through public education on political and economic rights. With the majority of Toronto’s population as renters, this should be translated into a platform for political action . Enhanced community coalition-building to coordinate and advocate for changes in housing legislation, tenant rights, housing discrimination, etc. Strategies to include marginalized and disenfranchised communities, traditionally under-represented need to be explored as part of an inclusive process of building solidarity and strategic alliances.

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