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Political Parties and Social Movements: Mobilizing and Representing Civil Society

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Political Parties and Social Movements: Mobilizing and Representing Civil Society POLITICAL PARTIES AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: MOBILIZING AND REPRESENTING CIVIL SOCIETY A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Steffen Blings August 2017 c 2017 Steffen Blings ALL RIGHTS RESERVED POLITICAL PARTIES AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: MOBILIZING AND REPRESENTING CIVIL SOCIETY Steffen Blings, Ph.D. Cornell University 2017 Most political parties that emerged in Europe since 1945 have roots in social movements, but unlike older mainstream parties with movement origins they did not adopt an electoral-professional party model focused on pursuing the median voter. Neither have they retained their organizational connections to movements, thus foregoing both the advantages of a “catch-all” platform and access to the mobilizing capacity of movement organizations. Why? I employ a multi-method design combining the analysis of voters and movement party suc- cess with original data from fieldwork in Sweden and Germany on four move- ments and the Green and Pirate parties they spawned. I find that movements are incentivized to be organizationally distinct from parties in order to maxi- mize their public support and influence on government policy. Parties cannot, however, break with their movement origins programmatically, because they exist in saturated party systems and rely on issue voters who are disappointed with the dominant mainstream party models. In that environment social move- ment organizations are empowered vis-a-vis` the parties they spawned and able to influence parties’ platforms through four distinct mechanisms. In that way social movements, together with the parties they spawn, counterbalance the trend towards catch-all and cartel parties and thereby (re-)integrate disaffected citizens into the democratic process. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Steffen Blings received a Ph.D. from the Department of Government at Cor- nell University in 2017 (M.A. 2013). At Cornell his research centered on the intersection of movement and party politics. During his fieldwork he was a visiting scholar at the Institute for Future Studies in Stockholm, Sweden and at Goethe University in Frankfurt, Germany. Before coming to Cornell he received a B.A. and M.A. in Political Science from the University of Bremen, Germany and studied sociology at the University of Groningen, Netherlands. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation would not have been possible without the support of many individuals at Cornell and beyond to whom I would like to express my grat- itude. My committee, in particular, has provided extraordinary mentorship throughout my time at Cornell. Chris Anderson generously facilitated my com- ing to Cornell as a research assistant and encouraged me to apply for the doc- toral program. His advice and unique ability to see the broader picture were invaluable in developing my project and setting it on the right path. Ken Roberts consistently provided extremely thoughtful feedback and was instru- mental in guiding the project to completion. I am extremely grateful for his support, insights, and advice. Sid Tarrow fundamentally shaped how I view extra-institutional politics and pushed me to see how my work fit into the larger picture of contentious politics. Sid’s achievements in this field are unparalleled and I am deeply thankful for his guidance throughout the project. Chris Way was a source of constant encouragement and advice. His remarkable talent for identifying patterns and new research questions, as well as his dedication to mentorship will be an inspiration for years to come. The Cornell community writ-large has been an ideal environment to conduct my work. I would like to thank Peter Enns and Adam Levine who offered enor- mously helpful comments and advice regarding the dissertation project. More- over, I am grateful to Robert Braun, Hoa Dong, Manfred Elfstrom, and Eliza- beth Plantan as well as many other friends and colleagues who took the time read and comment on my work in many research colloquia and beyond. I am particularly indebted to the enormously supportive atmosphere that colleagues in and visitors to White Hall B11 provided for many semesters, especially Sarah Maxey, Delphia Shanks-Booth, and Mallory SoRelle. Beyond my contempo- iv raries at Cornell I was fortunate enough to receive advice and guidance from several Cornellians who had already completed the dissertation process with enormous success. I am deeply grateful to Phil Ayoub and Jennifer Hadden, and in particular Jennifer Erickson and Daniel Kinderman for their help and en- couragement. I also could not have finished the project without the consistent administrative support of Laurie Dorsey, Danielle O’Connor, Dinnie Sloman, Judy Virgilio, and especially Tina Slater. My work profited from the financial and institutional support of various institutions. My research in Europe was made possible by a Luigi Einaudi Fel- lowship from the Cornell Institute for European Studies and a Research Travel Grant from Cornell’s Graduate School. In Germany I would like to thank Thomas Zittel for hosting me as a visiting researcher at the Goethe University Frankfurt and his feedback on my project. I am also grateful to Sara Ceyhan and Olga Herzog for their support and advice, as well as for providing an academic home away from home. Moreover, I am thankful to Annika Hennl, Sebastian Bukow, and Thomas Poguntke for their helpful comments and guidance regard- ing my work in the country. In Sweden I thank Peter Hedstrom¨ for hosting me at the Institute for Future Studies in Stockholm and I am indebted to Peter Esa- iasson, Simon Hjalmarsson, Fredrik Jansson, Gustav Oberg,¨ Viktoria Spaiser, Stefan Svallfors, and especially Thomas Grund and Tim Muller¨ for their advice and support. I owe a special debt to Anders Wallner at Miljopartiet¨ de Grona¨ for enabling me to field my party member survey and facilitating that process. Finally, I would like to thank my teachers without whom I would not have had the opportunity to go to graduate school. I am grateful to Ulrike Liebert and Alexander Gattig for their encouragement and mentorship. Last, but not least, I cannot adequately express my gratitude to my parents, v who have been unfailingly and unwaveringly supportive of and patient with me while I was working on this dissertation many thousand miles away. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS Biographical Sketch . iii Acknowledgements . iv Table of Contents . vii List of Figures . viii List of Tables . ix 1 Introduction 1 2 Theory: Movement Parties, Social Movement Organizations, and Sat- urated Electoral Markets 21 3 Party-Movement Relations: From Movement to Movement Platform Parties 57 4 Organizing Influential Movements: Why Movements and Parties Keep Their Distance as Organizations 110 5 Issue Voters and Elite Strategies: Why Parties Retain Programmatic Links to Movements 140 6 Mechanisms of Programmatic Alignment: How Party Platforms Re- main Tied to Movement Demands 176 7 Conclusions and Implications 226 A Appendix: Fieldwork Data 254 B Appendix: Elite Interview Questionnaire 262 C Appendix: Party Member Survey Questionnaire 264 D Appendix: Parties included in the Analyses 274 E Appendix: Additional Analyses 276 Bibliography 286 vii LIST OF FIGURES 1.1 Linkages between Political Parties and Social Movements: Pre- World War II Movement Parties . .4 1.2 Linkages between Political Parties and Social Movements: Post- World War II Movement Parties . .5 2.1 Linkages Between Political Parties and Social Movements . 29 3.1 Electoral Results: Swedish Green Party . 71 3.2 Electoral Results: German Green Party . 75 4.1 Members of Environmental NGOs by Party Preference; Green parties highlighted; Source: ESS . 114 4.2 Donors of Environmental NGOs by Party Preference; Green par- ties highlighted; Source: ESS . 115 4.3 Mean Values of Reasons to Join Miljopartiet/Social¨ Movements 124 4.4 Spectrum of Movement Attitudes Towards Political Parties . 125 5.1 Predicted Probabilities of Voting for a Green Party Depending on Programmatic Concern and Political Ideology . 150 5.2 Predicted Probabilities of Voting for a Radical Right Party De- pending on Programmatic Concern and Political Ideology . 151 5.3 Predicted Probabilities of Voting for a Regionalist Party Depend- ing on Programmatic Concern . 152 5.4 Predicted Rank-Order of Success of Movement Platform Parties Depending on Procedural and Substantive Gains . 154 6.1 Mechanisms of Programmatic Alignment . 177 6.2 Mechanisms as Highlighted by % of Interviewees . 222 7.1 Party-Movement Linkages: Social Democrats and the Labour Movement . 228 7.2 Party-Movement Linkages: Post-WWII Movement Parties and Movements . 230 E.1 Conceptual Differences Between Movement Platform and Niche Parties . 276 E.2 Activist Participation in Environmental NGOs by Party Prefer- ence; Green parties highlighted; Source: ESS . 277 E.3 Volunters of Environmental NGOs by Party Preference; Green parties highlighted; Source: ESS . 278 viii LIST OF TABLES 3.1 Programmatic Orientation of Miljopartiet¨ and Die Grunen¨ . 82 3.2 Electoral Results: Piratpartiet . 86 3.3 Electoral Results: Piratenpartei . 88 3.4 Programmatic Orientation of Piratpartiet and Piratenpartei . 92 3.5 Programmatic Orientation: Green Parties . 96 3.6 Programmatic Orientation: Regionalist Parties . 102 3.7 Programmatic Orientation: Radical Right Parties . 106 3.8 Models of Movement Parties’ Organizational Connections . 108 4.1 Primary Goal Miljopartiet¨ Should Pursue in % of Respondents . 123 4.2 Spearman Correlations between Reasons to to Join Miljopartiet/Social¨ Movements . 125 5.1 Descriptive Statistics . 144 5.2 Independent Variables in Multi-Level Complementary Log-Log Regression Models . 146 5.3 Multi-Level Complementary Log-Log Estimates of the Effects of Programmatic Concerns and Control Variables on the Likelihood of Voting for Movement Platform Parties . 148 5.4 Independent Variables in the OLS model . 164 5.5 OLS Estimates of the Effects of Government Participation, Sub- stantive Gains, Economic Growth on Electoral Success of Green Parties . 166 6.1 NGOs as Source for Political Information in % . 201 6.2 Frequency of Programmatic Alignment Mechanisms . 223 A.1 Interviews: Overview and Response Rates .
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