INFORMAL HOUSING NETWORK PROJECT LIVING ON THE RAGGED EDGES: ABSOLUTE AND HIDDEN HOMELESSNESS AMONG LATIN AMERICANS AND MUSLIMS IN WEST CENTRAL TORONTO BY JASMIN ZINE (2002) EQUINOX RESEARCH AND CONSULTING SERVICES EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Introduction This examination of housing and homelessness in the Latin American and Muslim communities attempts to map the realities of those living on the unstable peripheries of our society. Research on homelessness among these particular populations is virtually non-existent. To date, few research studies have been attempted that examine how Latin Americans and Muslims are affected by homelessness. This exploratory study hopes to open the door to future research and community development focusing on the housing needs of these communities. The purpose of this study was to 1) unpack the social, economic and political conditions that contribute to the marginalization and disenfranchisement of Muslims and Latin Americans living in West Central Toronto 2) to analyze how the interlocking systems of oppression based on race, class, gender, religion, sexuality, age, mental health status and disability impact on their ability to access and maintain stable housing 3) uncover the specific housing needs within these target groups and 4) to explore the dynamics of informal housing networks. The Continuum of Homelessness Common notions of homelessness as an inner city problem experienced by dysfunctional, self-exiled members of society has long been seriously challenged. It is widely recognized that homelessness takes many shapes and forms. It ranges from absolute homelessness, such as living on the street, parks, forests, vehicles abandoned buildings or in temporary shelters or sleeping in churches and mosques, to hidden homelessness such as living in over-crowed conditions, being at-risk of eviction, paying more than 50 percent of income toward rent, living in unsafe domestic situations or with family or friends. Homelessness can no longer be simply viewed as an “inner city” plight, but as a crisis that affects many neighborhoods all across our towns and suburbs. As an exploratory research study, the Informal Housing Network Project attempts to explore this continuum of homelessness, as it affects members of the Latin American and Muslim communities living in West Central Toronto. 2 Research Objectives The goals of this study focus on the following three objectives: 1. To document and analyze the multiple factors contributing to situations of hidden and absolute homelessness in the Latin American and Muslim communities. 2. Explore the dynamics of informal housing networks in the Latin American and Muslim communities and develop interventions that further support informal channels as a means of accessing information and support related to housing. 3. Identifying the specific need for services geared toward developing support and empowerment for individuals and families in these target groups experiencing housing difficulties in West Central Toronto. Integrated Framework for Unpacking Homelessness The first objective relates to the need to develop a holistic framework for understanding the ways that access to stable affordable housing occurs at the nexus of a variety of social, cultural, economic and political factors. These include the lack of affordable rental units being built in Ontario, long waiting lists for social housing, low vacancy rates, decrease in social assistance support, legislation that favours landlords, and the lack of strong political will to end the housing crisis. These factors in turn are mediated by an individual’s immigration status, race, gender, language, age, religion, sexuality, mental health and disability as additional barriers to accessing and maintaining adequate affordable housing. Immigrants and refugees must cope with the difficulties associated with settlement; the shifting narrative of “home” as being a strange and unfamiliar place, lacking the “cultural capital” to negotiate the institutional systems in Canada, language barriers, the lack of accreditation for professional skills, being channeled into lower paying jobs and often social or emotional isolation. These barriers are compounded when serious mental health problems are involved, domestic abuse, disabilities and discrimination on the basis of race, ethnicity and religion. 1 Therefore, an integrated framework involves examining the inter-connectedness of these multiple factors that mediate homelessness. It is essential not to homogenize the 1 See also Murdie, Robert, A, Chambron, Adrienne, S, Hulchanski, David, J. Teixeira, Carlos. “Housing Issues Facing Immigrants and Refugees in Greater Toronto: Initial Findings from the Jamaican, Polish and Somali Communities.” In Emine M. Komut (ed) Housing Question of the ‘Others’. Ankara: Chamber of Architects of Turkey, 1996 and Chambron, Adrienne, S, Hulchanski, David, J, Murdie, Robert, A, Teixeira, Carlos.Access to Housing in a Canadian City: Experiences of Three Immigrant Groups. Toronto: Paper presented at the Urban Affairs Association Conference, 1997 3 variety of situations that fall along the continuum of “hidden” to “absolute” homelessness as circumstances that occur independent of issues of race, class, gender and other forms of social difference. In other words, people occupying positions along the continuum of homelessness live those experiences differently according to their varied social locations. Therefore, we cannot fully understand circumstances of homelessness unless we see them as being lived through more complex social narratives. The issues affecting homeless women for example, cannot be fully understood if we view them as a universal social category unmediated by class or race. Therefore, homelessness as a wide-ranging as a social phenomenon must be understood through the ways that it is raced, classed and gendered. Informal Housing Networks The third objective, and a significant focus of this research has been the understanding of how informal housing networks operate within these communities. Informal housing network systems are the channels through which people access information about their housing needs. People in need of housing help turn first to their primary group relations (family members) and then secondary group relations (friends, community members). 2 These contacts provide the initial gateway to resources that can help with housing related concerns. However, many newcomers lack these supports and also lack access to formal housing support systems provided by housing help centers. This study further examines the possibilities of intervention that can strengthen both informal as well as formal channels to ensure eliminate barriers to accessing housing help. Context of Housing in Toronto Not surprisingly, poverty is a main factor in the homelessness crisis. In Toronto, one in four people and one in three children live below the poverty line, which is twice the provincial average. In Toronto, 106,000 low income households pay more than 50% of their income on rent.3 This is compounded by a lack of affordable housing. More than 60,000 people are on the waiting list for social housing in Toronto with applicants waiting over 10 years for availability. These conditions are even more problematic for people from racially and ethnically minoritized communities that have lower income rates and suffer from housing 2 See Rose, D. Carrasco, P. & Charboneau, J.The Role of “Weak Ties” in the Settlement Experiences of Immigrant Women with Young Children: The Case of Central Americans in Montreal. Toronto: Centre for Excellence in Research on Immigration and Settlement, 2000 3 Golden, Anne, Currie, William, H, Greaves, Elizabeth, Latimer John, E. Taking Responsibility For Homelessness. City of Toronto: Mayor’s Task Force on Homelessness, 1999, p. 137 4 discrimination based on race, ethnicity, gender and religion.4 Toronto city council recently voted for changes in the social housing priority list allowing for 1 in 7 vacant units to be allocated to those deemed to be the most disadvantaged on the waiting list. This figure was reduced from 1 in every 10 available units, shortening the waiting period for some. However, these changes have a negative impact on newcomers who must now be homeless in order to receive priority on the waiting list. The top priority for these units remain as follows: people fleeing family violence, the terminally ill, those currently living in social housing units with more bedrooms than needed, the homeless, families whose children have been removed by Children’s Aid due to inadequate housing, youths and homeless immigrants and refugees.5 Vacancy Rates According to a recent survey by the Fair Rental Policy Organization, that represents landlords, owners and developers, the extremely low vacancy rates in Toronto have recently increased from 0.9% to 2%, more than double since last fall. However these vacancies are primarily on units that rent on the higher end of the market and therefore do not affect the very limited availability of more affordable units for low income families.6 Most of the apartments available for rent in Toronto are in the range of $1,000 or more. According to financial experts, an income of $41,000 per year is needed in order to afford that level of monthly rent. However, the vast number of Toronto’s 1 million renters do not even approach that income level.7 Figures from the Canada Housing and Mortgage Corporation (CMHC) show that in 2001, the number of affordable rental units available in Toronto was below