A HOUSE UNDIVIDED Making Senate Independence Work
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SOCIAL STUDIES 11 Examination Questions
SOCIAL STUDIES 11 Examination Questions PART A: Multiple Choice 1. Who is the Queen’s representative in British Columbia? A. Premier B. Senator C. Legislative Assembly D. Lieutenant Governor 2. Which of the following responsibilities belong to the municipal level of government in Canada? A. currency B. criminal law C. school policy D. garbage collection 3. Canada is a representative democracy. What does this mean? A. Canadians elect representative to make decisions on their behalf. B. Canadians appoint members of Parliament to decide on important issues. C. The House of Lords consists of representatives from all provinces and territories to make decisions for all Canadians. D. The Queen is Queen of Canada and appoints the Prime Minister to lead the House of Representatives. 4. How often must federal elections be held in Canada? A. Every five years. B. Every four years. C. At the discretion of the Prime Minister and Governor General. D. Every four to six years depending on the popularity of the government. 5. What is the meaning of cabinet solidarity in the Canadian government system? A. Cabinet ministers must follow the advice of their departments. B. Cabinet ministers must agree on all issues at cabinet meetings. C. Cabinet ministers are allowed to freely express their opinions on all issues during cabinet meetings. D. Cabinet ministers agree publicly on all issues. 6. During which stage does a bill pass into law in Canada? A. Committee stage B. the Senate vote C. the Third and final reading D. Royal Assent 1 Use the following information to answer question 7 National Election Results 2004 NUMBER PARTY % OF SEATS LIBERALS 135 36.7 % CONSERVATIVES 99 29.6 % BLOC QUEBECOIS 54 12.4 % NDP 19 15.7 % GREEN 0 4.3 % INDEPENDENT 1 0.5 % Seat Total: 308 100 % 7. -
Proquest Dissertations
OPPOSITION TO CONSCRIPTION IN ONTARIO 1917 A thesis submitted to the Department of History of the University of Ottawa in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts. % L,., A: 6- ''t, '-'rSily O* John R. Witham 1970 UMI Number: EC55241 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI UMI Microform EC55241 Copyright 2011 by ProQuest LLC All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER ONE:IDEOLOGICAL OPPOSITION 8 CHAPTER TWO:THE TRADE UNIONS 33 CHAPTER THREE:THE FARMERS 63 CHAPTER FOUR:THE LIBERAL PARTI 93 CONCLUSION 127 APPENDIX A# Ontario Liberals Sitting in the House of Commons, May and December, 1917 • 131 APPENDIX B. "The Fiery Cross is now uplifted throughout Canada." 132 KEY TO ABBREVIATIONS 135 BIBLIOGRAPHY 136 11 INTRODUCTION The Introduction of conscription in 1917 evoked a deter mined, occasionally violent opposition from French Canadians. Their protests were so loud and so persistent that they have tended to obscure the fact that English Canada did not unanimous ly support compulsory military service. -
Understanding Stephen Harper
HARPER Edited by Teresa Healy www.policyalternatives.ca Photo: Hanson/THE Tom CANADIAN PRESS Understanding Stephen Harper The long view Steve Patten CANAdIANs Need to understand the political and ideological tem- perament of politicians like Stephen Harper — men and women who aspire to political leadership. While we can gain important insights by reviewing the Harper gov- ernment’s policies and record since the 2006 election, it is also essential that we step back and take a longer view, considering Stephen Harper’s two decades of political involvement prior to winning the country’s highest political office. What does Harper’s long record of engagement in conservative politics tell us about his political character? This chapter is organized around a series of questions about Stephen Harper’s political and ideological character. Is he really, as his support- ers claim, “the smartest guy in the room”? To what extent is he a con- servative ideologue versus being a political pragmatist? What type of conservatism does he embrace? What does the company he keeps tell us about his political character? I will argue that Stephen Harper is an economic conservative whose early political motivations were deeply ideological. While his keen sense of strategic pragmatism has allowed him to make peace with both conservative populism and the tradition- alism of social conservatism, he continues to marginalize red toryism within the Canadian conservative family. He surrounds himself with Governance 25 like-minded conservatives and retains a long-held desire to transform Canada in his conservative image. The smartest guy in the room, or the most strategic? When Stephen Harper first came to the attention of political observers, it was as one of the leading “thinkers” behind the fledgling Reform Party of Canada. -
Disrupting the Status
DISRUPTING THE STATUS QUO BASIC INCOME FOR PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES Alexandra Creighton Student Number: 215503915 Alex Creighton Final MRP TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................... 2 SUMMARY ................................................................................................................... 2 INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................... 6 METHODOLODY ........................................................................................................ 9 BASIC INCOME AND RISKS AND REWARDS FOR PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES ......................................................................................................... 23 THEORIES OF EQUALITY, SOCIAL JUSTICE AND BASIC INCOME ............. 28 SUBSTANTIVE EQUALITY.................................................................................... 29 TRANSFORMATIVE EQUALITY ........................................................................... 30 EQUALITY OF WELL BEING ................................................................................. 36 DIGNITY AND HUMAN RIGHTS PRINCIPLES ..................................................... 40 STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE AND ODSP ................................................................. 45 STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE IN THE COURTS ....................................................... 47 MATSON ANDREWS AND STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE ....................................... -
Canada's Third National Policy: A
+(,121/,1( Citation: 59 U. Toronto L.J. 469 2009 Content downloaded/printed from HeinOnline (http://heinonline.org) Mon Dec 23 00:22:02 2013 -- Your use of this HeinOnline PDF indicates your acceptance of HeinOnline's Terms and Conditions of the license agreement available at http://heinonline.org/HOL/License -- The search text of this PDF is generated from uncorrected OCR text. -- To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your HeinOnline license, please use: https://www.copyright.com/ccc/basicSearch.do? &operation=go&searchType=0 &lastSearch=simple&all=on&titleOrStdNo=1710-1174 Roderick CANADA'S THIRD NATIONAL POLICY: A. Macdonald* & THE EPIPHENOMENAL OR THE Robert Wolfe** REAL CONSTITUTION?t The idea of the NationalPolicy as both a collective endeavour and a framework for detailed policy analysis is more constitutive of the Canadianstate and its governing instruments than is any of its renamed Constitution Acts. Nationalpolicies orig- inate in the actions and demands of citizens and are often framed by cultural and economic elites before being appropriated by politicians. This essay begins with a descriptive genealogy of Canada's three National Policies (NP1, from the 1840s through the 1930s; NP2, from the 1930s through the 1970s; and NP3, from 1980 onward). In subsequent sections, the essay elaborates the principles and components of Canada's contemporary National Policy, based on the notion of embedded citizen agency. It then explores a set of hypotheses about integrative action in the traditionalanalytic registersfor thinking about the National Policy: economic, communications, and social policy. Canada's third National Policy is an emerging fact reflected in a number of initiatives taken by both Liberal and Conservative governments over the past thirty years. -
The Legislature
6 The Legislature Key Terms Ad hoc Committees (p. 241) Also known as a working legislative committee, whose mandate is time-limited. Adjournment (p. 235) The temporary suspension of a legislative sitting until it reconvenes. Auditor General (p. 228) An independent officer responsible for auditing and reporting to the legislature regarding a government’s spending and operations. Backbenchers (p. 225) Rank-and-file legislators without cabinet responsibilities or other special legislative titles or duties. Bicameral legislature (p. 208) A legislative body consisting of two chambers (or “houses”). Bill (p. 241) A piece of draft legislation tabled in the legislature. Budget (p. 236) A document containing the government’s projected revenue, expenditures, and economic forecasts. Budget Estimates (p. 237) The more detailed, line-by-line statements of how each department will treat revenues and expenditures. By-election (p. 208) A district-level election held between general elections. Coalition government (p. 219) A hung parliament in which the cabinet consists of members from more than one political party. Committee of the Whole (p. 241) Another name for the body of all legislators. Confidence convention (p. 208)The practice under which a government must relinquish power when it loses a critical legislative vote. Inside Canadian Politics © Oxford University Press Canada, 2016 Contempt (p. 224) A formal denunciation of a member’s or government’s unparliamentary behaviour by the speaker. Consensus Government (p. 247) A system of governance that operates without political parties. Crossing the floor (p. 216) A situation in which a member of the legislature leaves one political party to join another party. -
Implementing the Conservative Agenda
DRAFT for discussion only Not for publication without the permission of the author The Harper Minority and the Majority Myth: Implementing the Conservative Agenda Brooke Jeffrey Department of Political Science Concordia University Abstract At a Canadian Study of Parliament conference in October 2010, senior Conservative adviser and Harper confidant Tim Powers told participants that the prime minister was increasingly convinced he could implement most of his agenda without achieving a majority. Additional support for Powers’ claim can be found in the memoirs of Harper’s former chief of staff Tom Flanagan, who argues first that Harper’s agenda is not merely short-term policy implementation, but long-term institutional and societal change and, second, that Harper has long had a coherent and deliberate strategy to achieve this broader objective. Few would disagree with the claim that Harper’s aggressive approach to the institutions of government, including his widespread disregard for parliamentary conventions and the oversight role of the legislature, along with his unprecedented control of access to information and centralization of power in the PMO, have played a significant role in enabling his minority government to achieve their immediate objectives. However, seen through the prism of Flanagan’s insight about a longer-term strategy, many of the Harper government’s tactics with respect to extraparliamentary democratic institutions -- including the marginalization of the media, defunding of interest groups, muzzling of the bureaucracy and blatant disregard for judicial rulings – can also be viewed as contributing to the implementation of the Conservative agenda. These tactics in turn bear a striking resemblance to the approach used so successfully by the American New Right during the Reagan and Bush eras, several of whose leading advocates are well-known to Harper and members of the original Reform Party. -
Table of Contents
TABLE OF CONTENTS THE CHRETIEN LEGACY Introduction .................................................. i The Chr6tien Legacy R eg W hitaker ........................................... 1 Jean Chr6tien's Quebec Legacy: Coasting Then Stickhandling Hard Robert Y oung .......................................... 31 The Urban Legacy of Jean Chr6tien Caroline Andrew ....................................... 53 Chr6tien and North America: Between Integration and Autonomy Christina Gabriel and Laura Macdonald ..................... 71 Jean Chr6tien's Continental Legacy: From Commitment to Confusion Stephen Clarkson and Erick Lachapelle ..................... 93 A Passive Internationalist: Jean Chr6tien and Canadian Foreign Policy Tom K eating ......................................... 115 Prime Minister Jean Chr6tien's Immigration Legacy: Continuity and Transformation Yasmeen Abu-Laban ................................... 133 Renewing the Relationship With Aboriginal Peoples? M ichael M urphy ....................................... 151 The Chr~tien Legacy and Women: Changing Policy Priorities With Little Cause for Celebration Alexandra Dobrowolsky ................................ 171 Le Petit Vision, Les Grands Decisions: Chr~tien's Paradoxical Record in Social Policy M ichael J. Prince ...................................... 199 The Chr~tien Non-Legacy: The Federal Role in Health Care Ten Years On ... 1993-2003 Gerard W . Boychuk .................................... 221 The Chr~tien Ethics Legacy Ian G reene .......................................... -
Insights from Canada for American Constitutional Federalism Stephen F
Penn State Law eLibrary Journal Articles Faculty Works 2014 Insights from Canada for American Constitutional Federalism Stephen F. Ross Penn State Law Follow this and additional works at: http://elibrary.law.psu.edu/fac_works Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Stephen F. Ross, Insights from Canada for American Constitutional Federalism, 16 U. Pa. J. Const. L. 891 (2014). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Works at Penn State Law eLibrary. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of Penn State Law eLibrary. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ARTICLES INSIGHTS FROM CANADA FOR AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONAL FEDERALISM Stephen F Ross* INTRODUCTION National Federation of Independent Business v. Sebelius' has again fo- cused widespread public attention on the role of the United States Supreme Court as an active arbiter of the balance of power between the federal government and the states. This has been an important and controversial topic throughout American as well as Canadian constitutional history, raising related questions of constitutional the- ory for a federalist republic: Whatjustifies unelected judges interfer- ing with the ordinary political process with regard to federalism ques- tions? Can courts create judicially manageable doctrines to police federalism, with anything more than the raw policy preferences of five justices as to whether a particular legislative issue is -
Institute of Commonwealth Studies
University of London INSTITUTE OF COMMONWEALTH STUDIES VOICE FILE NAME: COHP Hugh Segal (Part One) Key: SO: Dr Sue Onslow (Interviewer) HS: Senator Hugh Segal (Respondent) Part One: SO: This is Sue Onslow talking to Senator Hugh Segal at the Royal Commonwealth Society in London on Wednesday, 13th March 2013. Senator Segal, thank you very much indeed for agreeing to talk to me. I wondered if you could begin by saying, in a general way, what has informed your views towards the Commonwealth in your political career. HS: I'd say probably two things. When I was very young, Her Majesty came to my part of Montreal to open the St Lawrence Seaway. I would have been eight years old. It was 1959, Her Majesty was a young queen – I would say about thirty-three or thirty-two – and she looked very radiant. She came to speak in our small town hall in the northwest part of the city, and when someone – my father – explained to me who she was, what she did, what the Commonwealth was, that she was the head of the Church of England and that this was about everybody being equal under the Crown, that began my interest in what this sort of highly external force might mean in the life of an immigrant kid like myself, number one. Then, the politics really came from my association with the Conservative party. I joined the Conservative party when John Diefenbaker was Prime Minister, so we're looking at 1963. I was thirteen, and my daughter now would say, "Dad, that's the nerdiest thing I've ever heard about you." SO: I'm sorry, but I agree with your daughter! HS: I agree! But I did that because Diefenbaker was very much a politician who was focused on – as many Conservative politicians are – what are our roots, what are our binding histories, what is the nature of our country. -
Members' Allowances and Services Manual
MEMBERS’ ALLOWANCES AND SERVICES Table of Contents 1. Introduction .............................................................................................................. 1-1 2. Governance and Principles ....................................................................................... 2-1 1. Introduction ................................................................................................. 2-2 2. Governing Principles .................................................................................... 2-2 3. Governance Structure .................................................................................. 2-6 4. House Administration .................................................................................. 2-7 3. Members’ Salary and Benefits .................................................................................. 3-1 1. Introduction ................................................................................................. 3-2 2. Members’ Salary .......................................................................................... 3-2 3. Insurance Plans ............................................................................................ 3-3 4. Pension ........................................................................................................ 3-5 5. Relocation .................................................................................................... 3-6 6. Employee and Family Assistance Program .................................................. 3-8 7. -
A Reformed Senate As a Check on Prime Ministerial Power
A Reformed Senate as a Check on Prime Ministerial Power by Evan Sotiropoulos One problem of Canadian parliamentary democracy is the concentration of power in the hands of the Prime Minister and the ascendancy of the Prime Ministers Office over Parliament. This article looks at some of the reasons for the weakness of the House of Commons vis à vis the Prime Minister. It then looks at the Senate and the place a reformed Senate may have in acting as a counterweight to a system that has been transformed from executive centred to prime ministerial dominated. n a representative democracy, individuals are elected democracy, but should these traditions serve to restrict Ito “represent” the views of the citizenry and, in debate and circumvent the duty of an elected theory, meet in a common place to actually debate representative to question certain conclusions and even public policy. Although the practice of politics is partake in the decision making process? commonly divorced from the theory, the current rift A matter of consternation among MPs is the fact that between the two should concern all Canadians. It should “the rules on what constitutes a government defeat are be noted that as national elections become increasingly vague and hence flexible … [since] an important matter leader-centric, most candidates at the local level pin their remains subject to dispute”3. political aspirations on the performance of their party Liberal Party regimes – including the three under with the hope of punching their ticket to Parliament. Chrétien – would regularly muzzle backbenchers by de- Therefore, when those green seats are distributed in claring various non-money bills matters of confidence.