Armenian Folia Anglistika Is the Reviewed International Academic Journal of the Armenian Association for the Study of English

Armenian Folia Anglistika is the reviewed international academic journal of the Armenian Association for the Study of English. Its aim is to foster research of the English Language, Literature and Culture in Armenia and elsewhere, facilitate intellectual cooperation between high school teachers and scholars.

Armenian Folia Anglistika is intended to be published twice a year. Articles of interest to university-level teachers and scholars in English Studies are warmly wel- comed by the multi-national Editorial Board of the Journal. Articles should be directed to the Editor-in-Chief.

The Editorial Board of Armenian Folia Anglistika announces the opening of a new section in the Journal-Armenological Studies, which invites valuable and innovative contributions from such fields as Linguistics, Literary Criticism, Ethnic Studies, Cultural History, Gender Studies and a wide range of adjacant disciplines.

Editor-in-Chief: Editorial Board: Dr. Seda Gasparyan, Prof. Yelena Mkhitaryan, Prof. (Armenia) Yerevan State University Dr. Svetlana Ter-Minasova, Prof. (Russia) Alex Manoogian 1 Dr. Olga Alexandrova, Prof. (Russia) Yerevan 0025 Dr. Angela Locatelli, Prof. (Italy) Armenia Tel: (3741) 571660 Peter Sutton, Editor (England) Fax: +(3741) 571660 Dr. Shoushan Paronyan, Associate Prof. (Armenia) E-mail: [email protected] Gayane Muradyan, Associate Prof. (Armenia)

Guest editor: Lili Karapetyan, Assistant Prof. (Armenia)

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2 Armenian Association for the Study of English (Member Association of the European Society for the Study of English)

ARMENIAN FOLIA ANGLISTIKA

Reviewed International Journal in cooperation with:

Yerevan State University, Armenia

Yerevan State Linguistic University, Armenia

Moscow State Lomonosov University, Russia

Jagiellonian University, Krakow, Poland

University of Zaragoza, Spain

University of Montenegro

YEREVAN- 2012

3 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

C O N T E N T S

Linguistics

Gender and Positive Politeness in Facebook Communication ...... 7 Marta Dąbrowska

I-Narration: Revealing Narrator’s Selfhood ...... 21 Marika Tonyan

Text (Context) Comprehension and Structuring via Different Types of Presuppositions ...... 26 Hranush Tovmasyan

The Introduction of Academic Articles on Civil Engineering and Its Linguostylistic Analysis ...... 35 Minoo Khamesian

Syntactic Variability in Spoken English Discourse through Age Dimensions ...... 43 Karen Velyan

On Some Aspects of Linguistic Economy in English Academic Discourse ...... 49 Astghik Chubaryan, Ruzan Karapetyan

Polysemy in Context ...... 53 Diana Movsisyan

On Psychological, Semantic and Structural Aspects of English Colour Terms ...... 60 Naira Avakyan, Naira Nersissyan

Lexicalization Patterns of English and Armenian Verbs of Speech Activity ...... 65 Lilit Badalyan

4 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

On Some Effects of Communication Barriers on the Quality of Candidate Performance and Examiner Judgements ...... 74 Lilit Bekaryan, Irena Gyulazyan

Falsehood in Speech and Some Means of its Expression ...... 79 Lusine Mnatsakanyan

Pragmatic Aspects of Derivatives Functioning in Fiction ...... 85 Alla Minasyan

Lexical Causatives in Modern English: On Classification of Kill-Verbs ...... 91 Robert Khachatryan

Methodology

Emotions in the Teaching/Learning Process ...... 99 Gayane Shmavonyan, Lili Karapetyan

The Cooperative Learning Method in Teaching EFL to Armenian Students ...... 104 Arus Markaryan, Naira Avakyan

Culture Studies On Foreigner Talk ...... 109 Ruzanna Arakelyan

The Problem of Mutual Understanding across Regional Varieties of English ...... 114 Mariana Sargsyan

Whimperatives across English, Armenian and Russian Cultures ...... 119 Lusine Madoyan

On the Proverbial Conceptualization of the World ...... 127 Hasmik Baghdasaryan

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Literature

The Peculiarities of Chronotope in Don DeLillo’s Novel “Falling Man” ...... 131 Ella Asatryan

The Characteristic Features of the Academic Fiction Genre ...... 138 Syuzanna Poghosyan

Armenological Studies

The Third-Generation Armenian American Writers Echo the Quest for Self-Identity with the Genocide at Its Core ...... 149 Rubina Peroomian

The Azerbaijani Version of History of National Literature: A Critical Review ...... 162 Hrachik Mirzoyan, Natalia Gonchar

6 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

Gender and Positive Politeness in Facebook Communication

Marta Dąbrowska Jagiellonian University

he current paper is a contribution to the discussion in progress for about forty T years which concerns the existence of possible differences in the speaking styles of women and men, initiated on a more global scale by the publication of a seminal paper by R. Lakoff (1975). The main thesis of her paper could be summed up in brief by a statement that women’s language is deficient, as it is (according to the author) cha- racterised by a number of features indicating that women speak from a position of power- less persons. More specifically, they tend to be excessively polite (which manifests itself through a large number of standard language forms, hedges, question tags, and questions), they show lack of confidence in what they are saying due to a frequent use of the hesitant, rising intonation. What is more, their language is overly affective as they often “speak in italics”, and what they say lacks substance, which is visible in the high frequency of the so called “empty” adjectives, as e.g. cute, lovely, etc. The above statements have proved quite controversial to both men and women, which has led to extensive research into male-female linguistic differences (more than similarities, for obvious reasons). This, in turn, has generated a wealth of data and has been able to bring in new perspectives, especially as far as the language used by women is concerned, moreover, in many cases it has disproved Lakoff’s original claims. A fairly long list of differences in terms of male and female speaking styles could be drafted as a result, especially as regards the use of language in interaction, e.g., a much greater tendency to interrupt their interlocutors, to occupy a longer speaking time, and to initiate the subjects of conversation on the part of men, a different meaning and frequency of the use of back- channel noises in the speech of the two genders, the character and the meaning of hedges and question tags, the male preference for generalisation as opposed to the female personalisation, and indeed, among others, a greater tendency to resort to polite forms of language on the part of women (cf. Swann 2000; Stockwell 2002). The latter feature, among others, has particularly been singled out by feminist researchers who have analysed single-sex interactions (viz. Coates 1993; Cameron 1995), as a result of which a new approach towards specifically the female style of speaking has been proposed following the assumption that when interacting women employ a cooperative style of communication and support each other. This goal can indeed be achieved by means of the above-mentioned features of the female genderlect, and the polite style of speaking occupies a prominent position among them. The above processes progressed parallel to the developments in the study of linguistic politeness, which has featured a number of influential approaches to date (viz. Leech 1980; 1983°; Fraser 1990; Janney and Arndt 1992), but the study which has proved most seminal is that of Brown and Levinson (1987/1994). Brown and Levinson’s research adopted Goffman’s (1967) concept of face as its foundation, as a result of which the

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notion of a Face Threatening Act, a speech act which can potentially be threatening to both the hearer’s and/or the speaker’s face, was developed, and this, in turn led to the distinction between four types of polite behaviour. And thus, depending on the intention of the speaker behind a given speech act and the communicative strategies used, the authors distinguished bald on-record politeness (most face-threatening, as it aims for the clarity of expression more than showing attention to the addressee’s feelings), off record politeness (most difficult to interpret, as the speaker uses many evasive methods in order to express his or her meaning indirectly), on-record negative politeness (the one which is most identified with the traditional concept of speaking politely, and one which attends to the hearer’s negative face needs, i.e. the needs to be respected, unimpe- ded in one’s actions, etc.), and finally on-record positive politeness, i.e. one which is directed towards the hearer’s positive face needs, i.e. his or her wish to be accepted, liked, admired. It is the latter type of politeness that I wish to elaborate on in the context of the genderlect discussion. Positive politeness makes use of a number of strategies which allow one to attend to the hearer’s positive face, most typical of which would be, e.g., intensifying interest in the hearer, asserting common ground, using in-group identity markers, promising, giving gifts, seeking agreement, being optimistic, to name just a few. These may be implemented by means of more specifically defined speech acts, as thanks, offers, invitations, compliments, etc. (cf. Brown and Levinson 1987/1994). This type of politeness, as indicated above, has been mostly identified with the female style of speaking, which has been confirmed by a number of subsequent studies motivated by Lakoff’s paper (cf. Tannen’s rapport talk (1990), Holmes’s affective speaking (1993, 1995), Coates’s (1993) and Cameron’s (1995) studies of all-female interaction). The traditional genderlect studies naturally have focused on the spoken medium most, i.e. on face-to-face interaction. The purpose of the current study is to examine some real language samples generated by a new study context which is the Computer Mediated Communication, according to some linguists possibly as a separate channel from speech and writing (viz. Stockwell 2002). I have already studied different aspects of genderlects in the context of email (viz. Dąbrowska 2007a, d, e). Examined here will be the CMC context of a social network, represented by Facebook. The main goal will be to establish whether women indeed do have a greater tendency than men to resort to positive politeness in the semi-formal and informal language context, and if so, which strategies, if any, appear to be most popular among the language users. The study will be based on language samples collected among native British English Facebook users, so that integrity of the study assumptions and findings can thus be maintained. In view of the latest observations made in the context of genderlect studies it is believed that in order to make any justified comments about the two speaking styles, one needs to focus on the language of fairly well defined language communities, and not merely make some vague and swee- ping statements about all men and all women (cf. Bing and Bergvall 1996; Mills 2003). Hence my choice of the native British English Facebook users. Firstly, it is the most numerous group I interact with by means of Facebook, which allows me to investigate the language samples of persons from different generations, and secondly, the studies of genderlects have focused extensively on the speakers of English, mainly its American,

8 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

British, New Zealand and Australian variants (cf. Lakoff 1975; Tannen 1990; Holmes 1993, 1995; Coates 1993; Cameron 1995; Eisikovits 1987, 1988), thanks to which it will be possible to verify my findings against the already available knowledge. As far as the choice of the medium for the selection of the language samples is concerned, as I have already stated in my former papers concerning the analysis of the Facebook data (cf. Dąbrowska 2011 and forthcoming), I believe that, due to its worldwide recognition, social networks, and notably Facebook, contain a wealth of most natural, informal and semi-formal language samples which are available in large quantities for a sociolinguistic study. Facebook creates a friendly, encouraging environment in which the users want to share their thoughts, feelings and experiences with their friends and acquaintances in a safe context, they also want to discover similar things about their Facebook contacts. My assumption is, therefore, that focus is placed more on the social aspect of interaction rather than on the referential one. For this reason Facebook is a source of predominantly naturally occurring language, though obviously modified up to a point by the fact that it does, after all, make use of writing, writing that will be read by many, which in the case of some users may evoke a greater attention to the language correctness. Another important reason behind the choice of Facebook as a source of data is the fact that it is a form of CMC whose main purpose is to maintain contacts with other people. This may be done by sharing some factual information and initiating a discussion on some issues or events happening in the world, but more often than not it is a space where one shares personal information and expects the same from their network contacts – it is a medium which enhances positive relationships with people, and as such it also serves as a very valuable source of data concerning the phatic aspect of human communication. Politeness, and particularly the on record positive politeness has a very integral part in how we want to nurture our contacts with others. Showing our friends and acquaintances that we care about them, like or admire them as well as their views, experiences, etc. is a vital part of building and maintaining friendships and enhancing good relations with people. We often attend to the other’s positive face because we expect the same in return. My assumption is therefore that a number of language samples collected through the Facebook medium will serve as positive politeness carriers and as such will generate data which will allow me to explore the gender-related aspects of language use more thoroughly. The samples analysed here have been collected among the posts generated by 24 users of Facebook, all of them native speakers of English from Great Britain. The figure, albeit not very high, comprises 12 female and 12 male users, and each of the groups is composed of four young persons (aged between 20-35), four middle-aged (aged between 36-55) and four senior ones (aged 56 and more), thereby allowing for a fairly balan- ced representation of the two genders as exemplified by various age groups. It is obvious that each user possesses some unique characteristics, however, it is believed that certain common traits and behavioural tendencies can still be found across the gender and age groups. The samples were as a rule collected from among posts written in the course of one month, although there were a few exceptions of longer periods in the case of the persons who are not very avid Facebook users. The examination of altogether 192 posts in search for the manifestations of positive politeness (96 posts for each group) allowed me

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to identify 260 examples of speech acts which could be recognised as carriers of positive politeness. More specifically, there were 141 (i.e., 54%) of positively polite speech acts generated by the female users and 119 (46%) examples of positive politeness produced by the male users. Thus, already at this stage it may be noted that there is a greater tendency to make use of positive politeness strategies on the part of women, although indeed the difference is not huge. It might be an indication that, as in the case of emotional aspects of language analysed in the email communication (cf. Dąbrowska 2007a) one of the primary uses of which is that of maintaining social relationships, women and men do not differ so significantly in terms of the language strategies selected as it might be the case in public contexts (cf. Holmes 1995). The analysis presented below will focus on the characteristics of the variety of speech acts which were identified in the posts as carriers of positive politeness, and notably on their numbers, their use across the gender groups, and the more specific traits which might possibly characterise their use by the two genders. More specifically, the speech acts which were identified as markers of positive politeness in the Facebook language samples could be divided into 7 general categories, i.e. 1. wishes, 2. thanks, 3. praises, compliments and congratulations, 4. expressions of positive hope, 5. expressions of interest, 6. expressions of a wish to meet, and 7. miscellaneous speech acts (comprising expressions of satisfaction, promises, and invitations).

Wishes In keeping with my original assumptions, wishes constitute the largest portion of manifestations of positive politeness, since Facebook itself encourages users to send each other wishes by sending them reminders of their friends’ birthdays. Thus, the number of wishes, the overwhelming number of which were birthday wishes, amounts to 78 (70 birthday wishes and 8 wishes concerning other events), i.e. 30% of all the positively polite speech acts. This figure, surprisingly, can be split into as many as 46 wishes sent by males and only 32 sent by females. This group, however, represents one of only two speech acts (the other being invitations, included in the miscellaneous category) in terms of which the male Facebook users exceeded the female ones in terms of attending to the addressee’s positive face, and constitutes as much as 42% of all the manifestations of positive politeness (divided into the above-mentioned 7 categories) identified in the posts written by men vs. only 24% of the positively polite speech acts found in the posts produced by women. It is believed that the Facebook’s “nudging” its users in order to send wishes to their contacts is partly responsible for the high number of wishes found in the case of men, considering that the remaining 58% covers all the other 6 categories of speech acts, so the distribution of various strategies of positive politeness in the case of men is markedly uneven. Also, the fact that only 17% of them are more elaborate structures going beyond the traditional Happy birthday phrase (viz. 31% in the female posts) is also to be noted. The overview of the forms of wishes used by the male Facebook users sin- gles out the phrase Happy birthday X (where X stands for the name of the addressee) as the most numerous one, exemplified by 23 posts, occasionally also in the abbreviated CMC language, viz. Happy Bday X, as well as Happy belated birthday X. This group dif-

10 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

fers just slightly from an even simpler one, i.e. Happy birthday, occasionally followed by a smiley, used 8 times by men. The remaining group covers a variety of forms, viz. Many very happy returns; Many happy returns mate; All the best, have a good one; Hooray for your birthday; Hip hip hoorah for you and much love from me!; Belated hippo birdie 2 u; Enjoy your special day!,…And yet another year younger…. As indicated above, occasionally the wish element got extended by some additional birthday-related comment. In the case of the posts written by the males those may be represented by the following: Happy birthday X. Have a great day and a blessed year!; Happy birthday X! Have a great day with all your family and a year ahead; Happy birthday X. All the best. Finally, the remaining group of wishes is small (5 items) and concerns a variety of things, e.g., Eid Mubarak to you too (on the Muslim celebration of Eid); Hope you have a gr8 wkend; Good wishes; Good luck; Love to your tribe. Thus, it may be seen that the variety in terms of the structures used and the meaning expressed is fairly limited, and otherwise the users resort to the most typical, traditional phrases. The examination of the posts written by women demonstrates a smaller number of the expressions of wishes, but a greater variety of those in terms of the form they have taken. This time the primary choice is the simplest form Happy birthday, used 13 times, including also Belated happy birthday (1), yet this phrase is more often than in the case of men followed by another sentence with some additional wish. Second to this is the phrase Happy birthday X with its 10 uses, also sometimes followed by another sentence. The phrases which represent some variation of the form are exemplified by 5 posts, viz. Have an unreal birthday!; Happy birthday from all of us; Happy 18th X; Hope you have an enjoyable celebration; Have a super first in (country) celebration. It may thus be seen that the variants are slightly more traditional and also more emotional than those used by some men – the latter, on the other hand, showed a greater tendency towards using more humorous expressions. As said above, more women chose to go beyond just the expression of the wish and added some additional phrase to enhance the emotional value of the wish. These took a variety of forms, e.g., I hope you have a lovely day; Best wishes for the year ahead; Just for you!; Happy memories of kangaroos and cold in (name of a city); Have a great day but be careful!; but what stood out most in terms of the frequency were some more emphatic additions like Love; Love and hugs!, Love you both; Lots of love!, Love from us both!, Much love (in 7 wishes), which were missing in the posts written by men. Another, seemingly unimportant feature, which, however, was found only in the wishes offered by women (apart from other speech acts analysed) was the use of the traditional x or xxx as a symbol of a kiss – they were found in as many as 12 posts expressing wishes written by women, but in none whatsoever among those written by men (cf. Dąbrowska forthcoming), which is an undeniable sign of affection, as one does not use this device if one does not want to stress positive feelings towards the other person, and therefore, a manifestation of positive politeness as well. Finally, in order to cover the question of wishes, it needs to be added that women also sent wishes to their friends on other occasions, though these were very limited (3 items), i.e. Happy 2nd anni- versary!; Stay safe, X!, Good luck, X, you deserve to get a fantastic grade. In summary of this speech act it therefore needs to be stressed that, albeit there were numerically more

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posts with wishes written by men, the female way of offering wishes tends to be more elaborate and affectionate than that of men, and this may be marked by both some additional comments aiming to stress the importance of the occasion or show others how much they are loved, or by the use of the xxx in order to stress the emotional bond with that person and show how much the female senders liked them. When it comes to any possible age differences in relation to the age groups the post authors represented, most likely due to the fact that wishes tend to be highly conventionalised, as the above analysis has demonstrated, no particular distinctions could be found.

Praise, Compliments and Congratulations Telling someone that we admire them or the items which belong to them or else the activities performed by them is certainly one of the principal ways of showing positive politeness towards that person. Also, the Facebook context, with the help of which the users share with their contacts what they have done, what has happened to them, etc. greatly encourages some sort of response, and, as the overview of Facebook posts has proved, these are hardly ever negative responses. Because of the nature of Facebook, which is meant to connect rather than divide people, the users would rather withhold any reaction at all when disagreeing with or disapproving of what another person has written on their wall than comment on it in outwardly negative terms. On the other hand, when liking what the other person writes, the user has a choice of either marking it with the thumbs up symbol, by far the most popular way of showing positively polite attitude towards others, or writing something below the original post. The comment may obviously focus on the factual aspect only, however, the present analysis has proved that in addition to that Facebook friends very often say something nice about what the author has written. It is therefore self-explanatory that expressions of praise, compliments and congratulations, which I have decided to put together due to their similar nature, occupy the second highest position on the list of the most frequent positively polite speech acts to be found on Facebook, after wishes. However, unlike in the case of wishes, which are induced by Facebook, and ignoring of which may be viewed as an outward manifestation of negative feelings towards or about the birthday addressee, as giving wishes is an expected social custom, in the case of reacting to the other persons’ posts the recipients are free to take no steps at all, and this entails no anathema or negative feelings. Therefore, when they do decide to respond to the posts, and what is more, when they respond by praising, complimenting or congratulating, the positive value of such a response is particularly high. The overall number of praises, compliments and congratulations for both groups con- sisted of 49 examples. Out of this figure 15 (31%) were offered by men, whereas as many as 34 (i.e. 69%) were found in the posts written by women. This is one of the three categories of positively polite speech acts (beside expressions of interest in the addressee and expressions of hope for another meeting) where the discrepancy between the two genders was most visible. Among the objects of praise those which evoked a very similar number of reactions from both genders were various items belonging to the post authors, and notably photos or things they were the authors of (e.g. a cake, a decoration of a coffee jar). In this cate-

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gory men wrote 7 posts and women 8, viz. great photo; that is a really beautiful picture; great photo X; wonderful picture J, vs. I like your profile picture; great pic; nice picture of your mum; looks great!; best dressed coffee I’ve ever seen. The fact that both groups chose to praise those objects in a similar way proves that complimenting others on their belongings appears to be safest of all, least face-threatening. A similar approach, though of a much lower frequency, can be found in the case of ideas that the post authors expressed, and which were offered by men 4 times, and by women – 3, e.g. Sounds like a good plan; That’s cool, Nice one, X; vs. Really like your idea; Fantastic; Wonderful. What needs to be noted here is the use of informal language and structures, illustrated by, e.g. the dele- tion of the subject phrase of the sentence, the use of common, often “empty” adjectives, etc. The situation appears to be similar in the case of praising events, although there seems to be a slightly greater discrepancy between men (2 praises) and women (6 praises). Some examples to be quoted here are: Hey X, nice memory! vs. It was lovely X J, I was impressed by your Long Walk last year; Had a great time with X; Great working with you. The aspect where the greatest differences between the two genders are to be observed, however, are praises, congratulations and compliments offered to the other in terms of their achievements (men – 2, women – 11), looks (men – 0, women – 3) and also people (men – 0, women – 2). The first of the three is particularly striking, as it would have seemed only natural to commend someone on what they did or congratulate them on their success. Women do it quite readily, viz. Congratulations, lovely lady! Well done for getting a fab degree, can’t wait to see the pics; Awesome – congratulations to you both J xxx; Congratulations to you too as I gather you are now Dr X!; Well done you!; Well done to X on getting on to her college course; Well done to X!; Wehay! Well done to X!; Congratulations on your graduation day! vs. Well done for getting the grades fresh ones!; Congrats X! in the case of men. Congratulating someone on their achievements, as can be seen, is typically accompanied by high emotionality, which is reflected in may examples by means of exclamation marks, smileys and, in the case of women, xxx. Female Facebook users appear to offer such comments to their contacts freely, as it does strengthen their bonds of friendship with the others. The comparative lack of such expressions on the part of men may possibly stem from some hidden feeling of jealousy – men on the whole like to compete against each other (cf. Tannen 1990), so possibly acknowledging the other person’s success may not come to them easily (cf. also the use of compliments in Holmes (1995)). If congratulating others on their achievements is considered face-threatening, then complimenting others on their looks is an even greater danger to the male face, as studies of some materials have demonstrated (cf. Herbert 1989, 1990; Holmes 1995). Men hardly praise the other person’s looks – it is a risky action with regard to a female addressee, as it may be perceived as an act of sexual harassment, and it is even more risky when addressed to another man, as then the speaker may be accused of homosexual orientation. That is why the collected material contains only a few comments from women, viz. Nice hair.. x; you look gorgeous, X!, X, you look like such a cool customer!, and none from men. In a similar way, praising people for what they are like as people (not just their

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looks) may lie more in the domain of women, hence the two additional comments offered by female Facebook users, viz. I have such wonderful friends and You are very kind. Thus, the overview of the use of this group of speech acts shows unmistakably that, to quote Holmes’s (1993) title she used for one of her papers, “[New Zealand] women are good to talk to,” as they strive to make their interlocutor feel nice and appreciated (cf. also Coates 1996).

Thanks Thanks are also on the whole used as markers of positive politeness in that they express gratitude, i.e. they indicate approval of the other person. Unlike the two previous speech acts, thanks, represented by 45 examples, present little difference in terms of their use by the two genders, as the male users thanked their Facebook friends for something 22 times, and women – 23 times. Thus, the figures in both cases are fairly high when compared to the numbers of various other speech acts used here. This may be caused by the fact that thanking is perceived as a primary sign of good upbringing and politeness in the very conventional sense. One is expected to thank the speaker on receiving gifts (cf. Brown and Levinson 1987/1994), here verbal gifts, as e.g. wishes of various kind or praises and compliments discussed above. On a closer examination of the thanking strategies opted for by Facebook users it may be noticed that the options are not very numerous, and with a slightly lower number of thanks used by men there is somewhat greater variation in the forms here (5 categories used by men vs. 4 used by women). The form that by far exceeds the others is the simplest thanking formula, viz. thanks, which may stand alone or be followed by some more elaborate phrase. It was used by men 14 times, and by women as many as 18 times, e.g. Thanks!; Thanks X!; Thanks for remembering!; Thanks for the email; vs. Thanks!; Thanks X; Thanks friends; Thanks guys; Thanks for inviting us; Thanks to everyone that came on Saturday; Thanks for the likes and reading the posts!; Thanks for the invite; Thanks to all of you for the surprise birthday & leaving dinner!. Occasionally the word thanks was modified to make the meaning more affective, which in fact was found more often in the phrases used by men, viz. Hi thanks a lot!; Hi X thanks a lot; Hey X thanks a million (such variants were used 4 times) as opposed to only one phrase of this type used by a woman, i.e. Thanks so much. Next to the most neutral and at the same time informal word thanks the more official thank you was also found, usually with the complement to follow, but it was used far less frequently than the above option, i.e. twice by men and three times by women, viz. Thank you; Thank you, I will vs. Thank you everyone for the birthday wishes; Thank you for the ‘congratulations’ texts; Thank you for being there for me when I need you. It may be noticed, therefore, that the full phrase is used to carry thanks in slightly more serious contexts where the use of thanks might be perceived as too neglectful. In addition to the bare form of thank you men decided to use two more options which are again more emphatic as a result of modifying the phrase by the intensifying adverbs so and very, thereby making the expressions of thanks stronger but also more formal sounding, i.e., Thank you very much; X thank you so much for your gree- tings. On the other hand, only one person, this time a young woman, went for a much

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more colloquial option, typically found with the younger generation, i.e. cheers, as in Cheers ma, you too! To sum up, it may, therefore, be stated that thanks, although quite abundant, but simple in their form, are used by Facebook users probably more out of con- vention; any more affectionate form of thanks would have probably been reserved for a more personal, one-to-one message.

Expressions of Positive Hope The next item on the list of the speech acts which carry positively polite meanings towards one’s friends are what I have decided to call expressions of positive hope, as I was quite struck by the number of expressions addressed towards a friend which started with [I] hope that…and then they were followed by some sort of an indirect wish about either the present situation (which appeared to be the most numerous), the future or, least often, about the past. The numbers, similar for both genders, one more time showed a slight bias towards the female users. They were used 34 times in all – 15 times by men and 19 times by women. Both groups had almost the same numbers for the expressions of hope about the present (9 and 10, respectively), about the future (5 in each group), only with regard to the expressions of hope concerning some past event women exceeded men more (4 for women vs. 1 for men). The structure of those is similar, i.e. for the present: I hope that all is well with you and that you are doing well; Hope all is well with you; Hope you are all well; I hope you and yours are flourishing; Hope you are having a great time (men) vs. Hope you are doing OK, Hope you are all well and lovely; I hope you and your family are well; Hope that you are making the most of it in your new home; Hope you’re taking full advantage of chilling out before the job starts!!! Xx; Hope life is good; Hope all well at hospital? (women); for the future Hope we can see you sometime; I hope to see you or talk to you soon; Hope it’s a great day and a blessed year X; Hope u hve a gr8 wkend (men) vs. Hope to do it again some time soon; I hope you have a great day x; I hope we will all come see you; Hope you have an enjoyable celebration (women); and the past Hope X was OK for you (men) vs. Hope you had a great day; Hope you all had a good time; Hope you celebrated (women). Thus, the overview of the collected examples demonstrates that the senders show their addressees that they like them and care for them as they express all those positive hopes with regard to their friends. The frequent use of this strategy proves to be a specially useful device in that it shows that others are important to us, that we care about them.

Expressions of Interest in Others The number of elements in this category is significantly smaller than in the above- mentioned ones, giving us 20 items in all, but this strategy is worth mentioning in greater detail as one of those where the gender difference may also be noted, albeit on a small scale. Out of the overall number only 7 examples of this speech act were found in the posts written by men, and as many as 13 in the posts written by women. Expressing interest is most typically shown through questions about the other’s well being, less often by stating that we are missing that person. The first option may be illustrated by the following posts: How are you/U; How and where are you these days?; All OK with you?;

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How are you celebrating tonight? vs. How are things with you; How is your voice?; The second category of speech acts illustrating this strategy here are I sometimes wonder about you and what you are doing; Thinking of you often (men) vs. Missed you this wee- kend; I miss you already; I’m missing you too; Miss you too; Thinking of you (women). The remaining few are Much sympathy; Send photos of the new place!. The overall examination thus shows that there is a significant numerical difference between the two genders, with women as natural carers and affectionate persons having expressed interest about the others more. What is particularly striking is the use of phrases like Miss you too, I miss you already, I’m missing you, etc. Men never ventured such an open display of emotionality.

Expressions of a Wish to Meet This category of items which fall under the strategy of positive politeness is difficult to label. In other genres, notably letters and email messages, they would most likely be described as closing turns, as they usually come at the end of the message. However, a closing turn, strictly speaking, would include expressions of good-byes which might or might not be complemented by additional elements like those of expressing a wish to meet again. I am interested in that last item in particular, since expressions which contained such type of message constituted a visible part of the collected material – they, however, do not always come at the end of the post or a whole sequence of posts, but may constitute a separate item, and the posts may not contain farewell words at all, hence the difficulty with their classification. This group of positively polite phrases, which altogether consists of 17 items, also belongs to the types of expressions which bring out differences in the Facebook behaviour of men and women. Whereas men expressed a wish to meet with the addressee again 6 times, women indicated their willingness to see the person again or soon 11 times. Thus, although the group is altogether small, the numerical values still mark the gender differences quite clearly. The expressions used by men are not only less numerous, but also less emphatic, and there is hardly any difference in how they approach both male and female addressees. The expressions recorded are See you in a few weeks; See you soon; Look forward to see you in X; I long to see you and the family; Much looking forward to see you in September and looking forward to welcoming all of the freshlings to X. The expressions used by women, both to female and male addressees, may make use of neutral forms, as e.g. See you Monday/Saturday/on the 3rd; Looking forward to seeing you soon; and we will look forward to seeing you whenever you make it; Look forward to catching up with you and X soon, but some of the expressions, in particular those written on the walls of other females, take a more affective form, e.g.: Can’t wait to see you xxx, And I can’t wait to meet up with you in X. In conclusion, making use of this type of expressions makes the overall message particularly pleasant to read, they are therefore a useful marker of positive politeness, and making such expressions more emphatic, which is typically the case of women, make the speaker’s intention sound particularly genuine.

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Miscellaneous (expressions of satisfaction, promises, invitations) The final category of items which can be classified as markers of positive politeness in the collected material includes the remaining types of speech acts whose number was much lower than that of the expressions discussed above, and for this reason they have been classified together. There are 17 items in all, and they fall into three categories: expressions of satisfaction connected with the other person (best represented - 9 items altogether, spread equally between the two groups, i.e., 4 written by men and 5 by women), promises (4 items, 2 written by men and 2 by women) and, finally, invitations (4 items, all produced by one man). A brief discussion of each is as follows: - expressing satisfaction in connection with the other person (i.e. about meeting with them or experiences related to them). Most of them do relate to the fact that the author of the post had a chance to meet with the other person. Examples of the strategy are as follows: Glad to meet you at X; Glad you can come up man!; Glad you’re enjoying it out there! and Glad to see your film again at X a couple of days ago, which were written by men, as opposed to It was nice to see you this summer; Nice to see you in spite of the circumstances; Glad you like it lol x; Lovely to see X’s new set up and visit friends in X; Was delighted to hear you and X are moving in produced by women. Such a small group does not allow for much generalisation, it might be, however, possible to conclude that if men decide to make a comment of this type, it will refer to the most obvious and least face- threatening subject as a meeting, while women might show a greater inclination towards expressing happiness about a variety of aspects connected with the other person, which on the whole creates a pleasant atmosphere of approval. - promises: making promises is to reassure the addressee that something they care about will happen, it appeases them, and as such may be considered to be a type of a gift that Brown and Levinson (1987/1994) speak about. There were very few promises made on Facebook, however. It might be that promises are more readily used in speech, and not so much in spontaneous writing in a public context, especially in CMC. The four items found in the material are: Will do my best to get over and see you; We promise to leave at 9 before the X starts (written by men) and I will be in touch once we have the opening night; I will be in touch soon about next week (written by women). Thus, as can be seen, they concern some arrangements made earlier. Here making a promise acts as an additional bond strengthening friendship, as the senders want to show that they care about the other person’s feelings, hence their classification as a positive politeness strategy. - invitations: this speech act is certainly a very clear marker of positive politeness since, when we invite someone over for a visit, we show particularly strongly how much we like or admire the person - inviting someone over goes further than just uttering kind words, it also entails quite a lot of action, often troublesome for the inviter. It is probably for this reason that invitations were generally not found, except for one person, as they, however encouraging they may sound to the invitee, are also very face-threatening to the speaker. The fact that four items of this speech act were found in the case of one man is connected with his life circumstances (he and his wife have just moved to a new place and after settling down there they were particularly keen on having their friends

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over). Hence such expressions as When are you and X coming for a visit?; When are you coming to X; How about coming to X for a holiday in our little guest house which is going up next week?; We look forward to a visit from you both, seriously! In order to evaluate the use of this speech act properly, however, it would be necessary to find other persons experiencing similar life circumstances. The lack of such an opportunity forces us to merely take note of the option.

Conclusion The above discussion constituted a scrutiny of language strategies which may be used to indicate positively polite behaviour, one of four types of politeness put forward by Brown and Levinson (1987/1994) which appears to be particularly visible in a popular form of CMC which social networks nowadays constitute. As many as 9 different linguistic strategies (grouped into 7 categories) were found to express this specific type of meaning, thereby stressing the predominantly phatic character of the CMC Facebook communicative style and function. The brief analysis of the male and female behaviour recorded in the context of Facebook, an example of a social network, has managed to demonstrate that, in keeping with the initial assumption, the behaviour of native English speakers does show diver- gent tendencies in terms of the gender of the users. Out of the 9 categories of speech acts analysed, as many as 5 demonstrated a higher frequency of use on the part of women, and in particular in 3 of them, i.e. praises, compliments, congratulations, expressions of interest about the other, and expressions of a wish to meet were almost twice as often used by women than by men. As regards the remaining 4 types of speech acts, two of them, i.e. thanks and promises, respectively, did not show any significant divergence in terms of distribution between the two groups. The last two groups, i.e. wishes and invitations turned out to have been more often used by men, although for the lack of comparable context the category of invitations must be treated just as a possibility to be tested in other contexts. As regards the high number of wishes produced by men, it is possible that the Facebook reminders tend to make the male users more keen to fulfil the expectations. It is probably similar in the case of thanks (in the case of which the two groups behaved almost identically) – their frequent use might result from the fact that it is a kind of a social obligation not only to acknowledge the other person’s birthday but also thank for wishes. In the analysis of the material no particular differences concerning the age of the post authors were found, with the numbers of particular types of expressions distributed among the three age groups very evenly. On the other hand, however, an additional difference could be found in terms of gender, namely a much greater emotional character of the posts written by women. This could be seen both in the more affective character of posts indicated by suitable structures and vocabulary used and the liberal use of the xxx to end the posts. Hardly any use of the above was found in the group of posts written by men. To sum up, it is to be concluded that male and female native English speakers do tend to behave somewhat differently in an informal or semi-formal context, of which

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Facebook appears to be a particularly good example. It remains to be tested whether a similar tendency is also to be found in the case of other cultural and ethnic groups as well as in other language contexts.

References:

1. Bing, J.; Bergvall, V. (1996) The Question of Questions: Beyond Binary Thinking. // Rethinking Language and Gender Research: Theory and Practice. / Ed. by V. Bergvall, J. Bing, and A. Freed. London: Longman. 2. Brown, P.; Levinson, S. (1987/1994) Politeness. Some Universals in Language Usage. Cambridge: CUP. 3. Cameron, D. (1995a) Rethinking Language and Gender Studies: Some Issues for the 1990s. // Language and Gender: Interdisciplinary Perspectives. / Ed. by S. Mills. Harlow, Essex: Longman. 4. Coates, J. (1993) Women, Men and Language. London: Longman. 5. Coates, J. (1996) Women Talk. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. 6. Dąbrowska, M. (2007°) Modifiers in Male and Female Expressions of Emotions. // B.A.S. British and American Studies. / Ed. by H. Parlog. Timisoara: EUV Editura Universitătii de Vest. 7. Dąbrowska, M. (2007d) Female Acts of Identity. // Journal of Languages and Translation. Vol III – No II, Part II A Special Issue for the Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference of the Faculty of Al-Alsun, Minia University “Preserving Linguistic and Cultural Identity in the Age of Globalization. / Ed. by A.M. Kamal. Minia: Minia University Printing House. 8. Dąbrowska, M. (2007e) Male and Female Strategies of Communication in E-mail Discussion Groups. // Armenian Folia Anglistika. International Journal of English Studies 2(4)/2007. / Ed. by S. Gasparyan. Yerevan: Lusakn. 9. Dąbrowska, M. (2011) Hindi-English Code-switching as a Community of Practice Marker. // English in Action. Language Contact and Language Variation. / Ed. by E. Willim. Kraków: Kraków Society for Education AFM Publishing House. 10. Dąbrowska, M. “You Look Fab on This Pic!” Gender and Age in Facebook Communication. // Languages, Literatures and Cultures in Contact: English and American Studies in the Age of Global Communication, Vol. 2: Language and Culture. / Ed. by M. Dąbrowska, J. Leśniewska, B. Piątek, forthcoming. 11. Eisikovits, E. (1987) Sex Differences in Inter-Group and Intra-Group Interaction Among Adolescents. // Women and Language in Australian and New Zealand Society. / Ed. By A. Pauwels. Sydney: Australian Professional Publications. 12. Eisikovits, E. (1988) Girl-Talk/Boy-Talk: Sex Differences in Adolescent Speech.// Australian English. / Ed. by P. Collins, D. Blair. Brisbane: University of Queensland Press. 13. Fraser, B. (1990) Perspectives on Politeness. // Journal of Pragmatics 14 (2). Amsterdam: Elsevier.

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14. Goffman, E. (1967) Interaction Ritual: Essays on Face-to-Face Behavior. Garden City: New York: Doubleday. 15. Herbert, R.K. (1989) The Ethnography of English Compliments and Compliment Responses: A Contrastive Sketch. // Contrastive Pragmatics. / Ed. by W. Oleksy. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 16. Herbert, R.K. (1990) Sex-Based Differences in Compliment Behaviour. // Language in Society 19. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 17. Holmes, J. (1993) New Zealand Women Are Good to Talk to: An Analysis of Politeness Strategies in Interaction. // Journal of Pragmatics 20(2). Oxford: Elsevier Science. 18. Holmes, J. (1995) Women, Men and Politeness. Harlow, Essen: Longman. 19. Janney, R.W.; Arndt, H. (1992) Intracultural Tact Versus Intercultural Tact. // Politeness in Language: Studies in Its History, Theory and Practice. / Ed. by R. Watts, S. Ide, K. Echlich. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. 20. Lakoff, R. (1975) Language and Woman’s Place. New York: Harper and Row. 21. Leech, G.N. (1980) Explorations in Semantics and Pragmatics. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 22. Leech, G.N. (1983°) Principles of Pragmatics. London: Longman. 23. Mills, S. (2003) Gender and Politeness. Cambridge: CUP. 24. Stockwell, P. (2002) Sociolinguistics. / A Resource Book for Students. London and New York: Routledge. 25. Swann, J. (2000) Gender and Language Use. // Introducing Sociolinguistics. / Ed. by R. Mesthrie, J. Swann, A. Deumert, W.L. Leap. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. 26. Tannen, D. (1990) You Just Don’t Understand: Women and Men in Conversation. New York: William Morrow.

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Ðá¹í³ÍáõÙ ùÝÝ³ñÏíáõÙ »Ý É»½í³Ï³Ý é³½Ù³í³ñ³Ï³Ý ÙÇ ß³ñù ÙÇçáóÝ»ñ, á- ñáÝù Ñ³Ý¹»ë »Ý ·³ ÉÇë áñå»ë ¹ñ³Ï³Ý ù³Õ³ù³í³ñáõÃÛ³Ý ÏñáÕÝ»ñ /Ï³Ý³Ýó ¨ ïÕ³Ù³ñ¹Ï³Ýó Ñ³Õáñ¹³ÏóáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñáõÙ/ ý»Ûëμáõù ëáóÇ³É³Ï³Ý ó³ÝóáõÙ: Æ ÙÇ μ» ñ»Éáí áõëáõÙÝ³ëÇñáõÃÛ³Ý ³ñ¹ÛáõÝùÝ»ñÁ` Ñ»ÕÇÝ³ÏÁ »½ ñ³Ï³óÝáõÙ ¿, áñ ÏÇÝ ¨ ïÕ³Ù³ñ¹ Ñ³Õáñ¹³ÏóíáÕÝ»ñÇ É»½í³Ï³Ý ³ñï³Ñ³ÛïáõÙÝ»ñÁ ÙÇÙÛ³ÝóÇó ¿³ å»ë ï³ñμ»ñíáõÙ »Ý áã ÙÇ³ÛÝ ³ éûñÛ³ Ï³Ù ÏÇë³å³ßïáÝ³Ï³Ý Ñ³Ù³ï»ùëï»ñáõÙ, ³ÛÉ¨ Å³Ù³Ý³Ï³ÏÇó Ñ³Ù³Ï³ñ·ã³ÛÇÝ É»½íáõÙ, áñÇ í³é ûñÇÝ³ÏÝ»ñÇó Ù»ÏÝ ¿É ý»Ûëμáõù ëáóÇ³É³Ï³Ý ó³ÝóÝ ¿:

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I-Narration: Revealing Narrator’s Selfhood Marika Tonyan Yerevan State University he notion that a narrative literary text can be interpreted as an act of communi- T cation seems to be firmly established nowadays. The task of constructing a typology of narrative texts on the basis of this parallelism, one of the most important tasks of semiotics, has been successfully carried out. According to the narrative mode – the set of methods that the author of a literary text uses to relate the plot to the addressee – different types of texts can be distinguished, the most common being the first- and third-person modes of narration. The first-person narrative is used as a means to directly communicate the internal – and otherwise invisible – thoughts of the narrator to the reader. The third-person narration can be objective and subjective. The former uses a narrator who tells a story without conveying the characters’ thoughts or feelings, and giving an impartial point of view instead. Besides fiction, this mode of narration, sometimes described as a “fly on the wall” or “camera lens” approach (since it can only record the observable actions) is commonly made use of by newspaper articles, biographical documents, and scientific journals. In the third-person subjective narrative mode, also called the “over the shoulder” perspective, the narrator, almost always the protagonist, describes only the events perceived by a character. In this article we are going to discuss the correlation between the first- and third-person narrative modes and the semantics of the pronoun “I” as opposed to that of the third- person pronoun. Jerome David Salinger’s short story For Esmé – with Love and Squalor, one of the most brilliant short stories in world literature, has served as material for our analysis since it contains I-narrative and he-narrative alternating with each other, and the variation of the narrative modes proves to be critical for its poetics and philosophy. While it is obvious that the first- and third-person objective narrations differ funda- mentally, the first-person mode of narration seems close to the third-person subjective narration, since both relate the subject’s inner thoughts and feelings. However, as we will see, there is an important difference between these two types of story-telling. As Paul Ricoeur says, “When the state of consciousness is ascribed to oneself, it is felt, when it is ascribed to another, it is observed” (Ricoeur 2008:58). Тherefore, even when the subject’s perception is related, provided that this is done in the third person, it is not felt (as it would be the case with an I-narrator), it is observed. Starting with Émile Benveniste, the first-person pronoun has been characterized as presenting its referent as a “subject”, thus “bringing out subjectivity in language”: “The ‘subjectivity’ we are discussing here is the capacity of the speaker to post himself as “subject”.[...] .‘Ego’ is he who says ‘ego’” (Benveniste 1974:287). Olga Seliverstova introduced a dimension of individualization which is similar to Benveniste’s approach: “The meaning of the pronouns ‘I’ and ‘you’ contains information that the participant of the situation is characterized as an individuality, a personality,

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while the features of this individuality remain unrevealed” (Seliverstova 1988:33). The individualized description of the referent does not present the individual as a member of a certain class, but as a totality of his/her personal characteristics. In his book “Oneself as Another”, Ricoeur states: “On the whole, individualization can be characterized as a process, opposite to the process of classification, which rejects singularities in favour of a notion” (Ricoeur 2008:45). Logicians and semanticists combine under the general term of operation of individualization such diverse operations as definite descriptions – “the first man to walk on the Moon”, “the inventor of printing”, proper names – “Socrates”, “Paris”, “Moon”, and shifters –“I”, “you”, “this”, “here”, ”now”. Ricoeur suggests that the problem of personal identity is the point of intersection between two basic meanings. This notion implies that two things are correlated: “...identity is seen, on the one hand, as sameness (Latin: idem, German: Gleichheit), on the other hand, as selfhood (Latin: ipse, German: Selbstheit)” (Ricoeur 2008:145). We will examine the development of the narrator’s identity in the story For Esme – with Love and Squalor in terms of the category of selfhood. We will try to show that by switching from the pronoun “I” to “he”, the author presents the narrator as someone who has lost his sense of selfhood. J.D. Salinger’s short story For Esmé – with Love and Squalor was originally published in The New Yorker in 1950, and was included in Salinger’s anthology Nine Stories two years later. The story was referred to by Salinger’s biographer Paul Alexander as a “minor masterpiece,” and Time has called it “the warmest and best of the Nine Stories.” If we look at the sheer facts of this story, it is very simple. According to the mode of narration, the text can roughly be divided into three parts. The first contains I-narration in which the narrator is assumed to be writing at the present moment, as if talking to the reader. In it we are told that the narrator has received an invitation to Esmé’s wedding, and that after deciding that he cannot go, he makes up his mind to write down some notes for her and the groom. The second part also contains I-narration, only this time the narrator is transferred to a period prior to the narrative time of the first part. The events related are as follows: the story-teller, then an American soldier, is in a secret training program in England, and before being sent into combat, he meets a rather extraordinary girl, thirteen-year-old Esmé and her five-year-old brother Charles. He chats with Esmé about the war, her deceased parents, and her plans for the future. They part after exchanging addresses, and Esmé wishes him luck in the war. The last part is in a third-person narrative mode: some time later, Sergeant X (this is how the narrator now refers to himself) is recovering from the war; he is close to a nervous breakdown, and does not seem to be coping with reality. His friend tries to talk him out of his depression but fails to do that. Only after reading a letter from Esmé, does X feel pacified; he eventually is able to relax – he falls asleep with a feeling that he will be able to recuperate. There are styles of writing in which I-narration and he-narration do not differ significantly as regards the choice of words denoting properties and actions characterizing the subject of consciousness. There are yet other styles in which there is a most important difference

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between things that are performed by the subject of consciousness and those which are perceived by him/her. The short story under consideration belongs to the latter category. I-narration is comparable to a dialogue in which the narrator is the addresser/speaker and the potential reader is the addressee/hearer. This being the case, speech is organized so that in this or that way there is reference to the main parameters of the act of speech – the speaker, the hearer, the place and the time of speaking, and the message itself. In the introductory part, the I-narration is similar to a dialogue between the writer and the potential reader. Moreover, the narrator does not conceal the fact that he is going to write something to be read later on. In other words, there is an open device of “metanar- ration” – narration about narration. Who is the text intended for? First of all, it is addressed to Esmé, to whom the story is dedicated:

[Esmé]: “I’d be extremely flattered if you’d write a story exclusively for me sometime. I’m an avid reader.” I told her I certainly would, if I could. [Esmé]: “…I prefer stories about squalor.” “About what?” I said, leaning forward. [Esmé]: “Squalor. I’m extremely interested in squalor. (p.100)

The second addressee is Esmé’s bridegroom: “If my notes should cause the groom, whom I haven’t met, an uneasy moment or two, so much the better”. However, these notes are not intended exclusively for those characters – there exists an extratextual addressee, namely the reader of the story. The next part of the text contains reference to the events that took place six years before the story was written:

In April of 1944, I was among some sixty American enlisted men who took a rather specialized Invasion training course, directed by British Intelligence, in Devon, England. And as I look back, it seems to me that we were fairly unique, the sixty of us, in that there wasn’t one good mixer in the bunch. We were all essentially letter-writing types, and when we spoke to each other out of the line of duty, it was usually to ask somebody if he had any ink he wasn’t using. (p.88)

Similarly to “I”, the pronoun “we” characterizes its referent as an individual, a personality. It is a well-known fact that “we” is not the plural of “I”: since the individual is unique, he/she cannot be pluralized. As John Lyons, says, “we” does not refer to “I” in the same way as “boys” refer to “boy”, or “cows” refer to “cow”. “We” should be understood as “I plus one or more persons”, and these other people can include or exclude the hearer (Lyons 1972:293). This pronoun shows that there exists a kind of in-group around the speaker, and the members of the group are of the speaker’s type. Consequently, the concept of individualization is preserved, and the resulting tone of narration is intimate. In the third part Salinger shifts to he-narration:

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This is the squalid, or moving part of the story, and the scene changes. The people change, too. I’m still around, but from here on in, for reasons I’m not at liberty to disclose, I’ve disguised myself so cunningly that even the cleverest reader will fail to recognize me. It was about ten-thirty at night in Gaufurt, Bavaria, several weeks after V-E Day. Staff Sergeant X was in his room on the second floor of the civil- ian home in which he and nine other American soldiers had been quar- tered, even before the armistice. (p.103)

Not only does the third person pronoun replace “I” in this part, but the narrator is given an obviously anonymous status, and is referred to as “Sergeant X”. The deictic “I” transforms into anaphoric “he”, and “he” stands for “Sergeant X”. The noun “sergeant” puts him in a certain class, and “X” deprives him of his individual name. As mentioned above, individualization is realized not only through the personal pronoun “I”, but also by means of proper names. According to Ricouer, “The advantage of proper names, which are given to people, depends on their further roles – to confirm the identity as well as the sameness-ipse of these people. […] their role is to denote one individual – excluding all the others from the class being analyzed” (Ricoeur 2008:47). So, by giving the character a sign as a name, Salinger openly declares the writing method of detachment from the narrator’s ego. Besides, instead of the individualizing pronoun “we”, he uses the collective noun “people”: the young man is now one of many soldiers, impersonal figures frustrated by the war:

But he was a young man who had not come through the war with all his faculties intact,…. (p.104)

By using the third-person pronoun (instead of “I”), a common noun and the deper- sonalizing “X” (instead of the proper name), Salinger shows the splitting of the young man’s identity into someone who is feeling and into another one who is watching the suffering person, as if at a distance. The use of the third-person narrative mode in this part is justified by yet another important circumstance. Only by recounting the situation as an observable one, can the narrator dwell on the body language of the character, and describe another person’s reaction to it (on body language in the story see Corte 1997:105). In the story’s third part, Corporal Clay repeatedly draws attention to the symptoms of Sergeant X’s nervous condition while the two are talking:

Undarkened, Clay watched X trying to get a cigarette lit. “Jesus,” he said, with spectator’s enthusiasm, “you oughta see your goddam hands. Boy, have you got the shakes. Ya know that?” X got his cigarette lit, nodded, and said Clay had a real eye for detail. (p.107)

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Thus, the detachment from the personality of the character makes it possible to speak about the outside signs of his inner condition, only possible in the third-person narrative mode. Finally, the last part of the he-narration has several linguistic elements suggesting return to I-narration, which in its turn signals the possible revival of the young man’s psychological completeness. First, the young man is not “X” any more, because by addressing Esmé by her name, he regains his own name – in the world where the girl was called “Esmé”, the narrator also had a name. Second, by using the second-person pronoun to address Esmé, the narrator naturally takes up the position of the speaker denoted by the first person pronoun, which means that he is getting back the ability of referring to himself as a personality. And lastly, there is a direct statement that he is regaining spiritual health, becoming a “man with all his faculties intact”. To sum up, the alternating techniques in Salinger’s story show the interrelation between the semantics of personal pronouns, and the poetics of the given literary text. The egocentric “I” and “we” make the narrator’s personality visible. The use of the third- person narration demonstrates loss of sense of selfhood. The final sentence, in which the personal pronoun “you” is employed, prepares return to the individually characterized narrator.

References:

1. Benveniste, E. (1974) Priroda mestoimeniy. // Obshaya lingvistika. M.: Progress. 2. Corte, B. (1997) Body Language in Literature. Toronto: University of Toronto Press Incorporated. 3. Lyons, J. (1972) Introduction to Theoretical Linguistics. Cambridge: CUP. 4. Ricoeur, P. (2008) Ya-sam kak drugoy. / Tr. by B. Skuratova. M.: Izdatelstvo gumani- tarnoi literatury. 5. Seliverstova, O. (1988) Mestoimeniya v yazyke i rechi. M.: Nauka.

²é³çÇÝ ¹»Ùùáí ·ñí³Í å³ïáõÙ` å³ïÙáÕÇ ÇÝùÝáõÃÛ³Ý μ³ó³Ñ³ÛïáõÙÁ

²é³çÇÝ¨ »ññáñ¹ ¹»Ùùáí ·ñí³Í å³ïáõÙÁ ï³ñμ»ñ Ó¨áí ¿ ¹ñë¨áñáõÙ å³ï- ÙáÕÇ ÇÝùÝáõÃÛáõÝÁ: ºÃ» ³é³çÇÝ¹»åùáõÙ å³ïÙáÕÁ Ý»ñÏ³Û³ÝáõÙ ¿ áñå»ë ³ÝÑ³- ï³Ï³ÝáõÃÛáõÝ, ³ å³ »ñÏñáñ¹Ç å³ñ³·³ ÛáõÙ Ýñ³ ³ÝÑ³ï³Ï³ÝáõÃÛáõÝÁ ÙÝáõÙ ¿ ëïí»ñáõÙ: ²Û¹ ï³ñμ» ñáõÃÛ³Ý ÑÇÙùáõÙ ÁÝÏ³Í »Ý ³ÝÓÝ³Ï³Ý ¹» ñ³ÝáõÝÝ»ñÇ ÇÙ³ëï³μ³ Ý³Ï³Ý ³ é³ÝÓÝ³Ñ³ïÏáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ: ÜáõÛÝ ï»ùëïáõÙ »ñÏáõ å³ïáõÙ- Ý»ñÇ ÷á÷áËíáÕ ï»ËÝÇÏ³Ý ëï»ÕÍáõÙ ¿ ïíÛ³É Ï»ñå³ñÇ μ³ñ¹ Ñá·» μ³ Ï³Ý å³ïÏ»ñ:

25 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

Text (Context) Comprehension and Structuring via Different Types of Presuppositions

Hranush Tovmasyan Yerevan State Linguistic University

he period from 1970-2000s was quite abundant in view of yielding different T approaches on text/discourse cohesiveness, structuring and comprehension depending on background knowledge of the speakers, i.e presuppositional data (Stalnaker 1973; Karttunen 1974; Muskens 1995; Kripke 1991; Heim 1983; Geurts 1998; Fauconnier 1985). The afore-mentioned issue has quite comprehensively been studied and analysed in the works of Stalnaker (1973) and Karttunen (1974). Their views constitute two key approaches in the field of text/discourse comprehension in view of background presuppositional data. Despite the fact that presupposition and context have been thoroughly analyzed in various theories, much less attention has been paid to the interrelation between the role different types of presupposition play on text structuring and comprehension. Although, as noted above, a large number of researchers have acknowledged that such relationship does exist (as noted by Stalnaker 1973; Karttunen 1974; Muskens 1995; Kripke 1991; Heim 1983; Geurts 1998; Fauconnier 1985; Sbisà 1987 and others), there has not been any comprehensive or systematic attempt to deal with the nature of the relationship between types of presuppositions and context structuring and comprehension. The present paper is an attempt to analyse the dynamic view of text/discourse cohesiveness, construction and comprehension depending on various types of presuppositions and their respective function in the given issues. To achieve the tasks set, different types of presuppositions put forward by the scholars of the field are delimited (Lisochenko 1992; Arutyunova 1973; Zvegintsev 1976; Katz 1972; Kiefer 1978; Keenan 1971; Dijk van 1978; Bellert 1972, etc.) and studied in view of how each of them contributes to text/discourse cohesion, construction and comprehension. Notably, the sentences with implicit propositions which are in fact presuppositions actually operate as linguistic projectors of the discourse generation process. The latter process presupposes the elimination of the information embedded in the background knowledge and is common for the communicators. Hence, the afore-cited linguists delimit four types of presuppositions, namely existential (Lisochenko 1992; Arutyunova 1973; Zvegintsev 1976), pragmatic (Lisochenko 1992; Stalnaker 1998), communicative (Arutyunova 1973; Vlasova 1978; Lisochenko 1992) and linguistic (Lisochenko 1992) presuppositions. Being in concord with Zvegintsev’s (1976:245-246) definition of existential presuppositions that, “existential presuppositions are data on extralinguistic facts or extralinguistic knowledge”, nevertheless, I would like to complement it by claiming that existential presuppositions are extralinguistic background knowledge on the existence of phenomena of reality, their interconnections and interactions.

26 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

Admittedly, the delimitation of the types of existential presupposition can go in the following two directions: - viewed from the type of the extralinguistic background knowledge which they represent, there can be generalised and particularised existential presuppositions, - viewed from the sphere of their usage – scientific and professional presuppositions. The most common subtype of existential presuppositions is the one that represents worldly knowledge. Such knowledge allows omitting the portion of text data which is commonly shared social knowledge. In cognitive linguistics such knowledge is known as frame. It structures around a certain core and, hence, contains information which is associated with that core (Maslova 2004:47). Consequently, when the text is generated, the given information is stored in the consciousness of the speaker, but is not explicitly expressed in the final textual product. Consider (1).

(1) He suffered hugely on the voyage, during which the ladies were likewise prostrate; but Amelia was brought to life again as the packet made Ostend, by the sight of the transports conveying her regiment, which entered the harbour almost at the same time with the Lovely Rose. Jos went in a collapsed state to an inn, while Captain Dobbin escorted the ladies, and then busied himself in freeing Jos’s carriage and luggage from the ship and the custom-house, for Mr. Jos was at present without a servant, Osborne’s man and his own pampered menial having conspired together at Chatham, and refused point-blank to cross the water. (Thackeray 1962:317)

There is no failure of communication upon the comprehension of the information conveyed by this situation. The latter is accounted for by the existence of worldly knowledge. The frame is “voyage”. Being actually part of common knowledge and a type of existential presupposition, social knowledge is knowledge of extralinguistic facts that refer to the society, to a certain historical period, epoch, etc. in which the recipient lives. In this respect consider sentences (2) and (3).

(2) They were going through the lodge-gates kept by old Mrs. Lock, whose hand Rebecca insisted upon shaking, as she flung open the creaking old iron gate, and the carriage passed between the two moss-grown pillars surmounted by the dove and serpent. (Thackeray 1962:490)

(3) “It is a one-horse palanquin,” said the old gentleman, who was a wag in his way. (Thackeray 1962:31)

27 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

Sentences (2) and (3) contain existential presuppositions of social knowledge, namely phenomena of reality peculiar to the given historical period. Notably, presuppositions of worldly knowledge are universal for any language, yet they are not always fully identical. The rationale for this is that any nation has its own unique social history. In this respect S. Ter-Minasova claims that “presuppositions “social” and “everyday” knowledge are unique in the sense that the background knowledge of native speakers of a language doesn’t overlap and a socio-cultural commentary is necessary for an adequate comprehension of the text (Ter-Minasova 2000:90). Another criterion for felicitous communication is the knowledge of proper names of the given period. Consider examples (4) and (5).

(4) He did not lie awake all night thinking whether or not he was in love with Miss Sharp; the passion of love never interfered with the appetite or the slumber of Mr. Joseph Sedley; but he thought to himself how delight- ful it would be to hear such songs as those after Cutcherry – what a distin- guée girl she was – how she could speak French better than the Governor- General’s lady herself – and what a sensation she would make at the Calcutta balls. “It’s evident the poor devil’s in love with me,” thought he. “She is just as rich as most of the girls who come out to India. I might go farther, and fare worse, egad!” And in these meditations he fell asleep. (Thackeray 1962:50)

(5) Our surprised story now finds itself for a moment among very famous events and personages, and hanging on to the skirts of history. When the eagles of Napoleon Bonaparte, the Corsican upstart, were flying from Provence, where they had perched after a brief sojourn in Elba, and from steeple to steeple until they reached the towers of Notre Dame, I wonder whether the Imperial birds had any eye for a little corner of the parish of Bloomsbury, London, which you might have thought so quiet, that even the whirring and flapping of those mighty wings would pass unobserved there? (Thackeray 1962:200)

Worldly knowledge presupposes knowledge of certain events, facts and situations that have really taken place and are known to the recipient. Consider sentence (6).

(6) The Twin Towers both tumbled down in almost 10 seconds after the airplane crashes on 11 September 2001.

Scientific knowledge comprises knowledge referring to a certain field of science – medicine, geography, chemistry, history, etc. The latter knowledge is necessary for certain specialties and professions. In this respect consider sentences (7) and (8).

28 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

(7) For the present Lord Steyne lives at Naples, preferring the view of the Bay and Capri and Vesuvius to the dreary aspect of the wall in Gaunt Square. (Thackeray 1962:552)

(8) That bowl of rack punch was the cause of all this history. And why not a bowl of rack punch as well as any other cause? Was not a bowl of prussic acid the cause of Fair Rosamond’s retiring from the world? Was not a bowl of wine the cause of the demise of Alexander the Great, or, at least, does not Dr. Lempriere say so? – so did this bowl of rack punch influence the fates of all the principal characters in this “Novel without a Hero,” which we are now relating. It influenced their life, although most of them did not taste a drop of it. (Thackeray 1962:70)

The implicit meaning is made explicit via the existential presupposition – geographical (7), historical (8) knowledge, namely in English folklore Fair Rosamond or Rosamund Clifford was famed for her beauty and was a mistress of King Henry II of England; in world history Alexander III of Macedon, commonly known as Alexander the Great, was a king of Macedon; Dr. Lempriere is known for his classical dictionary of proper names mentioned in ancient authors’ writs. Remarkably, in literary texts knowledge about literature is essential, namely the author of the work, its title, a character’s name, and associations connected with the description of a situation in a certain work, citation of a certain episode, etc. Let us consider (9) and (10).

(9) That bowl of rack punch was the cause of all this history. And why not a bowl of rack punch as well as any other cause? Was not a bowl of prussic acid the cause of Fair Rosamond’s retiring from the world? Was not a bowl of wine the cause of the demise of Alexander the Great, or, at least, does not Dr. Lempriere say so?—so did this bowl of rack punch influence the fates of all the principal characters in this “Novel without a Hero”, which we are now relating. It influenced their life, although most of them did not taste a drop of it. (Thackeray 1962:70)

The implicit presupposition in “Novel without a Hero” is the novel “Vanity Fair” itself.

(10) For some time George strove to keep the liaison a secret. There was a woman in the case that he admitted. “And not the first either,” said Ensign Spooney to Ensign Stubble. “That Osborne’s a devil of a fellow. There was a judge’s daughter at Demerara went almost mad about him;

29 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

then there was that beautiful quadroon girl, Miss Pye, at St. Vincent’s, you know; and since he’s been home, they say he’s a regular Don Giovanni, by Jove.” (Thackeray 1962:137)

Here the implicit presupposition is the knowledge of a literary character, in this particular case the legendary fictional character Don Giovanni or Don Juan. The outcomes of this analysis have revealed that the most frequent types of presupposition of literary knowledge are 1) knowledge of the author’s name, 2) knowledge of the title of the work, and 3) knowledge of the character’s name. Another type of presupposition which largely influences text comprehension is pragmatic presupposition defined by Lisochenko as “communicatively relevant extralinguistic knowledge of the communicative situation that influences the generation of sense and linguistic form of the utterance” (Lisochenko 1992:100). Revisiting Stalnaker “The pragmatic account makes it possible to explain some particular facts about presuppositions in terms of general maxims of rational communication rather than in terms of complicate and ad hoc hypothesis about the semantics of particular words and particular kinds of constructions. Communication, whether linguistic or not, normally takes place against a background of beliefs or assumptions, which are shared by the speaker and his audience, and which are recognised by them to be shared.” (Stalnaker 1998:17). The latter comes to say that if one happens to talk to his friend about the incumbent US president Barack Obama, he does not need a lengthy preliminary explanation of who Obama is as this knowledge is mutually shared by the communicators. Hence, pragmatic presuppositions are extralinguistic (background) knowledge necessary for the adequate comprehension of the communicative situation and its peculiarities. In this respect, the process of the linguistic projection of the discourse turns incomplete unless pragmatic presuppositions are taken into account. Consider sentences (11) and (12).

(11) “In other words, you ask me if I’m a man of honour,” said Osborne, fiercely; “is that what you mean? You’ve adopted such a tone regarding me lately that I’m — — — if I’ll bear it any more.” (Thackeray 1962:138)

The part I’m — — — of utterance (11) contains a pragmatic presupposition. People nag at and curse themselves when they are annoyed with their own behaviour. Usually when an utterance contains obscene language, people avoid wording it aloud. Nevertheless, the information which remains unsaid becomes tangible in a certain communicative situation.

(12)“How very well you speak French,” Lady Grizzel said, who herself spoke the tongue in an Edinburgh accent most remarkable to hear. (Thackeray 1962:600)

30 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

The part who herself spoke the tongue in an Edinburgh accent contains the pragmatic presupposition that though she spoke French, actually she was British. The latter becomes evident from her Edinburgh accent. There are word-indices that mark the existence of a certain pragmatic presupposition in the sentence. These are, as a rule, words indicating the addresser’s behavior, gestures, mimicry, intonation, intentional logical stresses, etc. Some pragmatic presupposition triggers present comparative constructions which are usually characterizations of a situation or of a behavior. Consider (13), (14) and (15).

(13) For she could not only sing like a lark, or a Mrs. Billington, and dance like Hillisberg or Parisot; and embroider beautifully; and spell as well as a Dixonary itself; but she had such a kindly, smiling, tender, gentle, generous heart of her own, as won the love of everybody who came near her, from Minerva herself down to the poor girl in the scullery, and the one-eyed tart-woman’s daughter, who was permitted to vend her wares once a week to the young ladies in the Mall. (Thackeray 1962:14)

(14) For three days before, little Laura Martin, the orphan, followed her about like a little dog. (Thackeray 1962:16)

(15) Then came the struggle and parting below. Words refuse to tell it. All the servants were there in the hall – all the dear friend – all the young ladies – the dancing-master who had just arrived; and there was such a scuffling, and hugging, and kissing, and crying, with the hysterical yoops of Miss Swartz, the parlour-boarder, from her room, as no pen can depict, and as the tender heart would fain pass over. (Thackeray 1962:17)

The comparative constructions in (13), (14) and (15) impart additional information which is not merely conveyed by the conventional structure of the sentences in question. Namely, the comparative structure she could not only sing like a lark (13) contains an implicitly expressed proposition – she could sing so beautifully that her singing was compared with a lark’s singing; the structure little Laura Martin, the orphan, followed her about like a little dog (14) implies the proposition that Laura Martin who was a lonely and unprotected orphan, found a caring soul at last and wanted to stay with her; from the structure there was such a scuffling, and hugging, and kissing, and crying, with the hysterical yoops of Miss Swartz, the parlour-boarder, from her room, as no pen can depict, one can deduce that the situation was so messy that it could hardly be worded. Another type of presupposition to be considered here from the point of view of text structuring and comprehension is communicative presupposition. The latter is very much like pragmatic presupposition as both are actualized in and draw their meaning from the

31 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

context, from a certain communicative situation. Anyhow, in principle they are different from each other: the former is based on background, shared knowledge among the communicators regardless of the communication setting, while the latter finds its sense only if the communicators have any mutually shared and unique knowledge about about each other and others which secures felicitous communication. The afore-provided definition is based on the assumptions put forward by Arutyunova, Vlasova and Lisochenko (Arutyunova 1973; Vlasova 1978; Lisochenko 1992). As an illustration consider (15).

(15) This orthodox horror of Romish superstition saved Pitt Crawley in Lady Southdown’s opinion, whilst his admiration for Fox and Napoleon raised him immeasurably in Miss Crawley’s eyes. Her friendship with that defunct British statesman was mentioned when we first introduced her in this history. A true Whig, Miss Crawley had been in opposition all through the war, and though, to be sure, the downfall of the Emperor did not very much agitate the old lady, or his ill-treatment tend to shorten her life or natural rest, yet Pitt spoke to her heart when he lauded both her idols; and by that single speech made immense progress in her favour. (Thackeray 1962:396)

Obviously, (15) contains a communicative presupposition – Pitt Crawley wanted to rise in Miss Crawley’s eyes. The implicit meaning is not tangible unless one knows he mentioned especially those two people who she adored. Hence, the presupposition is communicative as it is generated only when the communicators know each other’s or somebody else’s character, their likes, dislikes, etc. and the presupposition is generated on that very background, and not on context background knowledge as in the case of pragmatic presuppositions. The last type of presupposition to be considered here is linguistic presupposition. The latter term has been proposed by Lisochenko who defines this type of presupposition as knowledge of linguistic realia, peculiarities of a language, the paradigmatic relations peculiar to its system, the knowledge of meanings of its graphical and suprasegmental means which are employed in generation of utterances and perception of implicit information (Lisochenko 1992:15). Consider (16) and (17).

(16) He asked all travellers whether they knew a certain Colonel Lor Crawley – avec sa femme une petite dame, tres spirituelle. “Ah, Monsieur!” he would add – “ils m’ont affreusement vole.” It was melancholy to hear his accents as he spoke of that catastrophe. (Thackeray 1962:434)

(17) Pauline, the bonne, was on her knees at church hard by, praying for son homme à elle. (Thackeray 1962:365)

32 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

(18)“How very well you speak French,” Lady Grizzel said, who herself spoke the tongue in an Edinburgh accent most remarkable to hear. (Thackeray 1962:600)

In examples (16) and (17) the linguistic presupposition is the implicit information that the speaker knows French and in (18) that Lady Grizzel knows Edinburgh English. Thus, the ample analysis of the examples comes to prove that the adequate comprehension of the text, its structuring and cohesiveness owes greatly to the interconnected net of background information – presuppositions which provide different implicit data depending on its type and the personal experience of the recipient. The same piece of text can be interpreted differently if viewed by people with diverse life experience, worldly and social knowledge, education, social standing, etc. Hence, presuppositions implicitly stand for text (context) cohesiveness and its comprehension as background common knowledge.

References:

1. Arutyunova, N. (1973) Ponyatie presuppozitsii v lingvistike. // Izd. AN SSSR. Ser. lit. i yaz. N 1. T.32. 2. Vlasova, Yu. (1978) Vliyanie presuppozitsii na vybor sinonimichnykh sintaksich- eskikh konstruktsiy. // Problemy grammaticheskoi semantiki. Rostov-na-Donu: RGPI. 3. Deik, T.A. van. (1978) Voprosy pragmatiki teksta. // Novoe v zarubezhnoy lingvistike. Vyp. 8. M.: Progress. 4. Zvegintsev, V. (1976) Predlozhenie i ego otnoshenie k yazyku i rechi. M.: MGU. 5. Lisochenko, L. (1992) Vyskazyvaniya s implitsitnoy semantikoy. Rostov-na-Donu: Izd-vo Rost. un-ta. 6. Maslova, V. (2004) Kognitivnaya lingvistika: uchebnoe posobie. Minsk: Tetra Systems. 7. Ter-Minasova, S. (2000) Yazyk i mezhkulturnaya communikatsiya. (Uchebnoe posobie). M.: SLOVO. 8. Bellert, I. (1972) On the Logico-Semantic Structure of Utterances. Wroclau- Warszawa: Ossolineum. 9. Fauconnier, G. (1985) Mental Spaces: Aspects of Meaning Construction in Natural Language. Cambridge, Mass., London: MIT Press. 10. Geurts, B. (1998) Presuppositions and anaphors in attitude contexts. Linguistics and Philosophy 21. / Ed. by Petra Ludewig and Bart Geurts. Lexikalische Semantik aus kognitiver Sicht. Tübingen: Gunter Narr Verlag. 11. Heim, I. (1983) On the Projection Problem for Presuppositions. // Proceedings of the Second West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics. / Ed. by M. Barlow, D. Flickinger, and M. Wescoat. Stanford Linguistic Association, Department of Linguistics. Stanford: SUP . 12. Katz, J. (1972) Semantic Theory. New York: Harper and Row.

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13. Karttunen, L. (1974) Presupposition and Linguistic Context. // Theoretical Linguistics. N1. Reprinted in Pragmatics: A Reader. (1991) / Ed. by Davis. Oxford: OUP. 14. Kcenan, E. (1971) Two Kinds of Presupposition in Natural Language. Studies in Linguistic Semantics. / Ed. by C. Fillmore and D. Langendoen. New York: Holt, Rinchart and Winston. 15. Kiefer, F. (1973) On Presupposition. Generative Grammar in Europe. / Ed. by F. Kiefer, N. Rewet. Dordrecht: D. Reidel Publishing Company. 16. Kripke, S. (1991) Speaker’s Reference and Semantic Reference. // Midwest Studies in Philosophy 2. / Ed. by Davis. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. 17. Muskens, R. (1995) Meaning and Partiality. Stanford: CSLI Publications. 18. Sbisà, M. (1987) Speech Acts and Context Change. // Process Linguistics. / Ed. by T. Ballmer and W. Wildgen. Tubingen: Niemeyer. 19. Stalnaker, R. (1973) Presuppositions. // Journal of Philosophical Logic. N2. Dordrecht: D. Reidel Publishing Company. 20. Stalnaker, R. (1998) Pragmatic Presuppositions. // Pragmatics. / Ed. by A. Kasher. London: Routledge.

Source of Data:

1. Thackeray, W.M. (1962) Vanity Fair. Leipzig: Bernhard Tauchnitz.

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êáõÛÝ Ñá¹í³ÍáõÙ ³ñÍ³ñÍíáõÙ »Ý ï»ëùïÇ (Ñ³Ù³ï»ùëïÇ) ÁÝÏ³ÉÙ³Ý, Ï³- å³Ïó»ÉÇáõÃÛ³Ý ¨ Ï³éáõóÙ³Ý Ù»Ë³ÝÇ½ÙÝ»ñÁ Ï³ÝË»ÝÃ³¹ñáõÛÃÇ ï³ñμ»ñ ï»- ë³ÏÝ»ñÇ ÙÇçáóáí: Ðá¹í³Í³·ÇñÁ ï³ñ³Ýç³ïáõÙ ¿ ·áÛáõÃ»Ý³Ï³Ý, ·áñÍ³μ³ Ý³- Ï³Ý, Ñ³Õáñ¹³Ïó³Ï³Ý ¨ É»½í³μ³ Ý³Ï³ÝÏ³ÝË»ÝÃ³¹ñáõÛÃÝ»ñÁ, áñáÝóÇó Ûáõñ³- ù³ÝãÛáõñÁ ÛáõñáíÇ ¿ Ýå³ëïáõÙ ï»ùëïÇ (Ñ³Ù³ï»ùëïÇ) ÁÝÏ³ÉÙ³ÝÁ, Ï³å³Ïó»- ÉÇáõÃÛ³ÝÁ ¨ Ï³éáõóÙ³ÝÁ:

34 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

The Introduction of Academic Articles on Civil Engineering and Its Linguostylistic Analysis

Minoo Khamesian Yerevan State University

he strategy of participants’ behavior in the field of science communication is T implemented through specific speech acts, which are the optimal choice of means and methods of communication. What matters is not only the choice of style but the choice of genre and compositional form of the text. The properties of written scientific texts are the result of the language use on the basis of certain “communication code”, which operates in a scientific corporative community. This code is based on common conventions and rules of communication and is supplemented with standards inside the corporative community. Through this community the process of intercultural communication in science is developing and expanding. Unlike in other areas written communication plays a vital role in science. Research articles in English favor the prestigious status of being the major channel of sharing scientific knowledge among the members of academic/domain specific discourse community mainly because of the position of English as the international language of science and technology. In the world of an increasing international academic and research collaboration, the ability to read and write research articles in English is crucial for academic success (Kanoksilapatham 2005). Like other genres, research articles possess their own communicative and rhetorical conventions. To facilitate the long and arduous process of getting accepted as academic discourse community members, especially at its initial stage, this study focuses on the analysis of a civil engineering data set to investigate how research articles are constructed. Civil engineering is known to be an academic discipline dating back to the year of 1711, when John Smeaton, the founder of a Society of Engineers and the builder of the famous Eddystone Lighthouse in Great Britain, claimed to be the first civil engineer (). With this long history, needless to say, any academic institution in the world that offers a degree in engineering tends to offer a degree in civil engineering. An insight into the analysis of civil engineering articles will thus be beneficial to a large number of scholars, practitioners and fellow students in the field. Hence, the present article will attempt to scrutinize various linguistic patterns of the introductory part of a civil engineering research article successfully published in the International Journal of Civil Engineering, allowing scientists and practitioners in the field to both effectively share and update their scientific knowledge and contribute to the growth of the discourse community. We should hasten to add that Introduction is evaluated as the representation of the entire content of papers. As a result, readers often make the introduction as the guide to understanding the content of the research paper. Even to some readers, Introduction is a guide to deciding whether they need to continue reading or the content satisfies their needs.

35 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

The passage adduced below presents the introductory part of a research article in Civil Engineering.

In designing an ordinary moment resisting frame, often the principle of strong-column-weak beam is implemented in order to make sure that plastic hinging occurs in the beams and as such the frame is capable of dissipating significant energy while remaining stable in the inelastic region. The stability in this context is defined as the ability of the frame to maintain its elastic level of resistance throughout the entire inelastic range of response. Using this principle, plastic hinges would develop in the beams adjacent to the joints and usually very close to the column face. The problem is that this closeness may allow cracks caused by plastic hinging to propagate into the joint core region and as such initiate a brittle failure mechanism. Attempts have been made in the past in order to develop methods of relocating a plastic hinge away from the column face. Most of the methods, however, have been on detailing of reinforcing bars, which can only be utilized in new construction. For example, Abdel-Fattah and Wight [1] showed that the use of intermediate longitudinal beam reinforcement combined with extra top and bottom steel in the beam at a specific length can help in successfully relocating a plastic hinge away from the column face. The relocating was also studied by Jon et al. [2]. Four half-scale RC interior beam-column joints with different reinforcement details in the beam in the region adjacent to the column were tested under cyclic loads in their investigation. Their results showed that the bond deterioration within the joint may be prevented by the relocation of plastic hinge, while shear sliding may occur at the plastic hinge zone due to the increased shear force at the beam end. Jon et. al. [2]) proposed a new arrangement for the beam bars in order to improve the plastic hinging. Paulay and Priestley [3] also proposed that the beam bars may be curtailed so that stresses in the reinforcement would not exceed yield stress at the face of the column, while strain hardening may be developed at the critical section of the plastic hinge. Paulay and Priestly [3] concluded that the critical section must be a sufficient distance away from the column face. They recommended that because the nature of shear transfer across the critical section of a plastic hinge is complicated, care must be taken with detailing of the shear reinforcement. Paulay and Priestley [3] proposed that this necessitates stirrups extending between these two regions, perhaps supplemented by specially bent top beam bars, to carry the entire shear force and also suggested that to ensure that the critical section occurs at a chosen place, extra flexural reinforcement can be provided by bending some of the top and bottom bars at the angle of 450 or less into the opposite face of the beam.

36 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

Many already existing moment resisting frames do not posses correct joint reinforcement detailing as they have been designed based on older codes. A different method which can upgrade the joints of these frames in an efficient and cost effective way is consequently desirable. This paper presents results of an experimental investigation into the effectiveness of FRP wraps in controlling the location of a plastic hinge in an Ordinary Moment Resisting Frame (OMRF). The proposed method is to stick car- bon FRP sheets of specific lengths to the sides of the beams of a reinforced concrete joint (i.e. web-bonded FRP) and extend them over the joint to act as an anchor. The performance of this method has been investigated by the authors and is presented in the following. Other aspects of the investigation can be found in papers [4, 5]. The method can be used just as effectively for the repair of earthquake damaged RC exterior joints.

This introductory part presents how a new method can promote the joints of moment resisting frames in order to avoid the problem of cracking by plastic hinging which pro- liferates into the joint core region and brings about a brittle failure mechanism. As has widely been mentioned the method of linguostylistic analysis (Akhmanova 1972) is quite a safe and reliable method to be applied to any linguistic material as it can help the investigator bring out all possible linguistic peculiarities of the given discourse. Understanding the direct, nominative meanings being our very first task in the investigation (entirely based on dictionaries of contemporary English), we start with such words as: Verbs: implement, maintain, present, extend, investigate; Nouns: frame, principle, reinforcement, performance; Adjectives: capable, stable, adjacent, effective.

Our research has revealed the following nominative meanings: Implement: (1) to give practical effect to and ensure of actual fulfill- ment by concrete measures, (2) to provide instruments or means of expression for (Webster 2008). Maintain: (1) to keep in an existing state (as of repair, efficiency, or validity), (2) preserve from failure or decline (maintain machinery) (Webster 2008). Present: to act the part of; perform (Webster 2008). Extend: to cause to be of greater area or volume; enlarge (Webster 2008). Investigate: to carry out a systematic or formal inquiry into (an incident or allegation) so as to establish the truth (Concise Oxford English Dictionary 2004). Frame: a rigid structure surrounding a picture, door, etc. (Concise Oxford English Dictionary 2004). Principle: a general scientific theorem or natural law (Concise Oxford English Dictionary 2004).

37 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

Reinforcement: act of strengthening, fortification (Babylon English Dictionary 2009). Performance: the manner of reacting to stimuli (Webster 2008). Capable: having attributes (as physical or mental power) required for performance or accomplishment (Webster 2008). Stable: firmly established (Webster 2008). Adjacent: having a common endpoint or border (Webster 2008). Effective: producing a decided, decisive, or desired effect (Webster 2008).

As is usually assumed, the basic function of scientific writing is to elaborate on certain points or assumptions; define and explain different phenomena, pass on and sum up information, arrive at certain conclusions. In other words, the process of scientific work is mainly reflected in general scientific vocabulary, which has been singled out in the following conceptual fields (the examples are taken from the sample adduced above): 1) prospect, outlook (attempt, propose, etc.); 2) acquiring knowledge (investigate, study, etc.); 3) organization and systematization (combine, result, etc.); 4) checking up (relocate, test, etc.); 5) making conclusions (conclude, effective, etc.); 6) passing on knowledge (suggest, can be used, etc.). (Gasparyan 1998)

From the point of view what has been mentioned above, it can be concluded that words belonging to the general scientific vocabulary deal with processes of acquiring and passing on information, making prospects, arriving at certain results, checking them, making conclusions, and so on. As a result, according to Akhmanova (1978), the lexical “diapason” (range) of words in scientific writings is naturally narrowed down, which means, they totally acquire special meanings. In other words, general scientific words remain general only in the sense that they appear to be simple and familiar and can easily be considered as functioning in all registers of speech. However, when they are used in a scientific text, a certain transposition of their meaning is bound to occur. The grammatical-morphological study of the vocabulary notes of the passage (frequency analysis) shows that nouns in this passage prevail and it is discernible that the introductory part of the above civil engineering material presents a technical object, namely FRP (the effectiveness of FRP wraps in controlling the location of a plastic hinge in an Ordinary Moment Resisting Frame (OMRF)). On the level of word groups (Lexical-Phraseological word combinations) the use of noun compounds, such as ordinary moment resisting frame; correct join reinforcement; joint core region; brittle failure mechanism, etc. prevails. This is in line with the style of scientific prose for it is believed that the mentioned constructions are used as a means to represent information in a compact and dense form. Also as Ferguson (2004) illustrates noun compounds can be used as technical terms as well (ordinary moment resisting

38 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

frame). In this sense they can be used in the introduction to indicate the first technical concept. In this connection we may continue by considering the interaction of vocabulary and syntax in greater detail. Although ultimate syntagmatic sequences are larger than words and mostly include the expression of predication, they are generally applicable, highly reproducible complexes which may be regarded as functionally similar to nominative units, e.g.: … in order to make sure that…, … in this context is defined as …, The method can be used just as effectively for the … to name but a few. We should hasten to add here that the number of attributive word-combinations (significant energy, inelastic region, older code, experimental investigation, etc.) prevails, as well as the so called of-phrases (elastic level of resistance, range of response, the principle of, the effectiveness of) and so on. Our analysis on the level of words and word-combination reveals that these groups are mainly non-connotative and devoid of any emotional colouring. As has always been assumed by and large, in intellective communication the speaker or writer whose main aim is to pass on information does not mainly rely on the power of words and utterances, i.e. on their connotative values. With respect to morphological-grammatical analysis the most important oppositions are between the present and the past, active and passive. Similar to other scientific writings the use of verbal phrases in the passive is prevalent, such as is implemented, is defined, have been designed, has been investigated, to name but a few. As is frequently mentioned by scholars passive constructions play a very important role, for they serve to express general statements about things without bothering to introduce doers into the statements. Needless to say the present tense appears almost throughout the whole passage as informative works are not restricted by time. As regards the present perfect tense, it should be noted that it is the form which helps to establish a direct contact with the interlocutors, being so much more situation-bound. On the level of major syntax, complete (non-elliptical) complex and compound sentences with the secondary clauses of cause, effect and condition which enable the author to express the relations between the parts more precisely (as different from the asyndetic connection typical of colloquial speech) constitute a high percentage. For example: In designing an ordinary moment resisting frame, often the principle of strong-column-weak beam is implemented in order to make sure that plastic hinging occurs in the beams and as such the frame is capable of dissipating significant energy while remaining stable in the inelastic region.; Many already existing moment resisting frames do not posses correct joint reinforcement detailing as they have been designed based on older codes. The syntactic semi-composite sentences, i.e. absolute constructions (ACs) with two predicative lines, the first being the main clause, the second extending it via incomplete secondary predication are wide usages. The absence of a finite verb in the sentence is considered to be one of the types of secondary predication (Karapetyan 2010). In our analysis we come across such cases as in In designing an ordinary moment resisting frame, often the principle of strong-column-weak beam is implemented in order to make sure that plastic hinging occurs in the beams and as such the frame is capable of dissipating significant energy while remaining stable in the inelastic region.; Using this

39 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

principle, plastic hinges would develop in the beams adjacent to the joints and usually very close to the column face. As is known, the ever-increasing rhythm of scientific development requires transmission of information in the linguistic frame as compressed as possible, and the absolute constructions (ACs) due to their structural incompleteness, which nonetheless does not distort the meaning they transfer, contribute to the beneficial evolution of the discourse, make the speech compact and neat, and give an opportunity to fit more information into a lesser volume. Sentence patterns applied are of three types; 1) Postulatory, i.e. a hypothesis must be based on facts already known. Therefore, every piece of scientific prose will begin with postulatory pronouncements which are taken as self-evident and needing no proof. E.g. In designing an ordinary moment resisting frame, often the principle of strong-column-weak beam is implemented in order to make sure that plastic hinging occurs in the beams and as such the frame is capable of dissipating significant energy while remaining stable in the inelastic region. 2) Argumentative, that is, the writer’s own ideas are shaped in formulae, arguments, etc., in other words, in sentences giving reasons for further conclusions. E.g. The problem is that this closeness may allow cracks caused by plastic hinging to propagate into the joint core region and as such initiate a brittle failure mechanism. Formulative, that is to say, the definition sentence-pattern which is the sentence which sums up the facts is generally a kind of clincher sentence which is in line with scientific prose writing in general. E.g. The method can be used just as effectively for the repair of earthquake damaged RC exterior joints. As it is widely accepted, a hypothesis, a scientific conjecture or a forecast must be based on facts already known, on facts systematized and defined. Therefore; every piece of scientific prose will begin with postulatory pronouncements which are considered as self-evident, needing no proof. A reference to these facts is only preliminary to the expo- sition of the writer’s viewpoints and is therefore summed up in precisely formulated statements accompanied by references to sources. When speaking about syntax, it is important to elaborate on the functional perspective of paragraphs or the supraphrasal unities which exist as part of a discourse, as elements in a series of intertwined syntactic entities which jointly serve for the expression of wider, overall purports. Consequently, the division of a text into paragraphs, i.e. the paragraph as a semiotic device, and the average length of paragraphs could be an important conclusion to make. In the introductory part presented above the average length of paragraphs is 13-14 lines, which in actual fact is not in line with what is recommended in scientific writings. But it goes without saying that what really matters in a piece of scientific writing is its careful edition in terms of division into paragraphs (Akhmanove 1978). The general function of the Introduction section is to introduce the topic, furnishing the rationale for the study being reported. Building on the notion of shared communicative purposes Swales (1990) suggests “rhetorical movement” analysis (move and step analysis) as the basis for explaining a genre. When applied to the introductory section

40 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

adduced above this mechanism of analysis offered by Swales proves to be productive and can be illustrated in the following way: the analysis shows that the first step of move 1 (Claiming centrality) is absent here as there is no evidence of the kind to support step 1. On the other hand, the presence of the second step can be specified by the use of lexical- grammatical vocabulary with often in: often the principle of … is implemented in order to make sure that … which is considered as the statement to elaborate on either knowledge, consensus, practice or description of phenomena. Step 3 (Reviewing items of previous research) is present in the introductory part adduced above by using already in Many already existing moment resisting frames do not possess correct joint reinforcement detailing as they have been designed based on older codes. Here, the writer needs to represent what has been found or claimed and possibly, who has found or claimed it. After describing important features of their research territory (Move 1), academic writers typically try to claim a “niche” for their research. This move can be done by showing that the previous research or solutions are not complete, or that there are aspects of the research field still needing further investigation (indicating a gap). This is often signaled by words expressing contrast or negative evaluation as in A different method which can upgrade the joints of these frames in an efficient and cost effective way is consequently desirable. Finally in Move 3 (Occupying the niche) the writers reveal their solution to help fill the gap that has been presented in Move 2 by describing the aims in terms of what the research sets out to do or accomplish using either human or inanimate agents as the subject as in This paper presents results of an experimental investigation into the effectiveness of FRP wraps in controlling the location of a plastic hinge in an Ordinary Moment Resisting Frame (OMRF). Needless to say, here the writer uses an inanimate agent to perform the step (Announcing present research). Thus, Generic patterns commonly intertwined in academic discourse across disciplines (Civil Engineering research articles, the core in this study) are so complex that a system of linguistic analysis is required to account for the intricacies in order to be handled by the members of specific discourse communities. Students will benefit from the findings of the present study if they are made aware of not only rhetorical moves, but also of the linguistic patterns associated with them. As this leads to a degree of standardiza- tion which suggests that research papers may share a common basic structure, or employ common units within the scientific genre.

Notes:

1. Move 1 = Establishing a territory. Step 1 = Claiming centrality. Step 2 = Making topic generalization (s). Step 3 = Reviewing items of previous research. Move 2 = Establishing a niche. Step 1 = Indicating a gap. Move 3 = Occupying the niche. Step 1 = Announcing present research (Swales 1990: 141, Figure 10).

41 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

References:

1. Akhmanova, O.A.; Idzelis, R.F. (1978) What is the English We Use? M.: MUP. 2. Ferguson, G. (2004) Handout: Lecture on the Grammar in ESP: Noun Compound. UK: University of Sheffield. 3. Gasparyan, S.K. (1998) ESP as an Object of Learner-Oriented Teaching. // Didaktik und Methodik des Fremdsprachen Unterrichts. Heft, IV. Köln. 4. Kanoksilapatham, B. (2005) Rhetorical Structure of Biochemistry Research Articles. // English for Specific Purposes, 24, 3. 5. Karapetyan, R. (2010) On the Syntactic Status of Absolute Constructions. Yerevan: YSU. 6. Swales, J. (1990) Genre Analysis: English in Academic and Research Settings. Cambridge: CUP.

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Ðá¹í³ÍáõÙ ùÝÝ³ñÏíáõÙ »Ý ù³ Õ³ù³óÇ³Ï³Ý ×³ñï³ñ³·Çï³Ï³Ý ÙÇç³½·³ - ÛÇÝ ³Ùë³·ñáõÙ ïå³·ñí³Í Ñá¹í³ÍÝ»ñÇ Ý»ñ³Í³Ï³Ý Ù³ëÇ É»½í³á×³Ï³Ý ÙÇ ß³ñù ³é³ÝÓÝ³Ñ³ïÏáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñ, áñáÝù å³ÛÙ³Ý³íáñáõÙ ¨ ³å³ÑáíáõÙ »Ý ïíÛ³É ·Çï³Ï³Ý á×áí Ñ³Õáñ¹³ÏóáõÃÛáõÝÁ: Ü»ñ³ÍáõÃÛ³Ý É»½íÇ ¨ á×Ç Ï³ñ¨áñáõÙÁ å³Û- Ù³Ý³íáñí³Í ¿ ³ÛÝ Ñ³Ý·³Ù³Ýùáí, áñ ³ÛÝ Ñ³ÏÇñ× Ý»ñÏ³Û³óÝáõÙ ¿ ³ÙμáÕç Ñá¹- í³ÍÇ μáí³Ý¹³ ÏáõÃÛáõÝÁ` áÉáñïáí Ñ»ï³ùñùñíáÕ Ù³ëÝ³·»ïÝ»ñÇÝ áõ ·ÇïÝ³- Ï³ÝÝ»ñÇÝ ³å³Ñáí»Éáí ·Çï³Ï³Ý ï»Õ»Ï³ïíáõÃÛ³Ùμ ¨ ·Çï³Ï³Ý ·ñ³íáñ Ëáë- ùÇ Ûáõñ³Ñ³ïÏáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇÝ ïÇñ³å»ï»Éáõ ÑÝ³ñ³íáñáõÃÛ³Ùμ:

42 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

Syntactic Variability in Spoken English Discourse through Age Dimensions

Karen Velyan Yerevan State Linguistic University

s is widely known, English is socially and functionally differentiated, which is A particularly true of the spoken variety of English. Social heterogeneity is bound to be reflected in language heterogeneity, especially in the syntactic patterns that native speakers use in conversational discourse. It has often been claimed that speech forms have a range of associations, if not direct relations, with social categories, such as socio-economic class, gender, and age, which are considered to be social variables. The latter may have reflections in linguistic variables, which then become socio-linguistic variables. It should be mentioned that both social and linguistic variables have different variants, that is why they are called variables. The correlation of linguistic variables with social variables such as social class and gender has in fact been the major focus of sociolinguistic study. Actually, it is these social variables that explain differentiation in language. Many linguists believe that “gender may in fact, be more powerful underlying cause for the social differentiation of language than socioeconomic status” (O’Grady, Dobrovolsky, Aronoff 1997:512). “A more viable approach is one that com- bines gender and other categories like social class” (Mesthrie et al. 2009:102). Still, the correlation of linguistic variables with age as a social variable has not been paid due attention. And this is highly relevant to the correlation of syntactical variables with different age groups. As the American linguist Jeane Herndon puts it, “…individuals differ in the ways that they use their language from one period of their lives to another” (Herndon 1970:112). The correlation of syntactic features with age as a social variable is emphasized by Peter Trudgill as well: “The diffusion of a syntactic feature through a society may be halted by a social barrier such as socialclass, age, race, religion” (Trudgil 2000:24). Native speakers are believed to possess different range of vocabulary and syntactical structures in different time periods of their lives. Also, as time goes by, people are bound to interact in different social situations at different stages of their lives, which can ultimately result in picking up and acquiring new syntactical features of phrasing. Still, syntactic heterogeneity as related to different age groups has not been thoroughly studied.The study of the use of syntactic patterns through age dimensions can bring about some peculiarities of linguistic behavior in the spoken variety of English. In this article, we will test the hypothesis that syntax of a native speaker is liable to change at different stages of his/her life. Wewillanalyze the syntactical features of native speakers of English belonging to two different age categories. One age category in our analysis ranges from 20 to 26, and the other - from 35 to 50. The material for the analysis is based on the face-to-face interviews with native speakers – both males and females.The interviews were first tape-recorded and then stenographed. To ensure communicative equality, all the informants were asked the same

43 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

questions. The interviews were held in informal settings. The informants were randomly chosen. As young speakers, we chose BA and MA students with different regional backgrounds. The informants of the second age group were university professors with different regional backgrounds, mostly ESL instructors. In the analysis, the factor of gender was taken into consideration, too. The primary focus of the analysis was on such syntactic variables as types of composite sentences and the conjunctions used in simple and composite sentences. The main objective of the analysis was to disclose the different proportions in the use of the sociolinguistic variables mentioned above and show the tendency and the statistical differential features rather than exclusive differential features in their use. This being the case, the analysis carries more quantitative rather than qualitative character.As a result of our analysis, we came to the following findings. 1. One of the most striking characteristics in spoken English discourse of young speakers, as our records data indicate, is the frequent use of the conjunction and in the front- and especially mid-sentential positions of the sentence, which can be illustrated by the following piece of an interview with a 20-year old undergraduate student:

K.V.:Why did you choose up music? R.M.: It all started when I was 12 years old. K.V.: And… R.M.:Andthere was this party that I went to, and we were playing “truth and day”. We were sitting around in a circle. I said “truth”, and they said: “You said truth six times, and there is nothing interesting at all”. And so I said: “Ok. Day”, and so they said: “Go play the piano”. And so I did, and I loved it. And I said: “I wanna do this for the rest of my life”. And I went to study it at UT.

The same syntactic feature is observed in the discourse of middle-aged speakers, since here again we notice the highest frequency of the use of the conjunction and. Moreover, we can state that the frequency of the use of the conjunction and in the discourse of this age group is even higher, almost twice as high. Also, male speakers tend to use it with a higher frequency than do female speakers, which is not the case with younger speakers. In terms of frequency of usage, next comes the conjunction but in the front position of simple declarative and in compound sentences. Our data indicate that this conjunction has equal frequency of use on the part of male and female speakers among young speakers, which testifies to gender-related linguistic universal. This is not the fact in case of adult speakers. Thus, female speakers display significantly higher frequency of use of this conjunction. In terms of age-related linguistic differences, we can conclude that the conjunction but has a higher degree of use in the talk of young speakers than in the talk of middle-aged speakers. Here are two interviews with young (1) and middle-aged (2) speakers:

44 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

1. K.V.: So, Cristine, would you please tell me what’s your best, ..favorite place in the United States or in Texas or in Austin, wherever? Cristie:Am, my favorite place in the United States is Texas. Am…I was… K.V.: Mine too. Christine: Yes, I was born here, raised all but two years, I just love it ...because it has everything, has topographically, mountains, ocean and praire everything like that. but it also has ..different cultures. Am…You can go to any different city. My favorite place, my favorite city in the United State is Charlestown, South Carolina, so if we could just transplant it to Texas, it would be perfect K.V.: OK And…how do you find study… at UT , or how do you find your life at UT? Cristine.Am…I would love… UT, I … I wasn’t happy about going here in the first place, because I wanted to go to a different school, but didn’t get in, and now… I can’t imagine going to anywhere else. I mean I don’t even know why the heck I wanted to leave Texas. Am…Everybody always told me that UT was so big that you are just a number, but I don’t feel that way at all, and are for the most really eager to help you with prep sessions and things like that, so it is not as big as you would think it to be it the largest university in the country.

2. K.V: Terry, will you please tell me why and how you chose your major. A couple of words about it. Terry: Aha. It’s very interesting (laughing). I don’t know… I just fell into that, I guess. I was working... Well, I first graduated with my Bachelor’s degree. I worked for a number of years and was really bored with what I was doing. So I decided to go back to graduate school. And my undergraduate degree was in English literature. And so I actually applied for an English degree for a Master’s. But within that program they happened to have an ESL specialization. So I started taking classes in linguistics. And doing some ESL work, like tutoring and things like that, I really enjoyed it. Am… so I ended up with specialization in my master’s program in ESL.And then, when I started doing my PhD work, I switched to linguistics. So the first semester I was here at UT, I was actually in linguistics department. And then I decided it’s too formal for me ..., so I transferred to education. And here I am (laughing).

Another feature that stands out in the conversational discourse of young American speakers is the relative frequency of attributive clauses. From cross-gender-linguistic perspective, attributive non-restrictive continuative clauses seem to be more characteris- ticof male speakers, while attributive non-restrictive clauses, including descriptive ones, are more characteristic of female speakers. Here is a piece of the interview with a 20-year female student:

45 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

K.V.: Ok. In this conjunction, how do you find the academic life at UT? Jenifer: At UT? I’ve been enjoying it very much. I sort of was of type that would … a…got a class and drop it. Within the first day, if I didn’t think it was going be warnings, so I always am… when I around the class till I found a professor that was very expert and the field, and he was enjoyable teacher. And... I liked discussions in classes. I think that’s good, too. I was fortunate I had a plantiniun studio … my major classes room really small, so really good to know the professors and the students.

In the talk of adult speakers, this kind of clauses, especially attributive restrictive clauses, were more frequently met. As opposed to the young age group, in this age group it is female speakers that use attributive clauses a lot more than do male speakers. As far as attributive non- restrictive clauses are concerned, they display tendency to be used far oftener than they are used in the talk of young female speakers. Here is a piece of the interview with a 52-year-old ESL professor:

K.V: Ok. So, sticking to foreign language education, would you please tell me why and how you ended up taking up this major, foreign language education? Pat: Ok. Well, of course, as you can see by the fact that I chose education and English and Spanish, I was already linked to foreign language education as a… as a young person, and just loved ... the other language, which in my case was Spanish, and liked the culture of the language that I deal with. Am..And so I continued with that for a while. But am…one time, when I was fairly young, while I was not teaching in school, but was at home with my children, I was asked to do some voluntary work for a an organization at Peru University called “Wives of the World”, which was like our community programs here at UT serving the families of the graduate students at UT. And as a voluntary I started out baby-sitting for them while they had their English. I continue to love it, because here ... in this job ... I was feeling like ... I am teaching something, I am giving something, but I am learning more from the students than they are learning from me.

Another syntactical feature that stands out in the conversational discourse of American students is the relative frequency of adverbial clauses of reason introduced by the conjunction because. It is very typical of American students to begin a sentence with the conjunction “because”, sometimes abbreviating it to “cause”. It has been our observation that American female speakers tend to use it more frequently than male speakers- do. Here is another piece of the interview with the 20-year-old female student:

K.V.: Jennifer, would you please tell me how you ended up taking arts, which has become your ... major for the last three years?

46 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

Jennifer: Well, basically, am...I’ve always ...well to drive in communicating through that. And… I ... am.. I was interested in al...am… acade- mia, but I liked art . best, because it kind of would give you own spin on what you are learning. And … I am also interested in studying am… I am actually thinking about… The reason I am stopping at UT, Austin is I am going to different schools to continue in arts but to actually study art therapy. K.V.: So, art therapy is supposed to be your ..sub major. Jeniffer: Yeah, I… I wanted to go to graduate art therapy at high school, so I want to add some psychology in to my classes. Cause I found out I was doing art am… For most I did was therapially needed it. And favorite experience is to work with students privately and kind of help them, kindofunvalue their talents and their feelings through the art.

The same kind of tendency is observed in the discourse of adult speakers. However, the cases with the front position of the conjunction because turn out to be fewer. This last factor speaks in favor of the fact that the syntax of native speakers gets more standardized as they get maturity.

K.V.: Susan, what’s your favorite place in the United States or in Texas? Otherwise put, where would you like to live if given a chance? Susan Kerr: Well, Texas is an interesting state. I need to talk about the big picture of Texas first, because … we’re urban state. We, fortunately, we have a number of interesting cities. And Texans characterize their cities in different ways. They say that Houston and Dallas are the wallet of Texas, the banking center. Austin is supposed to be the branch of Texas, cause this is where the big university and the government is. And San Antonio is supposed to be the soul of Texas. That’s where the artists are.

Of course, our descriptive analysis was not aiming at giving a full picture of conversational syntax of American speakers of different age categories. Our goal was to point out some of the key syntactical features in the talk of native speakers in the United States, which have turned out to be the frequent usage of the conjunction and, but, attributive clauses, adverbial clauses with because. Thus, as we see syntax functions differently in different periods of life, which is the valid indicator socio-linguistic variability in different age groups.

References:

1. Herndon, J. (1970) A Survey of Modern Grammars. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc. 2. Trudgill, P. (2000) Sociolinguistics. An Introduction to Language and Society. USA: Penguin Books.

47 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

3. Mesthrie, R.; Swann, J.; Deumert, A.; Leap, W.L. (2009) Introducing Sociolinguistics. Second Edition. Edinburgh: EUP. 4. O’Grady, W.; Dobrovolsky, M.; Aronoff, M. (1997) Contemporary Linguistics. AnIntroduction. Third Edition. New York: St. Martin’s Press.

´³Ý³íáñ ³Ý·É»ñ»Ý ËáëáõÛÃÇ ß³ñ³ÑÛáõë³Ï³Ý ï³ñμ»ñ³Ï³ÛÝáõÃÛáõÝÁ ï³ñÇù³ÛÇÝ ³é³ÝÓÝ³Ñ³ïÏáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ ÉáõÛëÇ Ý»ñùá

êáõÛÝ Ñá¹í³ÍáõÙ ³ñÍ³ñÍíáõÙ »Ý ³Ý·É»ñ»ÝÇ` ï³ñμ»ñ ï³ñÇùÇ É»½í³ÏÇñÝ»ñÇ áã å³ßïáÝ³Ï³Ý μ³Ý³íáñ ËáëáõÛÃÇ áñáß ß³ñ³ÑÛáõë³Ï³Ý ¹ñë¨áñáõÙÝ»ñ: ÆÝã- å»ë óáõÛó »Ý ï³ÉÇë Ù»ñ í»ñÉáõÍáõÃÛ³Ý ïíÛ³ÉÝ»ñÁ, Ñ³Ýñ³É»½í³μ³Ý³Ï³Ý ÷á- ÷áË³ÏÝ»ñÇ ÏÇñ³éáõÃÛ³Ý Ñ³×³Ë³Ï³ÝáõÃÛáõÝÁ ï³ñμ»ñíáõÙ¿ ï³ñμ»ñ ï³ñÇùÇ É»½í³ÏÇñÝ»ñÇ ËáëùáõÙ: ¸³ Ù³ëÝ³íáñ³å»ë ¹ñë¨áñíáõÙ ¿ ³Ý·É»ñ»ÝÇ and ¨ but ß³ÕÏ³åÝ»ñÇ ÏÇñ³éáõÃÛ³Ý Ñ³×³Ë³Ï³ÝáõÃÛ³Ý, áñáßÇã »ñÏñáñ¹³Ï³Ý Ý³Ë³- ¹³ ëáõÃÛáõÝ-μ³ Õ³¹ñÇã å³ñáõÝ³ÏáÕ μ³ñ¹ ëïáñ³¹³ ë³Ï³Ý Ý³Ë³¹³ ëáõÃÛáõÝÝ»- ñÇ, ÇÝãå»ë Ý³¨ å³ï×³éÇ å³ñ³·³ »ñÏñáñ¹³Ï³Ý Ý³Ë³¹³ëáõÃÛáõÝ-μ³ Õ³¹ñÇã å³ñáõÝ³ÏáÕ μ³ñ¹ ëïáñ³¹³ë³Ï³Ý Ý³Ë³¹³ëáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ ÏÇñ³éáõÃÛ³Ý Ñ³×³- Ë³Ï³ÝáõÃÛ³Ý ³éáõÙáí:

48 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

On Some Aspects of Linguistic Economy in English Academic Discourse

Astghik Chubaryan, Ruzan Karapetyan Yerevan State University

ecently scientists in CERN experiment have found some signs that certain par- R ticles travel faster than light. Of course this still needs thorough analysis and weighty confirmations, however it indicates the general trend of modern life very precisely – time today passes at a quicker rate than it used to. On second thoughts we all can memorize events which prove the accelerating speed of the modern flow of life. This phenomenon is reflected in practically every domain of life and surely language could not but be affected by this trend. The present article is devoted to the analysis of different genres of the scientific register of speech the qualities of which are predetermined and shaped by corresponding extralinguistic factors. The nature, consequently the function, of science is such that it targets at obtaining and systematizing the knowledge of the world around us. Furthermore, it requires that the language, meant for the transfer of scientific knowledge, be compendious, laconic, logically constructed and be capable of transferring more information in less linguistic volume. Thus, the issue of linguistic economy, realized via the compression, is taken as central for this work. The analysis of the empirical material really demonstrates the prior role of compression in scientific speech. It is worth mentioning that this priority is increasing, since we viewed this phenomenon on the diachronic plane as well. The following sources served as material for the empirical investigation for our analysis: 1) 42 pages of highly specialized papers from High Energy Physics, meant for professionals only; 2) A textbook for university students “Thermodynamics with Chemical Applications”; and 3) Posters presented at the international conference “Optical Liquid Crystals” held in Yerevan, September 25-30 2011 It should be mentioned that a special emphasis is placed on the regularities and differences of linguistic compression usage across genres, which proceeds from the functional characteristics of the given genre. Another point to be considered before getting down to the presentation of the data: linguistic compression is a very broad notion and can be realized on different levels and via various methods. The volume of the given work does not permit incorporation of all the aspects of this notion, so we will dwell upon absolute constructions and adverbial participles which are very effective in substituting subordinate clauses in scientific speech, for they are capable of absorbing more information in a lesser volume due to their structural peculiarities. Being very capacious these constructions transfer the same amount of information, as the corresponding subordinate clauses, more expeditiously. Present below are the examples:

49 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

1. This looks like a kind of brane at t = 0, with Neumann boundary conditions for the field C. 2. Writing the metric as a deformation of the flat space metric gμν = ημν + hμν, imposing the gauge conditions h00 = hi0 = hii = 0 and linearizing the Bach ten- sor,one can write the general solution as (ij+ k(iζj)) − ik0tˆij_eik.x, kμ kμ = 0. 3. With I an interval of the time-axis {x _ ht, x1, . . . xdi: x1 = · · · = xd= 0}we setA0(I) _ A(OI) where OI is the double cone I00 _ Rd+1, the causal envelope of I. 4. Since the equation for C is conformal invariant we simply can consider it in flat space. Thus, dropping the denominator in (2.3) we get the flat space metric. 5. Thus, we often use ideal-gas heat capacities, these being different for different gases and functions of temperature only. 6. The third axiom does the entropy function what the first axiom does for the internal energy, asserting its existence and providing a relationship which connects it with measurable quantities. The examples demonstrate the effectiveness of these constructions for scientific speech, but at the same time they show that the ellipsis of certain grammatical categories requires additional efforts on the part of readers/listeners to interpret the information correctly. This is connected with the level of professional preparedness of the readers/listeners and must definitely be taken into consideration by speakers/writers. In the examples provided the interconnection of the participial clauses with the main clause is quite ambiguous for non-professionals (temporal, conditional, instrumental, of cause-effect and so on), whereas in science these nuances in meaning are determina- tive. Now let us present how the linguistic compression is reflected in each of the genres. 1) In the scientific papers examined we found 81 cases of Absolute constructions and adverbial participles at 42 pages only. This is quite a high concentration, especially in terms of the adequate interpretation of the information. This can be explained by the specificity of the genre of scientific paper itself, which is meant for a narrow circle of professionals who have detailed and complete idea concerning the topic under discussion. Thus, a compressed transfer of information can in no way affect the correct perception of the content, consequently it is justified by extralinguistic factors. In other words, the principle of the economical use of linguistic means dominates over the necessity of high level of explicitness in this sphere and this, in its turn is reflected frequent use of the constructions discussed. Another interesting fact is connected with diachrony. Analysis of the papers written in the years between 1985-91, revealed the following statistics: 29 cases of absolute constructions at 218 pages. Whereas, in the papers analyzed for this work we found 35 cases of absolute constructions use at only 42 pages. This is mere statistics, however it might be assumed that the increasing demand of the time to be more concise and laconic is traced in this statistics. 2) The second source examined is a textbook for university students. Here we found 21 cases of absolute constructions and adverbial participles at 65 pages. As compared to scientific papers a significant decline of linguistic means fulfilling the function of

50 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

compression is observed in this genre. This is predetermined by the necessity to be as explicit as possible, since the utmost goal of textbooks is to teach. As is seen the extralinguistic requirements of the genre in questions are directly proportional with the statistics. Thus, it can be supposed that the principles of linguistic economy in the given case are not weighty enough to regulate the use and functioning of linguistic units proper. 3) And the third genre analyzed is posters. This area has very little been investigated and requires a comprehensive insight, so we looked into the problem of narration efficiency both in terms of structural organization of posters and linguistic compression. Posters presented at the international conference “Optical Liquid Crystals” held in Yerevan, September 25-30 2011 served as material for investigation. We studied approximately 15 posters by Italian, Canadian, Taiwanese, Russian and Armenian scholars. It is to be stipulated that herein we present only certain preliminary observations, since accurate results and rigid assumptions require an in-depth, all-encompassing analysis of different linguistic levels. The first point to mention is that in posters the cases of linguistic compression via adverbial participles and absolute constructions are practically absent. All in all we encountered just 2 cases of sentences with adverbial participles. Perhaps it might be accounted by the fact that in posters simple and concise sentences are more favoured, where the information is contracted to the highest possible extent. From the material analyzed it could be concluded that the data in posters is presented more schematically, either in graphs and figures or in points. These were the first two striking modes for information compression in posters, at least this is what we observed at this level of analysis. This is true practically for all the poster conclusions we examined. Here is an example:

Conclusions • Artifact-free, compact “portable” CD spectrograph based on a cycloidal optical axis grating • The diffraction properties of the cycloidal grating allow for real-time CD • Extreme simplicity of the method: only the intensities I1 or, Perspectives • ECP range 190-360nm ask for UV transparent LC and KM • Extend the method to circularly Luminiscence (CPL) and vibrational optical activity (i.e. ROA)

An interesting fact to mention and of course this should be taken into consideration when teaching Academic writing to Armenian students. All the posters by Armenian scholars were extremely wordy, long and obviously these were extracts from scientific papers, but the genre of posters does not permit it due to the space restrictions. So the principle of linguistic economy must be taught to students for them to observe the inter- nationally-accepted norms.

51 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

And to sum up, it should be mentioned that there are still numerous issues to be studied in the genre of posters on all the linguistic strata, because in posters the principle of linguistic compression is much more pertinent than in the other two sources discusses above.For now, we can state that the two evident ways for compressing information in posters are schematic presentation of data and simple sentences presented in points.

References:

1. Halliday, M.A.K.; Matthiessen, Ch. (1997) Systemic Functional Grammar. A First Step into the Theory. 2. Halliday, M.A.K. & Martin, J.R. (1993) Writing Science: literacy and discursive power. London: Falmer Press. 3. Leech, G.; Hundt, M. (2009) Change in Contemporary English. A Grammatical Study. New York: CUP. 4. Chubaryan, A.; Karapetyan, R. (2004) Absolutniye konstruktsii kak sredstvo lingvisticheskoi ekonomii v nauchnoi proze. // Foreign Languages for Special Purposes. N 4. Yerevan: YSU Press.

È»½í³Ï³Ý ÙÇçáóÝ»ñÇ ïÝï»ëÙ³Ý ëÏ½μáõÝùÁ ³Ý·É»ñ»Ý ·Çï³Ï³Ý ¹ÇëÏáõñëáõÙ

È»½ í³Ï³Ý ÙÇçáóÝ»ñÇ ïÝï»ëÙ³Ý ëÏ½μáõÝùÁ, áñÁ Ëáëù³ëï»ÕÍÙ³Ý ³Ýμ³ Å³- Ý»ÉÇ Ù³ë ¿ Ï³½ÙáõÙ, ¹ñë¨áñíáõÙ ¿ μáÉáñ É»½í³Ï³Ý Ù³Ï³ñ¹³ÏÝ»ñáõÙ ¨ ÷³ëïá- ñ»Ý ³ÛÝ áõÅÝ ¿, áñáí Ï³ñ·³íáñíáõÙ »Ý É»½í³Ï³Ý Ñ³Ù³Ï³ñ·Ç ½³ñ·³óÙ³Ý íñ³ áõÕÕ³ÏÇáñ»Ý ¨ ³ÝáõÕÕ³ÏÇáñ»Ý ³½¹áÕ Ý»ñùÇÝ ¨ ³ñï³ùÇÝ ½³Ý³½³Ý ·áñÍáÝÝ»- ñÇ ÷áËÑ³ñ³μ»ñáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ: ¶ÇïáõÃÛ³Ý É»½íÇ μÝ³Ï³Ý å³Ñ³ÝçÝ ¿ ÷áË³Ýó»É ³é³í»É³·áõÛÝ ï»Õ»Ï³ïíáõÃÛáõÝ` û·ï³·áñÍ»Éáí ÑÝ³ñ³íáñÇÝë ùÇã É»½í³Ï³Ý ÙÇçáóÝ»ñ: ê³ ¿É Çñ Ñ»ñÃÇÝ å³ÛÙ³Ý³íáñí³Í ¿ ÙÇ ß³ñù É»½í³Ï³Ý ¨ ³ñï³É»½- í³Ï³Ý ·áñÍáÝÝ»ñÇ ³½¹»óáõÃÛ³Ùμ, ³Û¹ ÃíáõÙ` ÙïùÇ Ïáõé ¨ ïñ³Ù³μ³Ý³Ï³Ý Ï³éáõóí³ÍùÇ ³å³ÑáíáõÙ, Ñ³ÏÇñ×áõÃÛáõÝ, ï»Õ»Ï³ïí³Ï³Ý Ñ³·»óí³ÍáõÃÛáõÝ, Å³Ù³Ý³ÏÇ ¨ ï³ñ³ÍùÇ ïÝï»ëáõÙ ¨ ³ÛÉÝ: Î³ï³ñí³Í í»ñÉáõÍáõÃÛ³Ý Ýå³ï³ÏÝ ¿ å³ñ½»É, Ã» ÇÝãå»ë ¨ ÇÝã ã³÷áí ¿ ¹ñë¨áñíáõÙ É»½í³Ï³Ý ÙÇçáóÝ»ñÇ ïÝï»ëÙ³Ý ëÏ½μáõÝùÁ ·Çï³Ï³Ý á×Ç ï»ùëï»ñáõÙ` ï»ùëïÇ ß³ñ³ÑÛáõë³Ï³Ý, ÇÙ³ëï³μ³- Ý³Ï³Ý ¨ ·áñÍ³μ³Ý³Ï³Ý ³é³ÝÓÝ³Ñ³ïÏáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ ÷áËÑ³ñ³μ»ñáõÃÛ³Ý ï»- ë³ÝÏÛáõÝÇó:

52 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

Polysemy in Context

Diana Movsisyan Artsakh State University

t is generally known that most words represent several concepts and thus possess Ithe corresponding number of meanings. A word having several meanings is called polysemantic, and the ability of words to have more than one meaning is described by the term polysemy. Polysemy is the association of two or more related senses with a single linguistic form (Taylor 1989:99). I.V. Arnold states that polysemy is inherent in the very nature of words and concepts as every object and every notion has many features, and a concept reflected in a word always contains a generalization of several traits of the objects. Hence, the possibility of using the same name in secondary nomination for objects preserving common features which are sometimes only implied in the original meaning is called polysemy (Arnold 1986:41). Polysemy is one of the most important issues of recent linguistic semantics, since the analysis of polysemy and polysemization processes is indispensable for accurate reading, language acquisition, computational linguistics and similar tasks. Although its importance was already recognized in the historical-philological tradition in early 20th century and was emphasized again by S. Ullmann, it was not until recently that polysemy became a central issue in linguistic semantics. The complex relations between meanings and words were first noted by the Stoics. “However, ‘concrete research into the multiplicity of meaning only began in the 18th century’ and was continued in the 19th century by linguists interested in meaning from the point of view of etymology, historical lexicography or historical semantics” (Nerlich 1992:351). The 19th century linguist Bréal, whose research into polysemy marked a new starting point, shifted the study of polysemy away from lexicography and etymology and investigated polysemy as “synchronic pattern of meanings surrounding a word, which is itself the ever changing result of semantic change” (Cuyckens, Zawada 2001:85). The issue of polysemy and the attendant practical task of word sense disambiguation (WSD) take on entirely new dimensions in context where a word might have innumerable possible meanings. Hence, the present paper aims at producing useful linguistic analysis of polysemantic words in context, in this way to show the indispensible role of the context for disambiguating polysemy. Semantics began to attract the attention of Indo-European linguists towards the end of the 19th century. The contextual method of linguistic research, with the meaning realized through what surrounds the word in actual speech is studied in the works of N.N. Amosova. In her work “English Contextology” she defines context as the minimal stretch of speech determining each individual meaning of the word in its immediate syntactical environment. Some linguists don’t distinguish a speech situation (immediate extra-lingual circumstances under which the utterance takes place) from context. G.V. Kolshansky discriminates between linguistic and extra-linguistic context, defining context as the whole set of conditions under which a linguistic unit is used (Amosova 1968:106).

53 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

The two more or less universally recognized main types of linguistic contexts which serve to determine individual meanings of words are the lexical context and the grammatical context. These types are differentiated depending on whether the lexical or the grammatical aspect is predominant in determining the meaning. In lexical contexts of primary importance are the groups of lexical items combined with the polysemantic word. When we want to describe the individual meaning of a polysemantic word, we find it sufficient to use this word in combination with some members of a certain lexical group. There is a view that if we know all the possible collocations (or word-groups) into which a polysemantic word can enter, we know all its meanings. Thus, the meanings of the adjective heavy, for instance, may be analyzed through its collocability with the words weight, safe, table, snow, wind, rain, industry, artillery. The meaning at the level of lexical contexts is sometimes described as a meaning by collocation (). It is common knowledge that it is the context that prevents from any misunderstanding of meanings. For instance, the adjective dull, if used out of context, would mean different things to different people or nothing at all. It is only in combination with other words that it reveals its actual meaning: a dull pupil, a dull plague, a dull weather, etc. Sometimes, however, such a minimum context fails to reveal the meaning of the word and it may be correctly interpreted only through a second-degree context as in the following example: The man was large but his wife was even fatter. The word fatter here serves as a kind of indicator pointing that large describes a stout man and not a big one (). The semantic indicator is the element of the same syntactical unit which denotes the meaning. When indication comes from the lexical meaning of the indicator, it is a case of lexical context (Amosova 1968:108). In the lexical context of the first degree there is a direct syntactical connection between the indicator and the dependent: He was arrested on a treason charge. In lexical context of the second degree there is no direct syntactical direction between the dependent and the indicator. For example in I move that Mr. Last addresses the meeting the dependent move is not directly connected to the indicating minimum addresses the meeting (Arnold 1986:57). Roughly, the context may be subdivided into lexical, syntactical and mixed. Lexical meaning, for instance, determines the meaning of the word black. It denotes colour when used with the key-word naming some material or thing, e.g. black velvet, black gloves. When used with key-words denoting feeling or thought, it means sad, dismal, e.g. black thoughts, black despair. With nouns denoting time, the meaning is unhappy, full of hardships, e.g. black days, a black period (Arnold 1986:56). The negative evaluative connotation of the adjective notorious is linked with the negative connotation of the nouns with which it is regularly associated: a notorious cri- minal, thief, gangster, gambler, gossip, liar, miser, etc. It is a common error to see a different meaning in every set of combinations. For instance, an angry man, an angry letter. Is the adjective angry used in the same meaning in both these contexts or in two different meanings? Some people will say “two” and argue that (man - name of person; letter - name of object) and, on the other hand, a letter cannot experience anger. True, it cannot; but it can very well convey the anger of the person who wrote it. As to the combi-

54 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

nability, the main point is that a word can realize the same meaning in different sets of combinability (). “Adjectives are notoriously hard to divide lexicographically into sense”, says R. Moon (Moon 1987:86-87). “They are often heavily context-dependent and flexible, taking on as many meanings as you like or leave space for.” The example she gives is light. This, she claims, has only “two main strands of meaning” (which nevertheless “interwine”): not heavy in weight and not intense or great in amount, degree, etc. But she goes on to list ten context groupings each requiring different wordings to explain their meaning: a light rain; a light blue shirt; the light breeze; a light sleep(er); her light voice; light lunch; a light white wine; light injuries; light housework and her light gra- ceful step. Thus, although she claims only two true “senses”, at least these ten usages would apparently need to be treated separately in a dictionary. Dealing with verbal contexts we can consider linguistic factors: lexical groups of words, syntactic structure of the context and so on. There are cases, however, when the meaning of the word is ultimately determined not by these linguistic factors, but by the actual speech situation in which the word is used. The meanings of the noun ring in to give somebody a ring or of the verb get in I’ve got it are determined by actual speech situations. The noun ring in such a context may possess the meaning of a circlet of precious metal or a call on the telephone (). D.A. Cruse argued that “the meaning of a word could be known by the company it keeps” (1986:72). A word’s meaning is defined by the pattern of its contextualized associations with other words. “A sense spectrum should be thought of as having at least potentially many dimensions, and as continuously growing, amoeba-like”. According to him “a single sense can be modified in an unlimited number of ways by different contexts, each context emphasizing certain semantic traits, and obscuring or suppressing others” (1986:52). Considering Cruise’s example of handle, we can note that taking a traditional approach to WSD, the relevant dictionary sense of handle in phrases like handle of door or handle of sword could be: a part of an object which is specially made for holding or opening it (1), and a part which is designed to be held or operated with the hand (2). However, the links between handle and words like sword and door produce very different sets of associations yielding a rich and detailed picture of the meaning of handle in each phrase. The links between handle/door, are much more varied, reflecting more about the functional role that door handles play. The overall weights for handle/sword are higher than those for handle/door. Finally, the core aspect of the relevant senses of handle – namely, that handles are used for holding and opening – are strongly weighed only in the case of handle/door. In the case of handle/sword Mind Net reflects a strong bias in favour of interpreting this pair as referring to the physical aspect of a sword, rather than the manner of its use. The word handle has 22 senses in Mind Net, most of them unrelated (e.g. the total amount of money bet on an event or over a set period of time) to either doors or swords. Yet the context provided by a two-word query – the crudest imaginable linguistic context – allowed us to focus on just salient portion of the enormous graph (Cruse 1986:53-54). A search on the Web for a single polysemous keyword like line yields a huge set of

55 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

hits reflecting every imaginable sense of this word. Begin adding context in the form of other keywords, however – insisting, say, that telephone and wire occur near line – and the set of hits suddenly becomes cohesive. Salton & Buckley discuss this effect, showing how retrieval techniques that compare similarity vectors to find instance of words used in similar contexts effectively discriminate between word-senses (Salton & Buckley 1991:1012-1015). To illustrate the role of polysemy in context we will consider the sound complex light which is often used in speech of all functional styles and can appear to be a noun with different meanings, an adjective with a huge variety of meanings, or a polysemantic verb. In the examples below, which were taken from solely the story “The Apple Tree” by John Galsworthy, the role of various types of context is observed without difficulty.

Watching his friend, lying there, with that smile, and the candle-light on his face, Ashurst shuddered. (Galsworthy:21)

In this very example the word form light is a noun with the meaning the energy that makes us see things. As an ambiguous word the meaning of which can be understood through the context, it is the context dependant. The indicator is the structure the candle … on his face. The indicator revealing a noun is the definite article on the left, the absence of any other noun immediately following light (in this case it would prove to be an adjective). The lexical meaning is clarified by the unit of lexical context of the first degree and is variable – the indicator may be replaced with some other words with the same general meaning without affecting the semantic content of the dependant: light of a torch, light of the sun, light of a lamp.

In a kind of intoxication he would watch the pint-white buds of some backward beech tree sprayed up in the sunlight against the deep blue sky. (Galsworthy:9)

All day Ashurst rested his knee in a green painted wooden chair on the patch of grass by the yew-tree porch, where the sunlight distilled the scent of stocks and gillyflowers. (Galsworthy:5)

The songs of the cuckoos and the blackbirds, the laughter of the yaffles, the level-slanting sunlight, the apple blossom had crowned her head. (Galsworthy:10)

He lay there a long time, watching the sunlight wheel till the crab-trees threw shadows over the bluebells. (Galsworthy:14)

56 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

In the above mentioned examples we have illustrated the usage of the word sunlight in various lexical contexts. It is a monosemantic word, on the other hand sunlight is one of the meanings of the polysemantic word light possessing the meaning daylight, daybreak, the light of the sun.

Prank of the moonlight! Nothing! (Galsworthy:4)

We have the meaning light from the sun received on the earth after reflection by the moon, illumination by the moon.

There was no longer light in any window. (Galsworthy:22)

In this occurrence the word being considered is a noun with the meaning of the thing that produces light. The indicating minimum is the structure no longer … in any window. The context clarifies that it is not an abstract notion, it can be moved physically. The proper part of speech can be identified with the help of the verb. In actual speech the understanding of the meaning requires a chain of dependant-indicator pairs. The context is variable:

A window of the hotel, high up, was lighted; he saw a shadow move across the blind. (Galsworthy:22)

He took a candle, lighted it, and went to his bedroom, which was next to Hallidays. (Galsworthy:21)

In these examples to light is used in the meaning to illuminate or cause to illuminate. Another example is the following:

(1) On one side of the recessed fireplace sat two small boys, idle and good as gold; on the other sat a stout, light-eyed red-faced youth… (Galsworthy:4)

(2) This red, blue-eyed, light-lashed, ton-haired face stuck as firmly in his memory as the girl’s own face, so dewy and simple. (Galsworthy:5)

In the first example light is an adjective indicating the colour of the eyes. The indicating complex is -eyed and -faced. The lexical meaning is clarified through the presence

57 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

of the word eye or elements of the parts of the face and the description of an appearance. Consequently, the context can be considered variable. In example 2 light indicates brightness in colour.

The stars were bright in a very dark blue sky, and by their light some lilacs had that mysterious colour of flowers by night no one can describe. (Galsworthy:22)

In this example there is a noun with the meaning the natural medium, natural radia- tion, that makes sight possible. The proper part of speech is recognized due to the presence of the nouns stars, sky, night.

[…] and began pacing up and down over the grass, a grey phantom coming to substance for a moment in the light of the lamp at either end. (Galsworthy:22)

First of all, in this example the lexical homonymy should be eliminated: in the light of does not possess the meaning taking into account. The lexical meaning of the object (here an oil lamp in a container of metal and glass with a handle) assists us to state the meaning of the noun is anything that illuminates, such as a lamp or a candle.

And from staring at the framed brightening light Ashurst fell asleep. (Galsworthy:5)

Here the indicating minimums are the participles framed and brightening. So, light indicates the meaning anything that lets in light, such as a window.

And away over there was the loom of the moor, and away and away the sky stars had not as yet full light, pricking white through the deep blue hea- vens. (Galsworthy:5)

In this example light indicates the meaning the outcome of the action of giving light to something, the process of being guided with the light or brightness of countenance.

Thus, a word changes its meaning under various speech conditions, hence, it is imperative to use contextual indicators in the speech continuum to take away the ambiguity. Without minding the context, people would not understand each other, and the natural function of language – to carry out meaning – would not be fulfilled. Each context is seen to generate potentially indefinite range of meanings. The idea of context not as communicating or expressing pre-existing meaning but as positioning subjects changes the whole basis of creating meaning.

58 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

References:

1. Amosova, N.N. (1968) English Contextology. Leningrad: LOLGU. 2. Arnold, I.V. (1986) Lexicology of the Modern English Language. M.: Vyshaya Shkola. 3. Cruse, D.A. (1986) Lexical Semantics. Cambridge: CUP. 4. Cuyckens, H.; Zawada, B. (2001) Polysemy in Cognitive Linguistics. Selected Papers from the Fifth International Cognitive linguistics Conference, 1997. Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamin’s. 5. Moon, R. (1987) The Analysis of Meaning. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 6. Nerlich, N. (1992) Semantic Theories in Europe 1830-1930. From Etymology to Contextuality. Amsterdan, Philadelphia: John Benjamin’s. 7. Salton & Buckley (1991) Global Text Matching for Information Retrieval. pp. 1012- 1015. 8. Taylor, J.R. (1989) Linguistic Categorization Prototypes in Linguistic Theory. Oxford, New York: OUP. 9. 10.

Source of Data:

Galsworthy, J. The Apple Tree.

´³½ÙÇÙ³ëïáõÃÛáõÝÁ Ñ³Ù³ï»ùëïáõÙ

Ðá¹í³ÍÝ áõëáõÙÝ³ëÇñáõÙ ¿ μ³½ÙÇÙ³ëïáõÃÛ³Ý Ñ³Ù³ï»ùëï³ÛÇÝ ¹ñë¨áñáõÙ- Ý»ñÁ, Ñ³Ù³ï»ùëïÇ ³½¹»óáõÃÛáõÝÁ μ³éÇÙ³ëïÇ Ó¨³íáñÙ³Ý ¨ ÁÝÏ³ÉÙ³Ý íñ³: ¸Çï³ñÏíáõÙ ¿ ³Ý·É»ñ»ÝÇ light μ³éÁ æáÝ ¶áÉëáõáñëÇÇ “The Apple Tree” å³ïÙ- í³ÍùáõÙ óáõÛó ï³Éáõ Ñ³Ù³ñ, Ã» ÇÙ³ëï³ÛÇÝ ÇÝã »ñ³Ý·Ý»ñ Ï³ñáÕ ¿ ³ÛÝ ëï³Ý³É ·ñ³Ï³Ý ëï»ÕÍ³·áñÍáõÃÛ³Ý Ñ³Ù³ï»ùëïáõÙ:

59 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

On Psychological, Semantic and Structural Aspects of English Colour Terms

Naira Avakyan, Naira Nersissyan Yerevan State University

ver centuries colours have come to mean many things to different cultures. They O have always fascinated humankind. They provide us with the ability to differ- entiate many things. We think of colour as an independent concept with a part to play in every aspect of our lives, e.g. we have favourite colours for our clothes, our rooms, etc. The recognition and interpretation of colour are determined by many factors – cultural, religious, spiritual, biological, and psychological. The natural development of colour recognition is participatory, and the perception of the mind is unconsciously influenced by these factors. For example, ancient Greeks had no word for the colour blue, so they described the sea as wine-darkand the sky as bronze. To them, blue was not a colour in our sense, but the quality of darkness. The terms used to describe colour were psychological attributes such as fresh, dark, moist, or alive. The value of colouris extensive. It ranges from the use of language to artists and designing. The most important aspect of colour in daily life is probably the one that is least defined and most variable. It involves aesthetic and psychological responses to colour, and influences art, fashion, commerce and even physical and emotional sensations. One example of the link between colour and emotion is the common perception that red, orange, yellow, and brown hues are warm, while the blue, green and grey ones are cold: The red, orange, and yellow hues are said to induce excitement, cheerfulness, stimulation, and aggression; the blues and greens– security, calm and peace; and the browns, greys, and blacks– sadness, depression, and melancholy. Green monster of jealousy, red with anger, and feeling blue – these are emotions that are described in relation to colours. In these simple English phrases, colours are a symbol of feelings. Colours make these emotions more vivid and descriptive. It is one of the many steps to take language to a higher level of sophistication and beauty. Emotions will be much too simple if we were just to describe ourselves by a mere feeling. It does not provide enough exaggeration and amplification of the feeling. Being red with anger makes the feeling of fury more tragic and dramatic.The use of colour terms allows us to express ourselves better and appreciate words since we do not need to use pompous words to describe our feelings, thus economizing on words. In addition to emotional associations, factors that affect colour perception include the observer’s age, mood, and mental health. Many psychologists believe that analysing an individual’s uses of and responses to colour can reveal information about the individual’s physiological and psychological condition. Colours are not universal. Some languages do not possess separate words for green and blue or for yellow and orange, while the Eskimos use 17 words for white as applied to different snow conditions (soft snow, frozen snow, melted snow, etc.). As for us, we, Armenians, do not yield to the limitation of colours; it can be said without scruple that

60 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

there exist 27 synonyms for white, not to mention their flexible combinability. Colour terms are widely used in languages; they are used in English as well. Like colour termi- nology, colour harmony, colour preferences, colour symbolism, and other psychological aspects of colour are culturally conditioned, and they vary considerably in terms of place and historical period. One cross-cultural study showed that American and Japanese concepts of warm and cold colours are essentially the same, but that in Japan blue and green hues are perceived to be good and the red-purple range as bad, while in the United States the red- yellow- green range is considered good and oranges and red-purples– bad. The colour of mourning is black in the West, yet other cultures use white, purple, or gold for this purpose. Besides many colours, there are a lot of shades of them e.g. the colourred has many shades: scarlet, crimson, cherry, etc. Sometimes if we want to show what shades of the colour we exactly mean, we can use them with other words, for instanceoil- brown and oil-green, lead-white and grey as lead, etc. At the same time one particular colour may have many different first members like chalk-, frost-, milk-, wall-, swan-, sil- ver-white. Now we shall consider only the part of the field which covers the words red, orange, yellow, green and blue. Each of these terms is referentially imprecise, but their relative position in this lexical system is fixed (and as a set they cover the greater part of the visible spectrum); orange lies between red and yellow, yellow – between orange and green and so on. It is part of the sense of each of these terms that they belong to this particular lexical system in English. It might appear that the notion of sense is unnecessary here, and that an account of the reference of colour terms would be sufficient as a description of their meaning. Consider, however, the conditions under which one might come to learn or be said to know the reference of these words. The child learning English cannot first learn the reference of blue and then subsequently the reference of green or yellow, so that at a particular time he could be said to know the reference of one but not the other. (It is true that he might learn, that green referred to the colour of grass or the leaves of a particular tree, or one of his mother’s dresses; but the reference of green is wider than any particular instance of its application and knowledge also of the boundaries of its reference). It must be supposed that over a certain period the child gradually learns the position of green with respect to blue and orange, and soon until he has learnt the position of each of the colourterms with respect to its neighbour in the lexical system. It has often been shown that other languages impose a different form upon the substance by recognizing different members of areas within it and drawing the boundaries at different places. To refer to an example used above; the Russian words ñèíèé and ãîëóáîé together cover roughly the same area as the English word blue, or ñèðå íå âûé and ôèîëåòîâûé cover the same area as the English word violet. In Armenian the same can be said about ·³½³ñ³·áõÛÝ, Ý³ñÝç³·áõÛÝ and ÍÇñ³Ý³·áõÛÝ which areequiva- lent to the English orange. The words ñèíèé and ãîëóáîé refer to distinct but contigu- ous colours co-ordinated in the system with the words çåëåíûé and æåëòûé (green and yellow). They’re not to be regarded as terms which refer to different shades of one colour, in the way that crimson and scarlet with other terms subdivide the area covered by red in English.

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Colour terms are often used in phraseological units. We can compare word-groups where colourterms are used to name an object exactly of that colour and word-groups where it is used in quite a different meaning. Free word-groups make up variable contexts, whereas the essential feature of phraseological units is a non-variable or fixed context. So, depending on the context the names of colours can show not only the colour but also some other qualities of the word which they qualify (Amosova 1963). While discussing phraseological units we must also pay attention to motivation,e.g. nominal groups like red flower, blue dress, grey stone, etc. are lexically motivated. The combined lexical meanings of these groups are deducible from the meanings of their components, whereas structurally identical word-group red-tape –official bureaucratic methods are lexically non-motivated. In these groups the constituents do not possess any individual lexical meaning of their own as the word-groups under discussion seem to represent single indivisible semantic entities. The degree of motivation may be different. Between the extremes of complete motivation and lack of motivation there are innumerable intermediate cases,e.g. the degree of lexical motivation in the nominal group black market is higher than in Black Death, but lower than in black dress, though none of the groups can be considered as completely non-motivated. The constituent red in the free word-group red-flower may, if necessary, be substituted for by any other adjective denoting colour(blue, white, etc.) without essentially changing the denotational meaning of the word-group under discussion (a flower of a certain colour). In the phraseological unit red tape (bureaucratic methods) no such substitution is possible as a change of the adjective would involve a complete change in the meaning of the whole group. A blue (black, white, etc.) tape would mean a tape of a certain colour. It follows that the phraseological unit red tape is semantically non-motivated, i.e. whether the semantic relations between words are identical. So the word-group red- flower may be deleted and transformed into flowers without making the sentence nonsensical, e.g. I love red flowers, I love flowers, whereas I hate red tape cannot be transformed into I hate tape or I hate red. It’s also argued that non-variability of the phraseological unit is not confined to its lexical components. The grammatical structure of phraseological units is to a certain extent also stable. Thus, though the structural pattern of the word-groups red-flower and red tape is identical (A+N), the noun flower may be used in the plural (red flowers), whereas no such change is possible in the phraseological unit red tape; red tapes would then denote tapes of red colour but not bureaucratic methods. This is also true of other types of phraseological units. Sometimes, however, the plural ending -s may change the meaning of the idiom completely but it will still remain as an idiom though quite another one,e.g. white horse means cowardice while white horses means white-crested waves at sea (áàðàøêè íà ìîðå). So here we have two different idioms. Sometimes extra-linguistic factors may account for the loss of motivation, to show the

62 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

white feather – to act as a coward, e.g. can be traced back to the days when cock-fighting was popular. A white feather in a gamecock’s plumage denoted bad breeding and was regarded as a sign of cowardice. Now that cock-fighting is no longer a popular sport, the phrase is felt as non-motivated. So, we see now that motivation is rather important for the phraseological units, in this case for idioms with colour names. Now we can refer to them from the point of view of context. So, the colours are polysemantic words. It will be recalled that in analyzing, e.g. the semantic structure of the polysemantic word yellow we can observe that some meanings are representative of the word in isolation, i.e. they invariably occur to us when we hear the word or see it written on paper. Other meanings come to the fore only when the word is used in certain contexts. So, the adjective yellow when used in isolation denotes a certain colour, whereas other meanings of this word, e.g. envious, suspicious, sensa- tional, corrupt are perceived only in certain contexts, e.g. a yellow look, the yellow press, etc. We see here that the quality of colour isn’t essential in these expressions at all; a look can’t have a yellow colour, press isn’t yellow either. The same is true for other colours, e.g. white frost means the frost with snow and rime, which isn’t exactly of white colour (and black frost means frost without snow), white meat means the meat which is easily digested, white heat means extremely great heat. Sometimes the colour is even less obvious, white wine is usually of yellow colour, white herring (and red herring) means just the fresh one, white coffee is brown, brown bread isn’t exactly brown, etc. Here white denotes just the lightest in colour of that usually to be found. But it can also be used metaphorically,e.g. white can mean the one that is good, kind, again light but from another point of view. So white day – happy day, white lie –a diplomatic untruth, told with good intentions, white witch –the kind one. Black is also used in phrases like black coffee or black people though they are not black in their colour. And it is used as a negative factor opposite to white. So black humour means a morbid form of humour, black list–a list of persons or organizations to be disapproved or suspected of disloyalty, misconduct, etc., black market –the selling of goods at illegal quantities, black sheep–a person considered disgraceful by his family, etc. But not only black can mean something that is bad as in yellow look, or green with envy– very envious, very jealous, red flag–sign of danger, red-handed–in the act of com- mitting a crime, in the red–losing money, etc. The same is true for brown the archaic meaning of which was dark. So we can say brown study –a mood of deep absorption or thoughtfulness. Even white doesn’t always mean something good,e.g. white elephant means a possession that is no longer wanted by its owner, often because it is useless, expensive, or troublesome to maintain. To sum up,colour is a silent language. Without words and across differing cultures, colours can be used for communication among people. Colours are rich in hidden meanings and symbolisms.Colour symbolism serves an important role in art, religion, politics, and ceremonials, as well as in everyday life. Its strong emotional connotations can affect colour perception so that, for example, an apple or heart-shaped figure cut from orange paper may seem to have a redder hue than a geometric figure cut from the same paper

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because of the specific psychological meaning that is associated with the shape.What is more, colours have a very interesting story to tell. They hold information and transmit messages. Intuitively and instinctively, human memory is stored within a colour-coded resonance.

References:

1. Amosova, N.N. (1963) Osnovy Anglijskoj Frazeologii. Leningrad: Izdatelstvo Leningradskogo Universyteta. 2. Smith, E.E. & Medin, D.L. (1981) Categories and Concepts. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. 3. Sonomura, O.M. (1996) Idiomaticity in the Basic Writing of American English. New York: Peter Lang Publishing, Inc. 4. Taylor, J.R. (1995) Linguistic Categorization. Prototypes in Linguistic Theory. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 5. Wooten, B. & Miller, D.L. (1997) The Psychophysics of Color. Cambridge: CUP.

²Ý·É»ñ»ÝÇ ·áõÝ³ÝáõÝÝ»ñáí ¹³ñÓí³ÍùÝ»ñÇ Ñá·»μ³Ý³Ï³Ý, ÇÙ³ëï³ÛÇÝ ¨ Ï³éáõóí³Íù³ÛÇÝ ³é³ÝÓÝ³Ñ³ïÏáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ ßáõñç

¶áõÝ³ÛÇÝ ëÇÙíáÉÇÏ³Ý Ù»Í ¹»ñ áõÝÇ ³ñí»ëïáõÙ, ÏñáÝ³Ï³Ý Í»ë»ñáõÙ ¨ ³Ù»ÝûñÛ³ ÏÛ³ÝùáõÙ: ¶áõÝ³ÝáõÝÝ»ñÁ Ñ³×³Ë Ñ³Ý¹ÇåáõÙ »Ý ¹³ñÓí³ÍùÝ»ñáõÙ, áñáÝó ÇÙ³ëï³Ñá·» μ³ Ý³Ï³Ý ÑÇÙùáõÙ ÁÝÏ³Í »Ý ïíÛ³É ³½·ÇÝ ¨ Ùß³ÏáõÛÃÇÝ μÝáñáß å³ïÏ»ñ³óáõÙÝ»ñ: ¸ñ³Ýù ³ñï³óáÉáõÙ »Ý ïíÛ³É É»½íÇÝ μÝáñáß ÇÙ³ë- ï³μ³Ý³Ï³Ý, ù»ñ³Ï³Ý³Ï³Ý, μ³é³Ï³½Ù³Ï³Ý ¨ Ñá·»μ³ Ý³Ï³Ý ³é³ÝÓÝ³- Ñ³ïÏáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ: Ðá¹í³ÍÁ ùÝÝ³ñÏáõÙ ¿ ³Ý·É»ñ»ÝÇ ·áõÝ³ÝáõÝÝ»ñáí ¹³ñÓí³Íù- Ý»ñÇ Ñá·» μ³ Ý³Ï³Ý, ÇÙ³ëï³ÛÇÝ ¨ Ï³éáõóí³Íù³ÛÇÝ áñáß Ñ³ñó»ñ:

64 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

Lexicalization Patterns of English and Armenian Verbs of Speech Activity

Lilit Badalyan Yerevan State Linguistic University

ontemporary linguistic researches are characterized by attempts to reveal the C nature of linguistic mechanisms that provide for the relations of man and extralinguistic reality. Language is a means of the conceptualization of that reality and results in the creation of the linguistic picture of the world. It should be noted that the interpre- tive function of man’s consciousness plays an important role in the construction of the meaning of words. It takes place both in the creation of the mental concept reflecting objects and phenomena of the reality, and in their linguistic representation, in the construction, development and usage of the word meaning. Languages are thought to be comparable in conveying information, but they generally differ in the amount and type of information that can be expressed by lexical units. It is known that the more significant an object or concept is to a community, the greater is the tendency to lexicalize it, i.e. to coin greater number of lexical units to denote it. There can be identified semantic components which may or may not be lexicalized in particular languages. The identification of the semantic components characterizing classes of words in a language and of the possible combinations of such components within word roots leads to the revelation of lexicalization patterns varying across languages. Typological classification of languages can be made on the basis of the above-mentioned patterns, i.e. according to “characteristic ways in which language […] packages semantic material into words” (Lehrer 1992:249). A trend has recently emerged towards addressing the issues of identifying semantic components lexicalized within verb roots and stating a connection between specific components characterizing semantic classes of verbs and syntactic properties of the verbs themselves; there is a strong correlation between each combination of semantic components and the syntactic constructions allowed by the words displaying them. One of the most widely discussed proposals concerning verb typologies is L.Talmy’s (1985) idea that languages fall into two types according to how they encode primary events in verbs (particularly motion verbs) and satellites. In the so-called satellite-framed languages like English, German and Russian motion verbs tend to incorporate “manner” to their core meaning (e.g., shuffle, tip-toe, crawl, etc.) and “path” is expressed by a variety of other devices (satellites) such as particles (out), prepositions (into the room), verb affixes, etc, whereas in verb-framed languages like Modern Greek (Papafragou & Selimis 2002), Romance, Turkish and Japanese (Matsumoto 1996), Armenian (Badalyan 2011) 1 verbs tend to incorporate “path”, expressing “manner” with an additional complement. The distinction is not meant to imply that the relevant languages lack certain kinds of verb altogether. For instance, English has path verbs, such as enter, exit, ascend and descend, and verb-framed languages have manner verbs. But the most characteristic (i.e.,

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colloquial and frequent) way of describing motion in the two types of languages involves manner and path verbs respectively. Talmy’s typology of lexicalization patterns has received much attention in the domain of motion events in the literature (Slobin 1996, Matsumoto 1996); however, the validity of this typology in other domains of event types is not fully established.2 In our paper we will extend the analysis of Talmy’s typology to the domain of English and Armenian verbs of speech activity that encode the semantic component of “the manner of speaking”. In the current investigation 80 English and 60 Armenian verbs of speech activity have been analyzed alongside the data (2000 sentences) extracted from the British National Corpus () and the data (1500 sentences) – from Eastern Armenian National Corpus (). Various researches testify to the fact that verbs denote a whole situation with its various participants and in the definitions of the verbs not only the action itself and the possible participants are pointed out in the form of substantive semes, but also the relationship between them is revealed. As E. Paducheva states, “in its each usage the verb shows a situation with the participation of certain number of people; the qualities of participants and relations between them are to some extent reflected in the meaning of the verb” (Paducheva 1998:87). The seme structure of a verb may comprise several components (for instance, “subject-tool-object-place-time”) which are united through one action. The study of the English verbs of speech activity discloses the following semantic components (semes): The agent of the action (the speaker) The object of the action (the content of speech) The addressee of the action The purpose of the action The manner of the action It should be noted that the enumerated semantic components may have various con- figurations in the meanings of different members of the group, for instance, the seme structure of a verb may lack the seme of “the manner of the action” or “the purpose of the action”, thus providing for the semantic differentiation of the verbs of speech activity. As mentioned above, we have focused only on the verbs that conflate the semantic component of “manner” in their meaning. The study of the selected verbs in both languages shows that onomatopoeic words denoting sounds produced by animals and birds comprise the bulk of the groups under study. These verbs denote speech activity figuratively, through their secondary meanings. The examination of the data also reveals that English verbs encoding manner of speaking outnumber the corresponding Armenian verbs, especially if we take into consideration the fact that some Armenian verbs are included in the group with their redu- plicative variants, e.g. ·áé³É/·áé·áé³É, Íí³É/ÍíÍí³É, ×í³É/×í×í³É, Ýí³É/ÝíÝí³É. If we compile the selected verbs into subgroups based on their common semes, namely the semantic component of the type of manner, we see that in one of the groups the number of English and Armenian verbs nearly coincide: these are the verbs that denote the action of “complaining in an annoying way”, such as to whine, to wail, to rant, to grum-

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ble, to mutter, to snivel in English and ·³Ý·³ïí»É, ÷ÝÃ÷ÝÃ³É, ÙñÙÝç³É, ÙéÃÙéÃ³É, ÃÝ·ÃÝ·³É, ïÝù³É in Armenian (about 20 units in both languages), while in many groups the Armenian verbs yield to the English ones in number, e.g. there are more verbs in English to denote the action of “talking about silly, unimportant things” or “speaking quickly or incoherently” (about 20 units) than in Armenian (about 8 units): to twitter, to prattle, to drivel, to prate, to gabble, to burble and μÉμÉ³É, ÍÉíÉ³É, ùã÷ã³É, ß³ï³Ëáë»É, ß³Õ³Ïñ³ï»É, ¹³ï³ñÏ³μ³Ý»É, ½³é³Ýó»É. As we have already mentioned, the combination of the semantic components may determine the syntactic peculiarities of verbs. The analysis of the selected sentences reveals that the English and Armenian verbs of speech activity display both similar and different syntactic properties. Both English and Armenian verbs, particularly those that express the meaning under study figuratively, in most cases are used to introduce direct speech, either without any modifiers or with adverbial modifiers of cause or manner expressed by a noun, a noun phrase or an adverb. E.g.

“Life isn’t necessarily fair, Miss Levington,” he rapped. “It’s on now,” he crowed triumphantly. “I loved him,” moaned Gwendolen defiantly. - ÀÝÏ»ñáçë Ñ³Ý¹Çå»óÇ, - ÝáñÇó ÷ÝÃ÷ÝÃ³ó Ð³ÙμáÝ: - Ü»ÕÝ ÁÝÏ³ñ, Ñ³°, íñ³ »ë ï³ÉÇë, - Ñ³ÕÃ³Ï³Ýáñ»Ý ýßß³ó ²ñÕáõÃÁ: - Ø»ñ å³ßïáÝÁ ·ñáÕÇ ÍáóÁ, — Ñáõ½ÙáõÝùÇó Ï³Ï³½»ó ²ñ³ÙÁ:

However, the analysis of the extracted sentences shows that the given verbs can display the syntactic properties of other verbs of speech activity, i.e. they appear in the syntactic structures typical of the dominants of the lexico-semantic group of verbs of speech activity, namely to say, to tell, to speak and to talk, as well as some other members of the group, such as to complain, to shout, to call that stand out with general meaning and can serve as identifiers for subgroups within the given lexico-semantic group. It should be noted here that if in Armenian we have only two dominants ³ë»É and Ëáë»É, in English we can point out four dominant members that display subtle differences in meaning and usage that provide more syntactical patterns for the verbs under study. In other words, the semantic components of the addressee of the action, object of the action and the purpose of the action that exist in the meanings of the selected verbs either as actual or potential semes find surface expressions, i.e. are expressed by verb arguments in sentences. E.g.

³ë»É ÇÝã-áñ μ³Ý ØÇÝã¨ í»ñç³å»ë ÙÇ Ï»ñå, μ³é»ñÝ Çñ³ñ Ë³éÝ»Éáí, μÉμÉ³ó »Õμáñ å³ïíÇñ³ÍÁ: to say sth. His eyes darted from her to Nicolo and he babbled an apology, half in Italian, half in English. ³ë»É ÇÝã-áñ μ³Ý ÇÝã-áñ Ù»ÏÇ Ñ³ëó»ÇÝ

67 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

²ÝÙÇï-³ÝÙÇï Ý½áíùÝ»ñ ÷ÝÃ÷ÝÃ³Éáí ÏÛ³ÝùÇ, ÇÙ Ñ³ëó»ÇÝ, »ë ù³ÛÉáõÙ ¿Ç, ³ÝÓñ¨Ç ó³ÝóÇ Ù»ç ³Õáï í³éíáÕ É³åï»ñÝ»ñÇÝ Ý³Û»Éáí: to say sth. about sth./smb. All of a sudden, she whined something about me not knowing what I had done and she broke down into tears. ³ë»É, áñ/Ã»…, ²ÛÝáõÑ»ï¨ å³é³íÁ ïñïÝç³ó, Ã» í»ñÙ³ÏÇ »ñ»ëÝ»ñÁ ùñùñí»É »Ý áõ Ïïáñ»Õ»Ý ãÏ³: to say that…, Within five minutes Steve hollered that his ice hammer had broken. to say sth. to smb. He crowed to me: ‘The Queen won’t allow any negotiations between Andrew and Fergie and their lawyers to go on without me being present.’ “If she’d been herself,” Maisie wailed to Robert, “she’d have looked”. ³ë»É ÇÝã-áñ É»½íáí Êáç³Ý Ùï³ï³ñ Ý³Ûí³Íùáí ³ëïÕ³·ÇñùÁ Ã»ñÃ»ó ¨ ÇÝã-áñ ùñÃÙÝç³ó »μñ³Û»ñ»Ý, ³å³ ³í»É³óñ»ó Ñ³Û»ñ»Ý: to say sth. in a language “Maldita, she is dead,” gabbled Umberto in Spanish. ÆÝùÝ Çñ»Ý ³ë»É §ê³, ÑÇñ³íÇ, ëáëÏ³ÉÇ ¿¦, - ÇÝùÝ Çñ»Ý ÙñÙÝç³ó ³ñ¹»Ý »ñÏñáñ¹ ³Ý·³Ù: To say to oneself “You can be a success,” he chanted to himself, “your mind is a chis- el, your will is a hammer, and life is a rock.” Ëáë»É ÇÝã-áñ É»½íáí Ð»ïá Ë»ÝÃ³ó³Í å³ï»å³ï ¿ñ Ë÷íáõÙ, ·ñÏáõÙ-Ñ³ÙμáõñáõÙ ¿ñ ÇÝÓ, ÑáÉÇ å»ë åïïíáõÙ, Çï³É»ñ»Ý ·áé·áéáõÙ, ÝáñÇó ÇÝÓ ·ñÏáõÙ ...: to speak (in) a language I saw people springing up from the ground and letting down ropes out of the sky, boarding red buses, jabbering in English. A militia spokesman rambled on in Arabic about the need for resistance, the nobility of the struggle against isolationism and the potentialities of the revolution. Êáë»É ÇÝùÝ Çñ»Ý öáùñÇÏÁ ÙÇ³ÛÝ ÙÇ ³Ý·³Ù ³ñÃÝ³ó³í, μÉμÉ³ó ÇÝùÝ Çñ»Ý áõ ÝáñÇó ³ãù»ñÁ ÷³Ï»ó…: to speak to oneself Ashen-faced, she was gibbering quietly to herself, her petrol-sodden hair plastered to her head and her dripping gown showing her legs almost to the crotch. to speak to smb.

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And while they were up there in the wide, blue yonder, they jabbered non-stop to each other over the radio. Ëáë»É/·áé³É ÇÝã-áñ Ù»ÏÇ íñ³ - ²ÛÝå»ë ³ñ³ ÃáÕ ß³ñÅíÇ-Ç-Ç-Ç°... - íÝ·³ó Ý³ Ñáñ íñ³: - àõñ»ÙÝ ¿É ÇÝãá±õ »ù ïñïÝçáõÙ Ó»ñ »Õμáñ íñ³: to shout (sth.) at smb. “All right, out!” he boomed at the others. “The Smiths are here!” she squawked at him. He snarled the words at her. Ëáë»É ÇÝã-áñ μ³ÝÇ Ù³ëÇÝ/ÇÝã-áñ μ³ÝÇó ºÃ» μÅÇßÏÁ ïñïÝçáõÙ ¿ ó³Íñ ³ßË³ï³í³ñÓÇó, í»ñ¨áõÙ Ýñ³Ý ³ãùáí »Ý ³ÝáõÙ, Ã» É³í μÅßÏÇÝ, ÙÇ¨ÝáõÛÝ ¿, ù³Õó³Í ã»Ý ÃáÕÝÇ: Ëáë»É ÇÝã-áñ Ù»ÏÇ Ñ»ï ÇÝã-áñ μ³ÝÇ Ù³ëÇÝ ØÇ »ñÏáõ ³Ý·³Ù ïÇÏÇÝ èáõÃÇ å»ë åå½»ó, Ó»éùÇ ÷³Ã»ÃÁ ¹ñ»ó ·á·ÇÝ, ·³í³ÃÁ ïÝïÕ»ó, ïÏïÏ³óñ»ó ×ÏáõÛÃÇ »ÕáõÝ·áí, í³×³éáÕÇ Ñ»ï ß³Õ³Ïñ³ï»ó: to speak/to talk on/away (to smb.) (about sth.) Adams is always harping on about her. He jabbered away to his friends, and Ellie assumed he was explaining that item number one was a drink.

Here we would like to focus on the use of particles and prepositions, the so-called satellites such as out, on, away, back placed after the verbs. It should be noted that English has a well-developed system of satellites that enable to express direction or duration of the action thus making the speech laconic. Here are some other examples. E.g.

He sat his guest down in a cubbyhole office, mixed instant coffee with the help of a whistling electric kettle, and rambled into a monologue of his thoughts on Michael Holly. He hemmed and hawed and rambled through a number of subjects before making a sideways approach to what he really seemed to need…. …he was spluttering over the tale, to whoever would listen…. He roared down the passage, “Louisa, LOUISA…”

As Armenian lacks the equivalents of such satellites, it needs to switch to descriptive means to express the same meaning. E.g.

ØÇ³ÛÝ îÇ·ñ³ÝÇÏÝ ¿, áñ μÉμÉáõÙ ¿ ß³ñáõÝ³Ï, áõ Ñ³ÛñÁ ãÇ μ³ñÏ³ÝáõÙ Ýñ³ íñ³: ²íïáÙ»ù»Ý³ÛáõÙ ³ÝÁÝ¹Ñ³ï ß³Õ³Ïñ³ïáõÙ ¿ñ: - Ð³ ÙïÙïáõÙ ¿ñ, ÇëÏ í³ñáñ¹Á Ñ³ ß³ï³ËáëáõÙ ¾ñ: Þ³Ùå³ÛÝÇ ³é³çÇÝ ßßÇÝ Ñ³çáñ¹»ó »ñÏñáñ¹Á, »ññáñ¹Á ¨ ÙÇÝã¨ ³Ý·³Ù ãáññáñ¹Á ºí¹áùëÇ³Ý ³Ý¹³¹ñáõÙ ¹³ï³ñÏ³μ³ÝáõÙ ¿ñ:

69 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

Üñ³Ýù ³Ýí»ñç ÝíÝíáõÙ ¿ÇÝ, ³ñóáõÝùÝ»ñ Ã³÷áõÙ, Ñ³ÛÑáÛáõÙ ³Ù»ÝùÇÝ ¨ ³Ù»Ý ÇÝã:

Other patterns that the Armenian verbs under study lack are:

to speak out (sth) “But my daddy babbled out the truth.” He rasped out the words and stood with his hands on his hips to glare down at her. to answer back So when Jane asked him for a loan, he snapped back: “I think my first duty is to look after myself!” “Are you, darling?” his mother trilled back. to ask for I hollered for fortified wines and drank quarts of tongue-frazzling black coffee. Although we shall be grumbling for water, shan’t we? to tell/to say/ ask to do Below, in the kitchen, William whined to go out, a gentle, quivering, undemanding sound that meant, nevertheless, a fairly urgent need. to call/ask for smb. to do She roared for the carriage to be brought round. Kaas leant forward and dragged Adam to his feet as he yelled for the guards to come in and help him. to express smth. …Victoria crowed her delight. At the table the young man murmured his pleasure at something Father Reynard had pointed out, shook the priest’s hand and quickly left. At night she emerged, wandering the corridors of the upper floor, a lighted candle in her hand, wailing her grief.

As can be seen from the examples, the English verbs under study are more likely to be used in the syntactic structures proper to verbs of speech activity than the Armenian ones. Besides, the English verbs appear in the given structures irrespective of the fact whether they express speech activity directly, i.e. are nuclear members of the group or they express the given meaning figuratively, i.e. they are peripheral members. In Armenian it is mainly the nuclear members of the group that display such syntactic properties, and even their occurrence in the above mentioned positions is rather limited. This can be accounted for by the fact that in the meanings of the English verbs the semantic component of the speech act is a nuclear one, while the semantic component of the manner of speaking is a peripheral one. Whereas in the meanings of most Armenian verbs under study the manner of speaking or the sound made by the speaker is more important, i.e. a nuclear component and the speech act with its content and addressee are of secondary

70 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

importance. The given statement can further be proved by numerous examples of sentences where the peripheral members of the Armenian verbs of speech activity tend to function as adverbial modifiers for the predicate expressed by nuclear members, such as ³ë»É, Ëáë»É, å³ï³ëË³Ý»É, Ñ³ñóÝ»É, Ññ³Ù³Û»É, ËÝ¹ñ»É, Ï³Ýã»É, ³ñï³Ñ³Ûï»É (about 80 examples out of 1500). E.g.

Ð»ïá ëÏë»ó ·áé·áé³Éáí Ï³Ýã»É ì³ãáÛÇÝ. (…shouted out to…) - Ð»é³ó»ù, - ÷ë÷ë³Éáí å³ï³ëË³Ý»óÇ Ýñ³Ý: (…whispered back to …) Ð»Ýó »Ï»Õ»óáõÙ ¿É ÷ë÷ë³Éáí Çñ³ñ Ñ³ÛïÝáõÙ ¿ÇÝ, áñ μ³Ýï³ñÏÛ³ÉÝ»ñÇÝ ³ÝËÝ³ Í»ÍáõÙ »Ý, Ëáßï³Ý·áõÙ, å³Ñ³ÝçáõÙ Ñ³ÝÓÝ»É Ã³ùóñ³Í ½»Ýù»ñÁ: (…whispered to each other…) àõïáõÙ ¿ÇÝ, ùã÷ã³Éáí ½ñáõóáõÙ, Ë»Õ¹íáõÙ ÍÇÍ³ÕÇó: (…chattered on) ¶Ý³Ýù ùá ë»ÝÛ³ÏÁ, Ã» ã¿ ÈÛáÉÛ³ÛÇÝ Ï³ñÃÝ³óÝ»Ýù, ÝáõÛÝå»ë, - ßßÝç³Éáí å³ï³ëË³Ý»ó Ý³: (…whispered back…) - ¾¹ ³ë³ ¿°, - ïÝù³Éáí ³ñÓ³·³Ýù»ó ÙÇ áõñÇßÁ: (…groaned out …)

Whereas in English we have found only 6 examples out of 2000.

“I’ll kill him,” repeated Bigwig, spluttering through his fouled whiskers and clotted fur. “It was her,” said Rose, gibbering with fear. “That,” I said, whispering, “can be our secret.”

Thus, we can conclude that the differences in the usage of the English and Armenian verbs of speech activity come to prove the results of our previous analysis of motion verbs,3 i.e. Armenian may be ranged among verb-framed languages while English is a typical satellite-framed language.

Notes:

1. In the article The Cognitive Aspect of Lexicalization in English and Armenian (Badalyan 2011) we presented the results of the comparative analysis of sixty-five English and twenty-five Armenian motion verbs that led us to assume that Armenian may be ranged among verb-framed languages. 2. In the article How to Say Things with Words: Ways of Saying in English and Spanish, Rojo A. and Valenzuela J. (2001) made an attempt to apply Slobin’s analysis of English and Spanish manner verbs to verbs of saying in English and Spanish and the way Spanish translators deal with them. They concluded that in contrast with Slobin’s statement that verb-framed languages have a lower number of manner verbs than satellite-framed languages, their examples suggested that the difference between

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English and Spanish manner verbs of saying is not very big. In the description of motion events, translators tended to omit information when going from English into Spanish, while their study showed that when dealing with verbs of saying, Spanish translators tended to add information, using more specific verbs. 3. See Note 1.

References:

1. Badalyan, L. (2011) The Cognitive Aspect of Lexicalization in English and Armenian. // Higher Linguistic Education from the Perspective of Reforms: New Approaches, Prospects, and Challenges. Bucharest: UNESCO-CEPES. 2. Fillmore, C. and Atkins, B.T.S. (1992) Towards a Frame-Based Lexicon: the semantics of RISK and its neighbours. // Frames, Fields and Contrasts: new essays in semantics and lexical organization. / Ed. by E. Kittay & A. Lehrer. Hillsdale (NJ): Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. 3. Lehrer, A. (1992) A Theory of Vocabulary Structure: Retrospectives and Prospectives. // Thirty years of linguistic evolution. Studies in honour of René Dirvén on the occasion of his sixtieth birthday. / Ed. by Pütz, Manfred. Amsterdam: Benjamins. 4. Matsumoto, Yo (1996) Typologies of Lexicalization Patterns and Event Integration: Clarifications and Reformulations. // Empirical and Theoretical Investigations into language: A Festschrift for Masaru Kajito. / Ed. by Shuji Chiba et al.. Tokyo: Kaitakusha. 5. Paducheva, E.V. (1998) Communicativnie videlenie na urovne synaksisa i semantiki. // Semiotika i informatika. Vol. 36. М.: MGU. 6. Papafragou, A. and Selimis, S. (2002) Lexical and Structural Cues for Acquiring Motion Verbs Cross-Linguistically. University of Delaware and University of Athens. 7. Rojo, A. and Valenzuela, J. (2001) How to Say Things with Words: Ways of Saying in English and Spanish. // Translators’ Journal. Vol. 46, N 3. 8. Saeed, J (2003) Semantics. London: Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 9. Slobin, D. (1997) Mind, Code and Text. // Essays on Language Function and Language Type. / Ed. by J. Bybee, J. Haiman and S.A. Thompson. Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 10. Talmy, L. (1985) Lexicalization Patterns. // Language Typology and Synchrohic Description. / Ed. by Th. Shopen. Cambridge: CUP. 11. Talmy, L. (1991) Path to Realization: a Typology of Event Conflation. // Proceedings of the Seventeenth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society. Berkeley: Berkeley Linguistics Society.

72 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

Ðá¹í³ÍáõÙ áõëáõÙÝ³ëÇñí»É ¿ ³Ý·É»ñ»ÝÇ ¨ Ñ³Û»ñ»ÝÇ ³ ë³ó³Ï³Ý μ³ Û»ñÇ μ³- é³ÛÝ³óÙ³Ý Ï³Õ³å³ñÝ»ñÇ ¨ ß³ñ³ÑÛáõë³Ï³Ý ³é³ÝÓÝ³Ñ³ïÏáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ ÙÇç¨ Ï³åÁ` ÑÇÙÝí»Éáí È.Â³ÉÙÇÇ ÙÇçÉ»½í³Ï³Ý ïÇå³μ³ ÝáõÃÛ³Ý íñ³, Áëï áñÇ ³- é³ÝÓÝ³óíáõÙ »Ý »ñÏáõ ïÇåÇ É»½áõÝ»ñ` ³Ûëå»ë Ïáãí³Í “satellite-framed” É»½áõ- Ý»ñ, áñï»Õ ß³ñÅÙ³Ý μ³Û»ñÇ ÇÙ³ëïáõÙ μ³é³ÛÝ³óíáõÙ ¿ ·áñÍáÕáõÃÛ³Ý Ó¨Ç Ç- Ù³ëï³ÛÇÝ μ³Õ³¹ñÇãÁ, ÇëÏ ·áñÍáÕáõÃÛ³Ý áõÕÕáõÃÛáõÝÁ Ý³Ë³¹³ ëáõÃÛáõÝáõÙ ³ñ- ï³Ñ³ÛïíáõÙ ¿ ³ÛÉ ÙÇçáóÝ»ñáí, ¨ “verb-framed” É»½áõÝ»ñ, áñï»Õ μ³ÛÇÙ³ëïáõÙ ³éÏ³ ¿ ·áñÍáÕáõÃÛ³Ý áõÕÕáõÃÛ³Ý μ³Õ³¹ñÇãÁ: öáñÓ ¿ ³ñí»É Â³ÉÙÇÇ ï»ëáõÃÛáõ- ÝÁ ÏÇñ³é»É ³Ý·É»ñ»ÝÇ ¨ Ñ³Û»ñ»ÝÇ ³ ë³ó³Ï³Ý μ³ Û»ñÇ ÇÙ³ëï³ÛÇÝ ËÙμÇ íñ³` ÁÝïñ»Éáí ³Ý·É»ñ»ÝÇ 80 ¨ Ñ³Û»ñ»ÝÇ 60 μ³Û»ñ, áñáÝó ÇÙ³ëïáõÙ ³éÏ³ ¿ ·áñÍá- ÕáõÃÛ³Ý Ó¨Ç ÇÙ³ëï³ÛÇÝ μ³Õ³¹ñÇãÁ: ²í»ÉÇ Ñëï³Ï å³ïÏ»ñ ëï³Ý³Éáõ Ñ³Ù³ñ áõëáõÙÝ³ëÇñí»É »Ý Ý³¨ ´ñÇï³Ý³Ï³Ý ³½·³ÛÇÝ ÏáñåáõëÇó ÁÝïñí³Í Ùáï 2000 ¨ ²ñ¨»É³Ñ³Û»ñ»Ý ³½·³ ÛÇÝ ÏáñåáõëÇó` 1500 Ý³Ë³¹³ ëáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñ, ù³ÝÇ áñ μ³ - Û»ñÇ ß³ñ³ÑÛáõë³Ï³Ý ÑÝ³ñ³íáñáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ Ù»Í³å»ë å³ÛÙ³Ý³íáñí³Í »Ý μ³ - ÛÇÙ³ëïÇ ÇÙ³ëï³ÛÇÝ μ³Õ³¹ñÇãÝ»ñÇ ï³ñμ»ñ Ï³å³ÏóáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñáí:

73 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

On Some Effects of Communication Barriers on the Quality of Candidate Performance and Examiner Judgements

Lilit Bekaryan Russian-Armenian (Slavonic) State University Irena Gyulazyan American University of Armenia

ommunication is generally perceived as the result of complementary processes C that operate at intrapersonal and interpersonal levels. At the interpersonal level, communication processes enable participants to produce and comprehend messages, whereas at the intrapersonal level, communication procedures help participants simul- taneously affect and be affected by one another. The first type of interaction is particularly inherent in the speaking modules of such international exams, as IELTS, BEC, FCE or other Cambridge Main Suite Exams. All of the mentioned modules seek to assess the candidates’ ability to speak on a variety of topics. The speaking modules always have the same format, which implies that the candidates are aware of the conventional event sequences that are expected of them, as well as know what their contribution to the test should be. At the same time, the candidates should be aware of the common language norms and maxims to be able to adequately respond to the examiners’ speech acts to avoid barriers and misunderstanding. In this respect, the examiner- candidate interaction can prove to be poor and ineffective if there are barriers to the communication process. We define every obstacle blocking the meaning of interaction in an examiner-candidate exchange as a communication barrier. The sources of barriers can vary from the cultural background of the individuals involved in communication to the first language interference, difficulties caused by the target language patterns, pronunciation, or accent. The present paper identifies the types of communication barriers the interlocutors may experience in examination settings and considers to what extent these barriers might affect both the candidate’s output and the assessment process. To identify the nature and the effect of these barriers on the communication, we have studied a number of examiner-candidate interaction patterns, mostly retrieved from the speaking modules of IELTS exams. Considering the fact that the exams were adminis- tered in Armenia, most participants were either Armenians or Iranians. It is interesting to note that though in these kinds of exchange, one of the interlocutors, namely the examiner, is the dominant speaker endowed with the so-called authority or power over his partner, both interlocutors tend to experience barriers in communication. Hence, if the examiner can face problems related to the components of assessment model because of the muddled messages of the examinee, wrong channels or inaccurate use of the target language by the examinee, for the candidate, the possible sources for language dissimilarity may reside in the first language interference, the insufficiency of

74 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

background knowledge, misunderstanding, culturally-sensitive topics discussed during the exam, etc. Let us consider an example:

Examiner: Good afternoon! An Iranian Candidate: Thank you very much! (September, 2011)

As has already been mentioned, there are several stereotypic expressions that both the candidate and the examiner have to use within the exam script. To signal the candidate that the examination is about to start, the examiner makes use of the common system open signals, like Good morning or Good afternoon and in most cases where the candidate is from Iran receives the aforementioned response which seems irrelevant to communication. Although not everyone thanks you for being greeted, most Iranians do. The key to this strange behaviour can probably be sought in the fact that status is an important aspect of greeting etiquette in the Iranian culture. The lower status individual is to make the first gesture of the initial greeting. With this in mind, some of the Iranian candidates especially these with a poor command of English wish to thank the examiners for making the first move to initiate the conversation. The recent statistical data suggest that words account only for 40 percent of communication, whereas 60 percent of communication is non-verbal, implying an effective use of gestures, proxemics or eye contact. If the first two do not play such a significant role in the exam script, the second seems vital, as it only helps the candidate restore his confidence and assurance but also prompts the examiners if their message and instructions are compressible for the applicant. An examiner addressing an Iranian candidate can often regard him as indifferent, rude, or even not understanding when they answer the question without even looking at the interviewer. In Iran, though, a downward gaze is a sign of respect and even a defense measure for men, since staring at a woman is usually taken as a sign of interest, and can cause difficulties. It is fair to acknowledge that the examiner’s behaviour can also seem puzzling to the candidates. As already mentioned, the speaking modules are based on scripts with a sequence of wording that should be observed. For this reason, examiners are usually discouraged from providing such necessary system constraints as head nods or smiles, sig- naling that the message is getting through. Neither are they advised to practice their backchannelling skills through such fillers as ‘yeah’, ‘right’ or ‘mmmhm’ to avoid creating the impression of encouraging the candidate. Frequent are the cases, when the candidates puzzled by this obvious absence of feedback stare blankly at the examiner and ask him or her: ‘Do you understand?’ This may cause further barriers, because the examiner is not entitled to answer any questions like this. Some barriers to communication can be overcome by consideration of the needs and understanding of the message recipients with slower speech or paraphrasing. Sometimes, when words fail to work, gestures come to help. For instance, with very low level candidates, examiners can mime or show with gestures what they mean for them to have more contribution to the overall discourse. For example:

75 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

Examiner: Do you like painting? Candidate: (confused) Penting? Explain, please. Examiner (repeating the question and miming at the same time): Do you like painting? Candidate: Ah, yes, I make pictures. (July, 2011)

We can see that, despite some language inaccuracies in this exchange, there is no communication failure here due to the use of gestures. In the following exchange, though, the candidate is making an accurate but at the same time irrelevant contribution to the communication thread as she confuses birds with births.

Examiner: Are there birds where you live? Candidate: As my country is a developing country and there no necessary conditions, many families avoid having a lot of babies. (September, 2011)

As already stated, the wording in the exam scripts reflects several functions, most of which tend to test the examinee’s knowledge of English. However, in some cases the intent and the sentence meaning may not coincide, that is to say the syntactic form alone is not enough to tell the candidate how to interpret the speaker’s intent. This is particularly applicable to directives when the candidate is requested to do something through polite imperatives like Can you, Could you or Would you … ? Very often confusing such directives with questions, low level candidates tend to provide either yes or no answers, thinking they are being asked either a general or an alternative question. For example:

Examiner: Can I see your identification, please? Candidate: Yes (not producing any required document). or Examiner: Can you tell me where you are from? Candidate: No, Iran. (June, 2011)

In the latter example the communicative goal of the exchange is achieved, as the candidate provides the answer, still the opening ‘no’ of the utterance can seem a little dis- tracting to the examiner. Similar barriers can stem from insufficient knowledge of language structures, as in the following exchange, where a woman candidate has been asked to describe a dress she has worn to a special occasion.

Examiner: Do you have a photo of this dress? Candidate (Puzzled) Now? No. (May, 2011)

76 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

Most probably the woman thinks that she is being asked to produce the photo right away in the exam room. The speaking component of IELTS consists of certain questions that dwell upon various topics. The examiners have to be very cautious in the choice of topics, as well, as what works well with the candidates. Armenian examinees, for example, find the questions related to numbers very strange. When asked what numbers they have to remember, they usually stare at the examiner and request further explanation. Another question Do you like your name? apparently seems unsuitable for those candidates who have been named after their grand- parents and bear long and old-fashioned names destined to oblivion. In other cases, low-level candidates may misunderstand the message, as in the following exchange, which in its turn can impede the communication.

Examiner: Is swimming popular in your country? Male Candidate from Iran: (Pause) Women ? …. (Looks embarrassed and scared) (September, 2011)

Obviously, representatives of different cultures have their own perception of strange or unreasonable questions. For instance, in Iran discussing women when conversing with men is highly unrecommended. As we can see, the lack of shared assumptions and beliefs can lead to divergence in discourse strategies and communicative styles. Thus, based on this small body of empirical research we can conclude that mishear- ing, discussing culturally sensitive topics, as well as making content-related wrong inferences can often trigger barriers in examiner-candidate communication. While the barriers listed above do not always have a negative impact on communication, they appear to be risk factors in high-stake examination settings, where they might not only diminish the candidate’s self-esteem, but also nurture misunderstanding, error and confusion, in this way inhibiting the assessment process.

References:

1. Countries and Their Cultures. Culture of Iran.

Ð³Õáñ¹³Ïó³Ï³Ý ³ñ·»ÉùÝ»ñÇ ³½¹»óáõÃÛáõÝÁ ùÝÝáõÃÛáõÝ Ñ³ÝÓÝáÕÝ»ñÇ å³ï³ëË³ÝÇ ¨ ·Ý³Ñ³ïÙ³Ý ·áñÍÁÝÃ³óÇ íñ³

êáõÛÝ Ñá¹í³ÍÇ Ýå³ï³ÏÝ ¿ μ³ó³Ñ³Ûï»É ³ÛÝ Ñ³Õáñ¹³Ïó³Ï³Ý ³ñ·»ÉùÝ»ñÁ, áñáÝù Ï³ñáÕ »Ý ËáãÁÝ¹áï»É ÙÇç³½·³ÛÇÝ ùÝÝ³Ï³Ý Ã»ëÃ»ñÇ ßñç³Ý³ÏáõÙ Çñ³-

77 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

Ï³Ý³óíáÕ Ñ³ñó³½ñáõÛóÇ ÁÝÃ³óùÁ, ÇÝãå»ë Ý³¨ Ý»ñ³½¹»É ùÝÝáõÃÛáõÝ Ñ³ÝÓÝáÕ- Ý»ñÇ å³ï³ëË³ÝÇ ¨ ·Ý³Ñ³ïÙ³Ý ·áñÍÁÃ³óÇ íñ³: àõëáõÙÝ³ëÇñáõÃÛ³Ý ÁÝÃ³óùáõÙ å³ñ½í»É ¿, áñ Ñ³Õáñ¹³Ïó³Ï³Ý ³ñ·»ÉùÝ»ñÇ å³ï×³é »Ý ¹³éÝáõÙ ï³ñ³μÝáõÛÃ ·áñÍáÝÝ»ñ, ¹ñ³ÝóÇó »Ý Ù³Ûñ»ÝÇ É»½íÇ ÙÇ- ç³ÙïáõÃÛáõÝÁ, ùÝÝáõÃÛ³Ý Ù³ëÝ³ÏÇóÝ»ñÇ É»½í³Ùß³ÏáõÃ³ÛÇÝ ³é³ÝÓÝ³Ñ³ï- ÏáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ, Ñ³Õáñ¹³ÏóÙ³Ý ÁÝÃ³óùáõÙ ï»Õ ·ï³Í ÃÛáõñÁÙμéÝáõÙÝ»ñÁ, É»½íÇ áã μ³í³ñ³ñ ÇÙ³óáõÃÛáõÝÁ ¨ ³ÛÉÝ:

78 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

Falsehood in Speech and Some Means of Its Expression

Lusine Mnatsakanyan Yerevan State University

his study serves to attain a better understanding of deception types and the nature T of verbal manipulation. Psychology and psycholinguistics are among those scientific spheres which touch upon the concept of “lie” in speech, thus revealing some methods if its detection. Psycholinguistic approaches to language are quite varied, from those that are concerned with the more concrete operations of the physiological systems involved in producing and perceiving language signals to the more abstract cognitive systems, including memory. Today psycholinguistics explores the relationship between the human mind and language. It treats the language user as an individual rather than a representative of a society; an individual whose linguistic performance is determined by the strengths and limitations of the mental apparatus. In fact, the notion “language” that is a product of the human mind gives rise to two interconnected goals: 1. to establish an understanding of the processes which underlie the system we call language, 2. to examine language as a product of the human mind and thus as evidence of the way in which human beings organize their thoughts and impose patterns upon their experiences (Garman 1990:15). Lying, the main point of discussion in this study, is a widespread phenomenon which everyone does to some extent. The capacity to lie is noted early and nearly universally in human development. A lie is a type of deception in the form of an untruthful statement, especially with the intention to deceive others, often with the hope to maintain a secret or reputation, protect someone’s feelings or to avoid a punishment. To lie is to state something that one knows to be false or that one doesn’t honestly believe to be true with the intention that a person will take it for the truth. A liar is a person who is lying, who has previously lied, or who tends by nature to lie repeatedly. The philosophers Saint Augustine, as well as St. Thomas Aquinas and Immanuel Kant, condemned all lying. However, Thomas Aquinas also had an argument for lying. According to all three, there are no circumstances in which one may lie. One must be murdered, suffer torture, or endure any other hardship, rather than lie even if the only way to protect oneself is to lie. Each of these philosophers gave several arguments against lying, all compatible with each other. Among the more important arguments are: Lying is a perversion of the natural faculty of speech, the natural end of which is to communicate the thoughts of the speaker. When one lies, one undermines trust in society. Lying is typically used to refer to deceptions in oral and written communication. Other forms of deception, such as disguises or forgeries are generally not considered lies, though the underlying intent may be the same. However, a true statement can be considered a lie if the person making that statement is doing so to deceive. In this situation, it

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is the intent of being untruthful rather than the truthfulness of the statement itself that is considered. According to Michael Garman (1990) there can be distinguished several types of lies: • Big lie: a lie so colossal that no one would believe that someone could have the impu- dence to distort the truth so infamously. • Bluffing: an act of deception that occurs during the game (a gambler deceives other player). • Bold-faced lie: a bold-faced lie is one which is told when it is obvious to all concerned that it is a lie. (For example, a child who has chocolate all around his mouth and denies that he has eaten any chocolate has told a bold-faced lie). • Contextual lie: one can state part of the truth out of context, knowing that without complete information, it gives a false impression. • Emergency lie: an emergency lie is a strategic lie told when the truth may not be told because, for example, harm to a third party would result. • Exaggeration: an exaggeration occurs when the most fundamental aspects of a statement are true, but only to a certain degree. It is also seen as “stretching the truth” or making something appear more powerful, meaningful, or real than it actually is. • Fabrication: a fabrication is a lie told when someone submits a statement as truth without knowing for certain whether or not it actually is true. Although the statement may be possible, it is not based on a fact. Rather, it is something made up or misrep- resentation of the truth (a person giving a direction to a tourist when the person does not actually know it). • Misleading: a misleading statement is one where there is no outright lie, but still retains the purpose of getting someone to believe in an untruth. • Noble lie: a noble lie is one which would normally cause discord if it were uncovered, but which offers some benefit to the liar and assists in an orderly society, therefore potentially beneficial to others. It is often told to maintain law, order and safety. • Perjury: perjury is the act of lying or making verifiable false statements on a material matter under oath or affirmation in a court of law, or in any various sworn statements in writing. Perjury is a crime, because the witness has sworn to tell the truth and for the credibility of the court to remain intact, witness testimony must be relied on as truthful. • Puffery: it is an exaggerated claim typically found in advertising and publicity announcements, such as “the highest quality at the lowest price”. • White lie: it is an acceptable lie that helps others. Such lies are required in many cultures where saving face is important, and not telling lies to protect others is considered a bad and selfish thing. These lies are also more acceptable from those who are less likely to know the rules for not lying, most notably young children. A white lie would cause only relatively minor discord if it were uncovered, and typically offers some benefit to the hearer. White lies are often used to avoid offense, such as complimenting something one finds unattractive. In this case, the lie is told to avoid the harmful realistic implications of the truth. As a concept, it can not be clearly separat- ed from other lies.

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Sometimes, being truthful isn’t always the best. There are times when one wants to avoid the full truth, or even tell a lie, in order to protect someone’s feelings, or prevent a conflict. So, one of the most relevant issues in studying lies is the concept of “Lie-to-children”. A lie-to-children is a lie, often a platitude which may use euphemisms which are told to make an adult subject acceptable to children. Parents lie for many reasons; lying to keep a child from crying when s/he heads out for dinner, or to protect him/her from scary issues, such as lying a child about a murder in the news. Common example is the Santa Claus. Parents tell their child fairy stories, about Santa Claus who is “real”, and later on it turns out that the child has been lied to. But actually nobody wants to lie to their kids, but also nobody wants to bring them up without believing in those things that make a child’s life happy: joy, love, hope and magic are what capture a child’s imagination. But one day the child will reach the stage of mental maturity where s/he will detect the lie that the parent has told for the first time. Before that s/he took for granted the fact that the parent was incapable of lying. The thing is that kids need to learn how the world works. Still, lying wouldn’t exist if there was no purpose for it. Lies can and often do accomplish good ends that the truth wouldn’t. A classical example is lying to an axe-mur- derer to prevent further harm. We cannot prevent children from telling a lie, as they come across it even in fiction. Such as “The Adventures of Baron Munchausen” which covers the story about an 18th century baron who tells outrageous, unbelievable stories which he claims are all true. Or “Carlo Pinocchio” who was a wooden puppet often led into trouble by his propensity to lie. His nose grew with every lie; hence long noses have become cari- catures of liars. On the contrary, it is alleged that some belief systems may find lying to be justified, that is “the product of deception and lies for a good purpose”. Let’s consider lying in the Bible. Various passages of the Bible (Old Testament) feature exchanges that are conditionally critical of lying, but in some passages lying seems conditionally promoted. How to detect a lie? Lie detection is the practice of determining whether someone is lying or not. It commonly involves the polygraph. Many scientists reviewed lie detector research and came to the conclusion that there is no scientific evidence supporting that lie detectors actually work. A classic psycholinguistic problem is parole, or its modern formulation – “performance”. The latter is being viewed as a dialectic of opposite cognitive modes, namely of gesture imagery and language. It is quite natural that so much significance is attached to the study of body language, for our bodily movements and facial expressions constitute an integral part of speech; in fact, they often act as a vehicle for emotion, whether we want it or not. Hence we may state that non-verbal gestures are just as important as spoken words. Why? It is the body language that has the power to give away a person’s true intentions. Thus, for instance, watching facial expressions in order to determine whether a person is lying might just save from being a victim of fraud, or it could help figure out when somebody’s being genuine. The experienced psychologists have yielded certain

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results, for instance the micro expressions (facial expressions) of a person who is lying will exhibit emotion of stress characterized by the eyebrows being drawn upwards towards the middle of the forehead. A micro expression is a momentary involuntary facial expression that people unconsciously display when they are hiding an emotion. They are quick and intense expressions of concealed emotion. A micro expression is caused by involuntary movements in facial muscles. Most people cannot control these involuntary muscles which are affected by their emotions (anger, disgust, fear, sadness, happiness, surprise and contempt). Hence, people often try to cover the lie by making certain gestures, covering their mouth, touching their nose, rubbing the eyes and avoiding making any kind of eye contact, some people unconsciously pull their collar, become nervous when they tell a lie. Timing is off between emotion gestures, expressions and words. For example: Someone says, I love it! when receiving a gift, and then smiles after making that statement, rather than at the same time the statement is made. Gestures don’t match the verbal statement, such as frowning when saying I love you. But at the same time it should be stated that if someone exhibits one or more of these signs it doesn’t mean that s/he is lying. The above behaviors should be compared to a person’s normal behavior. The more you get to know someone, the better you will become at knowing whether they may be straying from the truth. What has been said above makes it possible to claim that gestures constitute one of the non-verbal means of the expression of falsehood in speech. As it has already been mentioned verbal expression too can give clues to whether a person is lying or not, for example: a) Using/repeating your own exact words when answering a question (when asked, Did you eat the last cookie? the liar answers, No, I did not eat the last cookie.). b) Statement with a contraction is more likely to be truthful (I didn’t do it instead of I did not do it.). c) Avoiding direct statements or answers. d) Speaking excessively in an effort to convince. e) Speaking in a monotonous tone. f) Leaving out pronouns. g) Using humor to avoid a subject. Distancing language is phrasing used by people to “distance” themselves from a statement, either to avoid thinking about the subject or to distance themselves from its content. Distancing language is often a means of self-deception, but distancing language used orally may indicate that a person is lying. Examples of distancing language: • Distancing clinical language partly shields health workers from the impact of workplace experiences, e.g. bled to death substituted with exsanguinated. • Military personnel may use a range of distancing terms for combatants either killing or getting killed. They may also employ distancing, dehumanizing terms for combatants on the opposing side. Collateral damage for the death of uninvolved civilians is an example. • Everyday euphemistic references to death, dying, burial, corpses and to the people

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and places which deal with death are also protective, distancing terms either formal or informal, e.g. croaked, bought the farm, expired, passed on. • An indirect statement implying an answer, rather than a direct answer, may indicate lying. For example, replies such as Would I do such a thing? or even I wouldn’t do such a thing, rather than I didn’t do it. Referring to someone known well by the speaker as that woman instead of using a name or her is another example. • It is also likely that liars will think that the use of speech hesitations and speech errors sound dubious. Therefore, they will try to avoid making such liars’ voices and sound tenser than true tellers’ voices. The result concerning speech errors (word/sentence repetition, sentence change, sentence incompletion, slips of tongue and so on) and speech hesitations (use of speech fillers such as ah, um, er ) show a conflicting pattern (Scovel 1998:45). Friedrich Nietzsche suggested that those who refrain from lying may do so only because of the difficulty involved in maintaining the lie. This is consistent with his general philosophy that divides people according to strength and ability; thus, some people tell the truth only out of weakness. Thus, deception among humans is not necessarily a bad thing, but is widely condemned when it hurts or has potential to harm people. Innocuous deception is practiced by virtually everyone daily as a routine aspect of living. Managing the expressions of the face, disguising its features, and enhancing its attributes are important aspects of deception whenever people meet face-to-face.

References:

1. Birdwhistell, R.L. (1970) Essays on Body Motion Communication. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. 2. Carroll, R.; Prikett, S. (1997) The Bible: Authorized King James Version. Oxford World’s Classics. Oxford: OUP. 3. Ford, C.V. (2005) Lies! Lies! Lies! The Psychology of Deceit. Washington: American Psychiatric Press, Inc. 4. Garman, M. (1990) Psycholinguistics. Cambridge: CUP. 5. Granhag, A.; Strömwal, L.A. (2004): The Detection of Deception in Forensic Contexts. Cambridge: CUP. 6. Hirschberg, J.; Benus, S. (2005) Distinguishing Deceptive from Non-Deceptive Speech. Columbia: CUP. 7. Scovel, T. (1998) Psycholinguistics. Oxford: OUP. 8. Steinberg, D.D.; Scarini, N.V. (1993) An Introduction to Psycholinguistics. London: Longman. 9. Tammer, D.C.; Tammer, M.E. (2004) Forensic Aspects of Speech Patterns, Voice Prints, Speaker Profiling, Lie and Detection. Lawyers and Judges Publishing Co., Inc.

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Î»ÕÍÇùÇ ¹ñë¨áñÙ³Ý Ó¨»ñÁ ËáëùáõÙ

êáõÛÝ ³ßË³ï³ÝùÁ áõëáõÙÝ³ëÇñáõÙ ¿ ËáëùáõÙ ¹ñë¨áñíáÕ Ï»ÕÍÇùÇ Ñá·» É»½- í³ μ³ Ý³Ï³Ý ³é³ÝÓÝ³Ñ³ïÏáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ: ²Ý¹ñ³¹³éÝ³Éáí Ï»ÕÍÇùÇ ï³ñμ»ñ ë³ÑÙ³ ÝáõÙ Ý» ñÇÝ` Ý»ñÏ³Û³óíáõÙ ¿ ¹ñ³ ï³ñμ»ñ ï»ë³ÏÝ»ñÝ áõ ÝÏ³ñ³·ñíáõÙ ¹ñ³Ýó ÏÇñ³éáõÃÛáõÝÁ Ëáëù³ÛÇÝ ÏáÝÏñ»ï Çñ³¹ñáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñáõÙ: ²ßË³ï³ÝùÁ ùÝÝáõÃÛ³Ý ¿ ³éÝáõÙ Ý³¨ ËáëùáõÙ ³ñï³Ñ³ÛïíáÕ Ï»ÕÍÇùÇ áã ÙÇ³ÛÝ É»½í³Ï³Ý, ³ÛÉ¨ ³ñï³É»½í³Ï³Ý ÙÇçáóÝ»ñÁ` ¹Çï³ñ Ï»Éáí Ï»ÕÍÇùÇ μ³ó³Ñ³ÛïÙ³Ý Ñ³ñóáõÙ ß³ñÅÙáõÝùÝ»ñÇ ¹»ñÁ:

84 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

Pragmatic Aspects of Derivatives Functioning in Fiction Alla Minasyan Yerevan State Linguistic University

he question of impact and perception of linguistic signs in the process of com- T munication is particularly actual, as the main function of fiction texts is that of aesthetic impact. The study of the effectiveness of perception of derived words in fiction depending on the linguistic characteristics of their organization and aim is of particular interest. The use of linguistic means, and especially stylistic ones, has complex, polyfunction- al character and is conditioned by a set of pragmatic intentions. However, one dominat- ing type of intention can be singled out in each particular case. The type of intention is regarded as the general organizing principle of the utterance. The choice of linguistic units (here derivatives) takes place depending on the type of pragmatic intention. Due to the type of pragmatic intention the forms of its linguistic realization as well as the effectiveness of impact and perception change. None of the pragmatic intentions is used in isolation, they are interdependent and interconditioned. Thus, the pragmatic intention of “attention” is a significant component of all the others, and the pragmatic intention of creating interest is an integral part of the pragmatic intention of emotional impact. The pragmatic intention of the representation of world conceptual picture is the intention of the highest level, it has global character and comprises all the other intentions. Thus, in some way, it coincides with the general orientation of the fiction text on the aesthetic impact. It is worth mentioning that with the complication of the type of the pragmatic intention, the process of perception becomes more complicated, but at the same time the effect of the impact and the intensity of perception become stronger. The peculiarities of the structural organization of derived words and the composite character of their structure provide with ample opportunity for realization of the pragmatic intention of “attention”. To draw attention, quite various transformations can take place in the structure of derived words, such as, decomposition, rearrangement, fusion, use of morpheme as an independent word, violation of norms of morphemic compatibility, repetition of morphemes of derived word. Due to these transformations, linguistic units forming derivational stylistic devices (DSD) are out of the traditional ways of usage.

…and I was glad that he was himself again, or at least the self that I knew, and with which I felt at home. (Fitzgerald “The Rich Boy”)

The effect of advancement may be achieved due to the repetition of morphemes (both root and affixal), especially in case of multiple repetition. Creator he has created for his creatured ones a creation. (Joyce “Finnegans Wake”)

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In the illustrated example the following stylistic devices can be singled out: repetition of root morpheme, derivational variation, and also violation of the inner valency of the derivative creatured. All these devices draw reader’s attention to the given passage, arouse interest in him and have a great emotional impact which is achieved by the recur- rence of repetitions and “enough closeness of the row”, i.e. when the repeated elements are located close to one another. One of the main devices used for the realization of the pragmatic intention of “attention” is a nonce-word which is built on the violation of the inner valency of derivatives, on the deviation from the standard use of linguistic units. Any intentional “violation of norm” has one or another stylistic effect, which in its turn influences the perception process.

“Tell me of your experiences in the war. Are you changed like the rest? You have the same stupid and unaging American face, except I know you’re not stupid, Dick.” (Fitzgerald “Tender is the Night”)

In the given example the nonce-word unaging attracts the reader’s attention not only because of the non-standard form, but also because it does not exist in the language system. The mechanism of creation of such words is based on violation of the norms of semantic compatibility of words and derivational compatibility of morphemes. At the same time, this violation does not lead to the vagueness of meaning, as it is possible here to reconstruct the derivational process. Unaging American face – “a face, that does not indicate the age of a person”. Reconstruction of the derivational process based on decomposition of words is also used as a device which intensifies the effect of “advancement”. So, the effectiveness of perception of this word is conditioned by all means of impact – by violation of lexical and derivational compatibility, decomposition of the components of derivative, its motivation and stylistic markedness in the utterance. This is a vivid example of differences in perception of simple and derived words. The meaning of the new derivative, in this case the nonce-word, is predictable and easy to guess. The study of cases of affixal repetition comes to prove that it plays the most important role in creating emotional impact on addressee (Glazirina 1987:65-71). The definition of the structural and semantic parameters of the repetition of derivational morphemes (RDM), the examination of the peculiarities of its functioning in text and the detection of its role in text forming categories such as informative value and cohesion are of great interest. As an independent stylistic device, RDM differs from other types of morphological repetition first, by its nature and distribution of linguistic units, second, by semantic and stylistic peculiarities of its functioning in text. It should be mentioned that with each repetition the quantity of new information lessens, whereas the effect of providing additional aesthetic information of unit – increases. The analysis of the linguistic material proves that effectiveness of perception is determined by semantic and structural peculiarities of repetition and first of all by semantics

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of repeated morphemes. Both stylistically marked and neutral affixes are used to create repetition. Here negative affixes and diminutive suffixes should be singled out. Negative affixes signalizing the absence of what is designated by root make up neutral words in the language system (Zimmer 1964). The stylistic dependence of derivatives with negative affix is determined, first of all, by the semantics of the root and not the affix. But in the process of functioning such words are liable to semantic and stylistic transformations, which is conditioned by the stylistic potential of the category of negation and affixal repetition. The peculiarity of the affixes under consideration (-less, un-, in-, dis-) is that in specific conditions – under the influence of the root and the context or in case of repetition – they can transfer emotional-evaluative meaning, due to the potential evaluative seme existing in their structure. The specific feature of the functioning of RDM is that in case of repetition of affixal morpheme, the correlated words of the derivational row undergo emotional-evaluative transposition characterized by muting of lexical meaning and actu- alization of stylistic semes.

But Dick’s necessity of behaving as he did was projection of some sub- merged reality: he was compelled to walk there, or stand there, his shirt- sleeve fitting his wrist and his coat sleeve encasing his shirt-sleeve like a dandy – just as another man once found it necessary to ashes. Dick was playing some tribute to things unforgotten, unshriven, unexpurgated. (Fitzgerald, “Tender is the Night”)

Here the multiple repetition of the negative prefix -un provokes the muting of the differential semes and advances the potential evaluative seme “unforgotten, nonerasable from memory”, which expresses the emotional state of the hero. One of the relevant criteria of the stylistic significance of RDM is its frequency. The higher the frequency of affixal repetition, the stronger and the deeper the semantic relations with text units are, the more evident its role in creating the categories of informative value and cohesion are. Under these conditions RDM may assist in creating the leitmotif – the main idea repeated and highlighted for many times, or an artistically expres- sive detail, reiterated in the text.

She was laughing hilariously, unashamed, unafraid, unconcerned. No one coming on the scene would have imagined that she had caused it; she laughed as after some mild escape of childhood. (Fitzgerald “Tender is the Night”)

While discussing the pragmatic intention of knowledge framework activation, relevant for perception of text information concept, the words derived from proper names are of particular interest. As it is known, the use of proper names as common nouns is called antonomasia. From the point of view of stylistic aspect, these units act as figurative means of characterization, aimed at expressing emotional, subjective-evaluative attitude

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of the addresser towards the described facts. From the angle of the cognitive processes the images of poetic onomastics expressed by means of derivatives act as signals which assist in activation of specific knowledge relevant for communicative aims.

“I think they’re growing like Swedes – Ibsenesque, you know. Very gradually getting gloomy and melancholy.” (Fitzgerald “The Ice Palace”)

In the story “The Ice Palace” by S. Fitzgerald the derivative Ibsenesque is used which is motivated by the proper name Ibsen (Henry) that activates the mechanism of addressee’s memory, referring his consciousness to a particular author, in case the addressee has some literary competence and specific knowledge. S. Fitzgerald draws parallels between Henry Ibsen’s heroes and the heroes of his story, characterizing the “northerners”. Something “Ibsenesque”, “Scandinavian” can be seen in their image, as they are “very gradually getting gloomy and melancholy, there can always be found a certain brooding rigidity in their character. They don’t indulge in the cheering luxury of tears. These people are freezing up”. Activating particular structures of knowledge, the given derivative becomes the bearer of the conceptual information of the given story – its microconcept, which, together with the system of other concepts, forms the conceptual content of the whole story. So, the pragmatic intention of knowledge framework activation (linguistic, encyclo- pedic and literary) becomes very significant while providing conceptual information of the text and its perception. Here derivatives are of much importance due to the mechanisms of motivation, analogy and patterning characteristic of them. The role of derivational means in representation and perception of world picture in the process of literary communication is of particular interest. In general, the question of “world picture in its representation by derivational means” was studied by Kubryakova (1988), Serebrennikov (1988), Arutyunova (1992), Sternin (1984), Teliya (1996), Arkhipov (2000), Vejbicka (2001), Kolshansky (2005) and others. So, we should examine how the world picture may be represented by derivational means in the process of creation and perception of fiction texts. As it is known, fiction texts are able to model in the addressee’s consciousness picture of “possible” worlds, which reflect the inner spiritual life of mankind. In literary communication with its subjective, aesthetic-evaluative, emotional-evaluative, social-personal orientations, the objects of spiritual world, and consequently, the vocabulary denoting it, are of primary importance. As Kubryakova mentions, “derived words, due to their ability to serve as signs of results of human conceptual activity, occupy a visible and important place in the world picture reflected by humans” (Kubryakova 1988:169). Thus, derivatives play a significant role in literary communication, being the signals of conceptual and aesthetically important information. The linguistic analysis of the derivatives used in the story “Ice Palace” has under- lined the role of derivatives in the process of providing conceptual information of the text and representation of the world picture. It should be mentioned that, first of all, there is

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a high concentration of derivatives in the text. The author used derivational patterns mainly within two parts of speech – nouns and adjectives. Nouns are represented by the following derivational patterns: Adj + -ness N; Adj + -ery(ry) N, Adj + -ity N, V + -(a)tion N. The group of adjectives and adverbs is represented by the following examples: lazy, summery, casually, sleepy, drowsy, sleepily, lazily, frosty, gloomy, icy, dreary, icy-cold, cheerless, ice-bound, snobbish, horsey, expensive, superior, privileged. Most of the derived adjectives and adverbs refer to emotive-evaluative vocabulary which is quite important for representation of the evaluative picture of the world. In this story the author used semantic groups of words describing natural phenomena (flower-filled summery evenings, dreamy skies, lazy days and nights, lazy cotton-fields, drowsy picturesqueness; frosty station, ice-bound whalers, smokeless, trackless wastes), as well as the inner psychological state of a person; the qualities, feelings and senses characteristic of him (carelessness, generosity, sheer laziness, sleepy old side, lazily, sleepily, lazy sweetness; gloomy and melancholy, icy terror, dreary loneliness, icy breath, stillness). From the point of view of the content, the words characterizing people of the South – warmth, generosity, drowsiness, idleness, sweetness, and words describing people of the North – coldness, loneliness, freezing terror, melancholy, sadness and dreariness prevail. The study of word-formative relations of derivatives proves that the processes of ana- logical and correlative word-formation, as well as repetition of root and affixal morphemes are widely used in the text. They should be examined from the point of view of text perception and interpretation processes. Root repetition forming correlative textual chains promotes the advancement of the key words of the text which mark the conceptu- ally significant notions, during the perception of information. In the given story the following correlations are used hot – heat, summer – summery, dream – dreamy, lazy – laziness – lazily, idle – idly, sleepy – sleepily, still – stillness, ice – icy – icy-cold, lonely – alone – loneliness. They emphasize and emotionally intensify the feeling of warmth and carelessness in the life of the Southerners, and in contrast – intensify the feeling of freezing terror, loneliness, stillness and hopelessness of the Northerners. Thus, our analysis comes to prove that in the process of literary communication the derivational means can somehow represent the picture of the world.

References:

1. Aznaurova, E. (1988) Pragmatika khudozhestvennogo slova. Tashkent: Fun. 2. Arnold, I.V. (1975) Interpretatsiya khudozhestvennogo teksta: Tipy vidvizheniya i problema expressivnosti. // Expressivnie sredstva angliyskogo yazika. Leningrad: LGPI. 3. Arnold, I.V. (2002) Stilistika sovremennogo angliyskogo yazika. (Stilistika dekodirovaniya). M.: Nauka. 4. Glazirina, S. (1987) Stilisticheskiy priyom povtora na slovoobrazovatel‘nom urovne v viskazivanii i teksta. // Aspekty semanticheskogo analiza viskazivaniya i teksta. Tashkent: Fun.

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5. Khanpira, E. (1972) Okkazional’nost’ i okkazionalizmi. // Stilisticheskie issle- dovaniya. M.: Nauka. 6. Kubryakova, E. (1988) Rol’ slovoobrzovaniya v formirovanii yazikovoi kartiny mira. // Rol’ chelovecheskogo faktora v yazike: Yazik i kartina mira. M.: Nauka. 7. Zimmer, E. (1964) Affixal Negation in English and Other Languages: An Investigation of Restricted Productivity. London: Clowes.

Sources of Data:

1. Fitzgerald, S. (1983) Selected Short Stories. M.: Raduga. 2. Fitzgerald, S. (1979) Tender is the Night. M.: Progress. 3. Joyce, J. (2002) Finneguans Wake. USA: Penguin Books. 4. (1998) The Oxford Dictionary of New Words. New York.

²Í³Ýó³íáñ μ³é»ñÇ Ï³զմության ³é³ÝÓÝ³Ñ³ïÏáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ, ¹ñ³Ýó Ï³- éáõóí³ÍùÇ μ³Õ³¹ñÛ³É μÝáõÛÃÁ É³ÛÝ ÑÝ³ñ³íáñáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñ »Ý ÁÝÓ»éáõÙ Ýå³ ï³ - Ï³¹ñáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ Çñ³Ï³Ý³óÙ³Ý Ñ³Ù³ñ: ²Í³Ýó³íáñ μ³é»ñÇ Ï³éáõóí³ÍùáõÙ Ï³ñáÕ »Ý ï»ÕÇ áõÝ»Ý³É ½³Ý³½³Ý Ó¨³÷áËáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñ` μ³Õ³¹ñÇãÝ»ñÇ ï³ññ³- ÉáõÍáõÙ ¨ í»ñ³¹³ë³íáñáõÙ, ë»ñï³×áõÙ, Ó¨áõÛÃÇ ·áñÍ³ÍáõÙ Çμñ¨ ÇÝùÝáõñáõÛÝ μ³é, Ó¨áõÛÃÝ»ñÇ Ñ³Ù³ÏóÙ³Ý ûñÇÝ³ã³÷áõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ Ë³ËïáõÙ, ³Í³Ýó³íáñ μ³é»ñÇ Ó¨áõÛÃÝ»ñÇ ÏñÏÝáõÃÛáõÝ: Նշված ձևափոխությունները ¹áõñë »Ý μ»ñáõÙ μ³é³Ï³½Ù³Ï³Ý á×³Ï³Ý ÑÝ³ñÝ»ñ Ó¨³íáñáÕ É»½í³Ï³Ý ÙÇ³íáñÝ»ñÁ ¹ñ³Ýó Ñ³Ù³ñ ³í³Ý¹³ Ï³Ý դարձած կիրառման Ó¨» ñÇ ë³ÑÙ³ÝÝ»ñÇó:

90 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

Lexical Causatives in Modern English: On Classification of Kill-Verbs

Robert Khachatryan Yerevan State Linguistic University

he notion of cause is an indivisible part of human cognition and language. The T majority of actions and happenings are interconnected and interdependent. One event can usually be a cause for another one. This phenomenon is called causation, i.e. a relation between situations (events). The notion of causation finds its expression at the linguistic level, incorporating special structures and meanings. Situations that include the notion of causation are comprised of actions rather than states. Some actions not only execute the meaning they denote, but initiate a single or series of further actions as well. To put it differently, causation is “some relation of determination between two events, with a prior event resulting in or giving rise to a subsequent event” (Frawley 1992:158). Accordingly, causation and its means of expression in language constitute a significant area in linguistics. The objective of this article is to reclassify lexical causatives (also known as covert or underived causatives), namely verbs of killing or kill-verbs, formerly classified by Levin (1993) and Lemmens (1998). The method of suggested classification is to categorize kill-verbs according to the instrument (if the instrument of killing is mentioned or embedded in the definition), the motivation (if special reasons for killing are mentioned or embedded in the definition), and the manner (if the special way of killing is mentioned or embedded in the definition). The new classification elaborates on the expression of the nuclear meaning “to cause to die” and the features of kill-verbs on periphery, and it also introduces more decisive criteria for categorizing the subgroup of lexical causatives, i.e. kill-verbs. Furthermore, verbs with the most frequent occur- rences in speech are studied on the basis of linguistic data from the British National Corpus (the BNC), which may entail discern patterns of usage and semantic differences. Moreover, as words may acquire a broader meaning and usage in fiction, especially when used in metaphors, cases of metaphoric use of kill-verbs have not been considered. The notions of cause and effect in Modern English may either be expressed mor- phologically, syntactically or lexically (Khachatryan 2009). First two types of causatives are formed with the help of affixes and auxiliary verbs respectively, while lexical causatives do not embed any affixes or auxiliary words. They incorporate the meanings of both cause and effect in the root morpheme. Thus, lexical causatives are underived and embed the meaning of causation in their semantics. The majority of lexical causatives form causative alternations with their counterparts, called anti- causatives (Dowty 1979:40). The causatives express the cause and the effect at the same time, while the anti-causatives refer only to the effect, i.e. the result of the action, and are devoid of any causative meaning. Some of the non-causatives embrace dissim-

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ilar stems, for example to kill – to die, to feed – to eat, to teach – to learn. Others differ in vowel alternations, like to rise – to raise, to lay – to lie. Further on, the majority of causative alternations differ on the grounds of transitivity/intransitivity, for instance to change (transitive) – to change (intransitive), to open (transitive) – to open (intransitive), to stop (transitive) – to stop (intransitive), to smash (transitive) – to smash (intransitive), etc. Unlike syntactic and morphological causatives, lexical causatives stand on a completely different platform due to two features. First, they bear the meaning of causation from within; hence, these verbs are always causative even though they can sometimes be used in non-causative constructions. This may be illustrated with the lexical causative verb to kill, which has the nuclear meaning of “to cause to die”. In the example Charlie killed the goat with his blade. ⇒ Charlie caused the goat to die. The verb to kill expresses the actual act of killing, i.e. Charlie intentionally caused the goat to die by undertak- ing certain actions, namely cutting the throat of the goat. Whereas, in the example Charlie was devastated and ready to kill, the verb to kill is used as an infinitive to express the agent’s ability and readiness, not causation. This is due to the fact that minimum two participants, causer and causee, are required in causative relations to indicate the cause- effect relationship. Thus, in the first example we observe the cause-result, while the second illustrates the event without result. Levin and Lemmens introduce classifications of kill-verbs to better conceptualize their semantic characteristics. To start with, Levin (1993) presents two categories of kill-verbs: murder- and poison-verbs. Her main criterion for such classification is embedded in the way of killing. In the Murder category, verbs express intentional killing but “none of the verbs in this class lexicalizes a means component; that is, none provides any information about how the killing came about” (Levin 1993:231), while in the case of Poison-verbs the means of killing is incorporated in the semantics of the verb. She posits, “some of poison verbs are not exclusively verbs of killing, since they describe actions that have death as only one of their possible results” (Levin 1993:233).

Lemmens (1998) argues the Levin’s classification, particularly the category of Poison- verbs, pointing out the heterogeneity of the group and suggesting re-classification by emphasizing the semantics of the verbs, ignored by Levin. Additionally, Lemmens (1998:56) criticizes the cross-classification employed by Levin to highlight the Suffocate-verbs. Instead, Lemmens presents his own classification with six categories.

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Lemmens treats these six categories as flexible and expansive towards new kill-verbs, but leaves out the verb to electrocute (to injure or kill by electric shock). In this context, Lemmens mainly discusses the Instrument-verbs, considering the inclusion of any verb that incorporates the idea of killing and its possible instrument. He illustrates his point with the example I am sure going to be chaired, which denotes killing via an electric chair (Lemmens 1998:57). Lemmens also pays attention to the transitivity/ergativity of kill-verbs, classifying the murder-, instrument- and decapitate-verbs under the category of transitivity and grouping the verbs: to starve and suffocate (with the exception of strangle, throttle, and smother) as ergative (Lemmens 1998:59). Although Levin and Lemmens elaborate on the idea of general definition (“to cause to die”), they do not reflect on it as a nuclear criterion for classification. Lemmens chooses kill -verbs for analysis based on their frequency of use in speech, but does not connect it to the hierarchy of nuclear features of kill-verbs. Taking into account the previous classifications of kill -verb, this article suggests a new classification, based on three features of these verbs: the instrument, stimulus, and manner. The main criteria employed for the classification are the nuclear meaning “to cause to die” and the occurrence of additional features in definitions, crosschecked in Oxford English Dictionary (OED) and Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English (LDOCE).

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The verbs directly relating to the nuclear meaning are to kill (to cause the death of a person or other living thing) and to murder (to conduct the unlawful premeditated killing of one person by another). These verbs denote the nuclear meaning “to cause to die” without any additional information on the instrument, motivation or manner. Therefore, the most expedient method of classification of kill-verbs is to categorize them according to the instrument (if the instrument of killing is mentioned or embedded in the definition), the motivation (if special reasons for killing are mentioned or embedded in the definition), and the manner (if the special way of killing is mentioned or embedded in the definition). The first subcategory, the instrument features, includes the following verbs:

• garrotte (to kill by strangulation, especially with a length of wire or cord), E.g. “Did you know you can garrotte someone in a few seconds?” (BNC 2007:H90 1930) • stab (to thrust a knife or other pointed weapon into someone so as to kill), E.g. “What sort of a person would stab a child to death?” (BNC 2007:ANL 589) • shoot (to kill a person or animal with a bullet or arrow), E.g. Two children have witnessed their father shoot their mother then commit suicide at a house in London. (BNC 2007:K1T 1835) • knife (to stab someone with a knife), E.g. The victims had been knifed more than seventy times. (BNC 2007:CEN 3338) • poison (to administer poison to a person or animal), E.g. “Her sister, Goneril, who has poisoned her, isn’t surprised: ‘If not, I’ll ne’er trust medicine.” (BNC 2007:BNH 643) • hang (to kill someone by tying a rope attached from above around their neck), E.g. “He hung himself in his cell three months after the trial.” (BNC 2007:GUU 2984) • drown (to kill a person or animal by submerging under water or other liquid). E.g. “He had drowned himself in the Rectory pond.” (BNC 2007:AB4 834) E.g. Owen Lloyd, a nine-year-old boy, drowned a four-year old friend. (BNC 2007:H7A 1496)

The verb crucify (to put someone to death by nailing or binding them to a cross), proposed by Lemmens under the category of instrument-verbs, occupies a marginal position because it embeds instruments like nails, on the one hand, and the act of putting to death, which is carried out by means of nailing to a cross, on the other hand. Thus, the definitions illustrate that each of these verbs performs the act of killing by using a certain instrument, i.e. a wire, a pointed weapon, a bullet/an arrow, a rope, a knife, poison, and a cross respectively. Additionally, all the verbs mentioned above carry the nuclear meaning of “to cause to die”. The second subcategory incorporates the motivation features, i.e. the semantics of these verbs denotes or embeds the stimulus of killing. Analyzing this category, it becomes clear that usage of the verbs mentioned below is limited only to people with cer-

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tain status and strictly dependent on the context, entailing one of the features of killing people who stand out with their reputation, faith, crime history, etc. However, the nuclear meaning to cause to die is still preserved. The verbs under this subcategory are:

• assassinate (to murder an important person for political or religious reasons), E.g. A prime minister who sought to push an unpopular agreement through was assassinated by a religious nationalist in March 1951. (BNC 2007:G3R 911) E.g. On 2nd June 1914, the Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife, were assassinated by a Bosnian Serb and that triggered a series of events that led to the outbreak of war on 4th, August 1914 - the war that became known as The Great War. (BNC 2007:ALY 613) • execute (to carry out a sentence of death), E.g. He executed, imprisoned or dispossessed many of his own relatives to ensure the containment of their territorial ambitions and safeguard against any attempted seizure of the throne. (BNC 2007:EF2 550) E.g. Chinese authorities have executed a bank accountant who embezzled more than $175,000 in the country’s first such case of computer fraud, the Xinhua Daily Telegraph newspaper reported yesterday… (BNC 2007:CPK 343) • lynch (to kill someone for an alleged offence). E.g. He was to become one of the leading advisers of the Merovingian king Theudebert I, and was lynched after the king’s death as being responsible for taxing the Franks. (BNC 2007:HY0 387) E.g. On April 23, police fired upon demonstrators who attacked a Kathmandu police station, and six policemen were lynched by angry crowds. (BNC 2007:HKT 144) • martyr (to kill someone because of their beliefs), E.g. At Glasgow Cross near Gallowgate where, once, men had hung, and where a saint, John Ogilvie, was martyred. (BNC 2007:BNC 499) E.g. Peter was probably martyred in Rome during the persecutions of Nero in 64–5 AD. (BNC 2007:CEJ 346)

The third basic subcategory to be considered, the manner features, is by far the largest and incorporates different manners of killing. Despite the uniting criterion of the manner, the components of this subcategory can be cross-classified on the basis of similar definitions. The following examples illustrate few verbs that denote the act of killing in an elaborate way:

• behead (to kill or execute by decapitation), E.g. Saudi Arabia yesterday publicly beheaded four people — two Saudis and two Indians — convicted of murder, taking the total number of people beheaded this year to 99. — Reuter. (BNC 2007:AAT 83) E.g. When the clumsy plotting of the Queen of Scots against Elizabeth finally exas- perated the English beyond endurance, Mary was beheaded at Fotheringhay. (BNC 2007:EF2 1194) • butcher (to kill people in a very cruel and violent way),

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E.g. The Irish rebels were butchered without mercy. (BNC 2007:B1X 241) E.g. Millions of men had been butchered during the First World War, and in post-war years, the ratio of births, as I understand it, was four to one in favour of baby girls. (BNC 2007:BN3 1420) • massacre (to kill a large number of people, especially in a cruel way), E.g. Red Cross officials are trying to confirm reports that 1,200 people had been massacred at a Serb detention camp at Lukavac. (BNC 2007:CH6 7186) E.g. For the first time in European history the Jews were not only persecuted, they were massacred. (BNC 2007:BMV 380) • slaughter (to kill a large number of people or animals violently), E.g. Nine hundred prisoners were slaughtered on the battlefield and as Arundell was escorted from Cornwall to the Tower of London, he saw many a miserable peasant dangling from a crossroads gibbet. (BNC 2007:B0G 692) E.g. In the early 1980s, the army slaughtered thousands of Guatemalans in a brutal counter-insurgency campaign. (BNC 2007:CRC 1517) • slay (to kill somebody in a war or a fight) E.g. And in the year 1037 Ferdinand slew Bermudo the King of Leon in battle, who was his wife’s brother, and conquered his kingdom, and succeeded to it in right of his wife Doña Sancha. (BNC 2007:ASW 472) E.g. In battle, Aenarion slew foes beyond reckoning. (BNC 2007:CM1 581) Other verbs under this subcategory denote the act of killing by imposing deficiency of vital needs: asphyxiate (lack of air), decapitate (absence of a vital organ), drown (lack of air), famish (lack of food), smother (lack of air, i.e. to kill somebody by covering their face so that they cannot breathe), stifle (lack of respiration), strangle (lack of air), suffocate (lack of air), throttle (lack of air) and starve (lack of food).

Finally, there is a group of kill-verbs, which do not fall under any of the aforementioned features; thus, constituting a group of verbs with the features on periphery. These verbs are usually used in formal speech as a euphemistic way of denoting killing. It is also worth mentioning that Oxford English Dictionary grants to the verbs to dispatch and to liquidate the definitions “to kill a person or an animal” and “to get rid of, especially by killing” respectively. A group of verbs with the features on periphery constitute the following verbs:

• eliminate (to kill somebody, especially an enemy or opponent), E.g. By 1614 he had eliminated Hideyoshi’s heir and overcome the final military opposition to his hegemony. (BNC 2007:EE2 45) • exterminate (to kill all the members of a group of people or animals), E.g. The original breeding population of this raptore in Sussex was exterminated in the interests of game preserving during the 19th century, breeding being last recorded in Ashdown Forest in 1882. (BNC 2007:B31 1452) E.g. In the course of about twenty-four hours Ed Riverton had been brutally exterminated in Finland — and his wife had been eliminated with equal brutality in East Anglia, over a thousand miles away. (BNC 2007:CN3 325)

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Considering the variety of features of English causative verbs, there can be many potential criteria for classification, which may lead to further elaboration on the classification suggested in this article. If a comprehensive classification has to be developed, it must be based on the most important feature, i.e. one characteristic that both unites the whole class of causatives and divides them into subgroups. That one main feature of kill- verbs is their nuclear meaning “to cause to die”. Firstly, verbs must be categorized according to their relation to the nuclear meaning. Secondly, they must be subcategorized and compared with each other based on the additional features they denote parallel with the nuclear one. The verbs can be further cross-categorized and cross-compared, but this should be performed not within the scope of the main classification. To summarize, it is undeniable that even though the verbs mentioned above express killing, their use is limited to specific contexts. The so-called “feel for the language” is strongly connected to the right choice of seemingly similar words. Mutual characteristics of verbs must also be taken into consideration to determine the possibilities of substitution. It is important to note that the context plays a focal role in substitution and it can prevail over some characteristics of the causative verbs, and emphasize the others. Overall, the new classification suggested in this article is to establish the nuclear meaning “to cause to die” as an axis of classification. The classification unites the verbs with the same nuclear meaning and emphasizes their additional features at the same time. To clarify, verbs like to eliminate are strongly dependent on the context and formal/informal style of the speech. In informal speech the verb to eliminate might not have the meaning of “to cause to die”, while in formal speech the verb will be treated as a euphemism for other kill-verbs, i.e. to kill, to murder. The suggested classification of semantic classes of lexical causative verbs cannot be considered exhaustive. As linguistic data suggest, Modern English employs structured classifications of causative verbs that are already being analyzed from the surface-syntactic and deep-semantic viewpoints. All verbs under this classification have been classified according to their meanings and additional features, such as the expressed or embedded instrument, motivation and manner. However, a detailed classification of kill-verbs will be a new ground for further research. All theoretical assertions made in this article are subject to further empirical investigation because causatives constitute an undiscovered domain, which has the potential to reveal new findings about structures and usage in different languages.

References:

1. The British National Corpus, Version 3. (2007) Distributed by Oxford University Computing Services on behalf of the BNC Consortium. URL: . 2. Dowty, D. (1979) Word Meaning and Montague Grammar. Dordrecht: Reidel. 3. Frawley, W. (1992) Linguistic Semantics. Hillsdale: Lawrence Erlbaum associates. 4. Halliday, M.A.K. (1994) An Introduction to Functional Grammar. London: Edward Arnold.

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5. Khachatryan, R. (2009) Ways of Expressing Causation in Modern English. // Armenian Folia Anglistika. Yerevan: Lusakn. 6. Kemmer, S. & Verhagen, A. (1994) The Grammar of Causatives and the Conceptual Structure of Events. Cognitive Linguistics. 5(2), (115-156). 7. Lemmens, M. (1998) Lexical Perspectives on Transitivity and Ergativity: Causative Constructions in English. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 8. Levin, B. (1992) English Verb Classes and Alternations. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 9. Levin, B.; Comrie, E.; Polinsky, M. (Eds.) (1993) More on the Typology of Inchoative/Causative Verb Alternations. // Causatives and Transitivity. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 10. Levin, B. and Rappaport, H.M. (1995) Unaccusativity: At the Syntax-Lexical Semantics Interface. Cambridge: The MIT Press. 11. Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English. Available online . 12. Oxford English Dictionary. . 13. Talmy, L.; Shopen, T. (Eds.). (1985) Lexicalization Patterns: Semantic Structures in Lexical Forms. // Language Typology and Syntactic Description. Vol. III: Grammatical Categories and the Lexicon. Cambridge: CUP.

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98 Methodology Armenian Folia Anglistika

Emotions in the Teaching/Learning Process

Gayane Shmavonyan State Engineering University of Armenia Lili Karapetyan Yerevan State University

motions play a great role in our daily life, as well as in the teaching process E which is closely connected with the emotional sphere of life since teaching is an emotional practice involving emotional understanding, as well as emotional labor. Being in the centre of the teaching process, emotions should be paid due attention to in the language classroom since they lead to a better understanding of classroom interactions and more satisfying educational experiences for both language teachers and students.1 The paper explores the role and significance of students’ and teachers’ emotions in language teaching and learning, as well as the emotional factors that influence the teaching/learning process. It would be reasonable to first turn to the issue of emotional intelligence (EI), which refers to the ability to perceive, control and evaluate emotions. Some researchers suggest that emotional intelligence can be learned and strengthened, while others claim it is an inborn characteristic. Since 1990, Peter Salovey and John D. Mayer have been the leading researchers on emotional intelligence. In their influential article “Emotional Intelligence”(1990), they defined emotional intelligence as “the subset of social intelligence that involves the ability to monitor one’s own and others’ feelings and emotions, to discriminate among them and to use this information to guide one’s thinking and actions.” Salovey and Mayer proposed a model that identified four different factors of emotional intelligence: 1. Perceiving Emotions: The first step in understanding emotions is to accurately perceive them. In many cases, this might involve understanding nonverbal signals such as body language and facial expressions. 2. Reasoning with Emotions: The next step involves using emotions to promote thinking and cognitive activity. Emotions help prioritize what we pay attention and react to; we respond emotionally to things that pay our attention. 3. Understanding Emotions: The emotions that we perceive can carry a wide variety of meanings. If someone is expressing angry emotions, the observer must interpret the cause of their anger and what it might mean. 4. Managing Emotions: The ability to manage emotions effectively is a key part of emotional intelligence. Regulating emotions, responding appropriately and responding to the emotions of others are all important aspects of emotional management. According to Salovey and Mayer, the above mentioned four branches of the model are “arranged from more basic psychological processes to higher, more psychologically integrated processes.” “Your EQ is the level of your ability to understand other people, what motivates them

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and how to work cooperatively with them,” says Howard Gardner (2007), the influential Harvard theorist. For most people, emotional intelligence (EQ) is more important than the common intelligence (IQ) in attaining success in their lives and careers. As individuals our own success and the success of the profession today depend on our ability to read other people’s signals and react appropriately to them. Therefore, each one of us must develop the emotional intelligence skills required to better understand, empathize and negotiate with other people. Otherwise, success will elude us in our lives and careers. Salovey and Mayer proposed a model that identified four different factors of emotional intelligence (Salovey, Mayer 1990): 1. Self-awareness. The ability to recognize an emotion as it “happens” is the key to the EQ. Developing self-awareness requires tuning in to true feelings. If emotions are evaluated, they can be managed. The major elements of self-awareness are: • Emotional awareness, i.e. the ability to recognize one’s own emotions and their effects. • Self-confidence, i.e. the sureness about one’s self-worth and capabilities. 2. Self-regulation. People often have little control over themselves when they experience emotions. They can, however, have some say in how long an emotion will last by using a number of techniques to alleviate negative emotions such as anger, anxiety or depression. A few of these techniques include recasting a situation in a more positive light, taking a long walk and meditation or prayer. Self-regulation involves: • Self-control: managing disruptive impulses. • Trustworthiness: maintaining standards of honesty and integrity. • Conscientiousness: taking responsibility for your own performance. • Adaptability: handling change with flexibility. • Innovation: being open to new ideas. 3. Motivation. Motivation for any achievement requires clear goals and a positive attitude. Although one may have a predisposition to either a positive or a negative attitude, he/she can with effort and practice learn to think more positively. If one catches negative thoughts as they occur, he/she can reframe them in more positive terms—which will help to achieve one’s goals. Motivation is made up of the following components: • Achievement drive: the constant striving to improve or to meet a standard of excel- lence. • Commitment: aligning with the goals of the group or organization. • Initiative: being ready to act on opportunities. • Optimism: pursuing goals persistently despite obstacles and setbacks. 4. Empathy. The more skillful one is at discerning the feelings behind others’ signal, the better he/she can control the signals he/she sends. An empathetic person excels at: • Developing themselves: sensing progress and bolstering the abilities. • Leveraging diversity: cultivating opportunities through diverse people. • Reading a group’s emotional currents and power relationships. • Understanding others: discerning the feelings behind the needs and wants of others. 5. Social skills. The development of good interpersonal skills is tantamount to success in life and career. In today’s cyberculture all professionals can have immediate access

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to technical knowledge via computers. Thus, skills are even more important now because one must possess a high EQ to better understand, empathize and negotiate with others. Among the most useful skills are: • Influence: achieving effective persuasion tactics. • Communication: sending clear messages. • Leadership: inspiring and guiding groups and people. • Initiating or managing change. • Understanding, negotiating and resolving disagreements. • Collaboration and cooperation: working with others toward shared goals. The EQ theory suggests that success in education requires both academic ability and equivalent social skills. In education it applies to the institution, teachers and students through promoting academic success while reducing anxiety and negative feelings during the learning process. Thus, emotional intelligence should be dealt with from three perspectives: the teacher’s, the learner’s and that of the educational institution. At an institutional level, the emphasis is on creating an environment conducive to raising students’ EQ, much of which involves creating a sense of identity, safety and value. In this way, institutions and teachers are responsible for fostering students’ attachment to the educational estab- lishment, facilitating the formation of friendships, reducingstress, creating a free-and-easy learning environment, and so on. In a communicative language teaching classroom support and co-operation between learners is essential. Despite this, language learners are often reluctant to co-operate, as a result of repressed fear, anxiety and anger rather than linguistic inability, and are unlikely to learn much in a student-centered classroom. Emotions are undoubtedly connected with good (professional) teaching, which involves positive emotions. It is not just a matter of knowing one’s subject perfectly, being efficient or learning all the techniques. Good teachers are emotional, passionate beings who connect with their students creatively, with great enjoyment and enthusiasm. The teaching process must be started with knowledge and feeling about the students, with understanding about what would be likely to excite them. Good teachers must have enthusiasm about ideas, topics, materials, methods used in the teaching process. The feeling of freedom and improvisation are also significant factors. Teachers must talk about their ideas, practice and experiences of planning with their colleagues. Thus, the teacher needs to focus on areas of language used to express emotions, and on classroom techniques which will reduce tension and produce better group dynamics. Emotional intelligence can best be developed through some confidence-building activities promoting communication in the classroom: • The variety of activities allows for different approaches and varied learning styles. • Warm-up activities help students to get to know each other better. • Discussion encourages the sharing of opinions and knowledge. • Role-plays related to real-life situations help students reveal themselves. • Group work activities promote cooperation among learners. • Giving feedback to students’ performance gives them an opportunity to change. • Assessment allows the positive aspects of the students’ performance to be assessed and rewarded.

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Being “emotionally intelligent” is completely different from having a cheerful emotional character. Emotional Intelligence, if it is worth anything, does not point towards the world of pleasantness and success. It helps young people get ready to cope well with the full rainbow of emotions that inevitably accompany the vicissitudes of life. Furthering Emotional Intelligence is an honorable ambition for any lecturer, but a hard one to fulfill. The most difficult task for the teacher in teaching the language of emotions is per- suading learners to state their feelings directly. The language teacher should encourage learners to use the simple language of emotions in terms of functions. So the students should be taught expressions labeling feelings (I feel, I am impatient/angry/frightened), expressing empathy (I understand/accept/realize), suggestion (I/you had better/could/might), positive feelings (I’d feel better if, I am delighted), stating wants and needs (I/you need/want/would like to), etc. There is also language to be avoided, mainly to do with the functions of giving commands and strong advice (I/you should/ought to), obligation (I/you must/have to) and blaming (you’re wrong/you’re to blame). Being emotionally literate – able to talk fluently about emotions – is very different from being emotionally sensitive. Helping young people develop their emotional vocabulary is a worthwhile thing to do but it may not contribute a great deal to their all-round Emotional Intelligence. By all means young people should be offered opportunities to explore their feelings. Many cultures do not see it as a good thing for a person to disclose the inner life, especially to people they do not know very well. Research shows that talking about emotions in a soul- less way can do young people more harm than good. How you deal with your own emotions in front of a class, and how open you are about your emotional ups and downs, probably have greater impact (for good or ill) on students’ development than set-piece discussions and activities. A lecturer who announces cheerfully I’m in a bad mood today, so you’d better watch out… and such models may be a better Emotional Intelligence edu- cator than one who insists on an earnest discussion, packed with unacknowledged mor- alizing messages, about an earlier playground dispute. As far as possible, teachers should respond to young people’s emotions in a way that acknowledges them without being emotionally reactive, keeping in mind that everyone has their limits of tolerance. According to Andy Hargreaves (1998), the main points how emotions are represented in teacher’s relationship with their students are the following: 1. Teaching is an emotion practice, 2. Teaching and learning involve emotional understanding, 3. Teaching is a form of emotional labor, 4. Teacher’s emotions are inseparable from their moral purposes and their ability to achieve those purposes. The conclusion is: lecturers need to take care that conversations aimed at developing emotional literacy genuinely allow students to engage and express their emotions, not just talk about them. “Anyone can become angry, that is easy. But to be angry with the

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right person to the right degree, at the right time for the right purpose and in the right way, that is not easy” (Aristotle).

Notes:

1. The Latin origin of the word emotion is emovere, meaning to move out, to stir up. When people are emotional they are moved by their feelings. In her paper “Positive Affect” Alice Isen (2000) claims that positive affect has a powerful and facilitating effect on thinking, creativity, decision making and risk taking. Positive emotions can bring about significant changes in behavior and thinking.

References:

1. Cherry, K. (2005) Whatis Emotional Intelligence, Definitions, History, and Measures of Emotional Intelligence. About.com Guide. 2. Gardner, H. (2007) What is Emotional Intelligence. Boston: BUP. 3. Hargreaves, A. (1998) The Emotional Practice of Teaching. // International Centre for Educational Change, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto. Vol.14. Toronto, Ontario, Canada: UTP. 4. Isen, A. (2000) Positive Affect. // Handbook of Cognition and Affect. / Ed. by T. & M.J. Power. New York: Wiley. 5. Oatley, K. & Jenkins, J.M. (1996) Understanding Emotions. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers. 6. Salovey, P.; Mayer, J. (1990) Emotional Intelligence. Yale: Yale University Press.

¼·³óÙáõÝùÝ»ñÇ ¹»ñÁ ¹³ë³í³Ý¹Ù³Ý ·áñÍÁÝÃ³óáõÙ

Ðá¹í³ÍáõÙ ùÝÝáõÃÛ³Ý ¿ ³éÝíáõÙ ½·³óÙáõÝùÝ»ñÇ ¹»ñÝ áõ Ýß³Ý³ÏáõÃÛáõÝÁ ¹³- ë³í³Ý¹Ù³Ý ·áñÍÁÝÃ³óáõÙ: ÈÇÝ»Éáí áõëáõÙÝ³Ï³Ý ·áñÍÁÝÃ³óÇ μ³ÕÏ³óáõóÇã Ù³ë, Ñáõ½³ Ï³Ý ·áñÍáÝÝ»ñÁ Ï³ñáÕ »Ý Ýå³ëï»É Ï³Ù ËáãÁÝ¹áï»É ³ß³Ï»ñïÝ»ñÇ ·Çï»ÉÇùÝ»ñÇ Ó»éùμ»ñÙ³ÝÝ áõ ½³ñ·³óÙ³ÝÁ, ëï»ÕÍ³·áñÍ³Ï³Ý Ùï³ÍáÕáõÃÛ³Ý Ó¨³ íáñÙ³ÝÁ, ÇÝãå»ë Ý³¨ Éë³ñ³Ý³ÛÇÝ Ñ³Ù³·áñÍ³ÏóáõÃÛ³Ý Çñ³Ï³Ý³óÙ³ÝÁ: àõëïÇ, Ñ³ñÏ ¿, áñ áõëáõóÇãÝ»ñÝ ³í»ÉÇ Ù»Í áõß³¹ñáõÃÛ³Ý ³ñÅ³Ý³óÝ»Ý ÇÝãå»ë Ç- ñ»Ýó ë»÷³ Ï³Ý, ³ÛÝå»ë ¿É Çñ»Ýó ³ß³Ï»ñïÝ»ñÇ ½·³óÙáõÝùÝ»ñÇ Ï³é³í³ñÙ³ÝÁ: Ðá¹í³ÍáõÙ ³é³ç³ñÏíáõÙ »Ý áñáß Ù³ñï³í³ñáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñ, áñáÝù ÏÝå³ëï»Ý ¹ñ³- Ï³Ý ÑáõÛ½» ñÇ ËÃ³ÝÙ³ÝÁ:

103 Armenian Folia Anglistika Methodology

The Cooperative Learning Method in Teaching EFL to Armenian Students

Arus Markaryan, Naira Avakyan Yerevan State University

he challenge for any teacher is finding new teaching methods to hold their stu- T dents’ interest. One of the best ways to get students involved in the class is through the method of Cooperative (Collaborative) learning (CL). The application of CL to classroom teaching finds its root in the 1970s when Israel and the United States began to design and study cooperative learning models for classroom context (Kessler 1992). Now CL is applied in almost all schools and, increasingly, in colleges and universities all over the world, and is claimed to be an effective teaching method in foreign/second language education. By far the most notable names associated with CL are the Johnsons and the Kagans.1 CL is a technique in education based on the idea that two people learn concepts better together than alone. When students collaborate, they learn studying and comprehension techniques from their peers. According to Johnson & Johnson (1998), CL is grouping students together to accomplish shared learning goals. Students work in small groups of three or four to get the most out of their own learning and each other’s learning. They encourage and support each other to learn and are responsible for their own as well as their teammates’ learning. Unlike individual learning, people engaged in CL capitalize on one another’s resources and skills (asking one another for information, evaluating one another’s ideas, monitoring one another’s work, etc.). Teachers often frown upon the idea of CL. They feel students will waste their time talking more and studying less. Yet, research has indicated that discussing a topic that is being learnt leads to better retention. Students who study in solitude may have their own techniques of retention. But no one can remember vast amounts of information learnt in solitude; unless, of course, the learnt matter is put into practice.When studying in groups, students automatically put into practice what they learnt by speaking about the topics of study to fellow study-members. A discussion about a topic creates a lot of opinions among the group-members. They start to explain their version of the concept. At the end of it all, a student can actually take an exam without even reading a word. Ted Panitz lists over 60 benefits provided by CL (Panitz 1996). These benefits can be summarized into four major categories: social, psychological, academic and assessment. CL promotes social interactions; thus students benefit in a number of ways from the social perspective. By having the students explain their reasoning and conclusions, CL helps develop oral communication skills. Students develop and practice skills that will be needed to function in society and their workplace: leadership, decision-making, trust building, communication and conflict-management. Students also benefit psychologically from CL. Johnson and Johnson claim that CL experiences promote more positive attitudes toward learning and instruction than other teaching methodologies (Johnson and Johnson 1989). Because students play an active

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role in the learning process in CL, their satisfaction with the learning experience is enhanced. CL also helps to develop interpersonal relationships among students. The opportunity to discuss their ideas in smaller groups and receive feedback on those ideas helps to build student self-esteem. In a lecture format, individual students are called upon to answer a question in front of the entire class without having much time to think about the answer. CL creates a safe environment because solutions come from the group rather than from the individual. Errors in conclusions and thought processes are corrected within the group before they are presented to the class. CL methods provide several academic benefits for students as they learn and retain significantly more information than students taught by other methods. Sharing their ideas with the group, constant explaining and discussing help students to develop clearer concepts. Students also benefit from CL academically in the sense that there is more of a potential for success when students work in groups. Individuals tend to give up when they get stuck, whereas a group of students is more likely to find a way to keep going. There are also many benefits of CL from the perspective of assessment. It provides instant feedback to the students and instructor because the effectiveness of each class can be observed. As instructors move around the room and observe each group of students interacting and explaining their theories, they are able to detect misconceptions early enough to correct them. Only a few minutes of observation during each class session can provide helpful insight into students’ abilities and growth. Along with so many advantages and benefits, the CL method has a number of drawbacks, which discourages many teachers from using this method in their classrooms. The reasons for which teachers may avoid using this method can be the following: Loss of control in the classroom - Perhaps the biggest impediment to CL lies in the fact that many teachers feel they give up control of the class if they give more responsibility to the students for their learning. When a teacher lectures s/he gets the feeling that the content has been covered, because it has been presented to the students in an orderly fashion. Lack of self-confidence by teachers - It takes a great deal of confidence in one’s self and one’s students to transfer the responsibility of learning to the student. Many teachers lack the self-confidence to try methods which may expose them to potentially difficult situations, for example being asked unanticipated questions. Fear of the loss of content coverage - Teachers fear a loss in content when they use CL methods because group interactions often take longer than simple lectures. Students need time to accumulate enough information in order to be able to use it within their groups. They need time to work together to fulfill the task. Lack of prepared materials for use in class - The use of CL requires teachers to build a set of handouts. Current textbooks generally offer a set of questions at the end of each chapter which are usually answered by students individually. This lack of materials greatly increases the teacher’s work. Lack of familiarity with alternate assessment techniques - Assessment is a major concern frequently expressed by teachers. They presume that individual accountability will be lost or that one student will dominate the group or do all the work for the group. They are unfa- miliar with how to assess group efforts and assign grades to groups. Techniques available

105 Armenian Folia Anglistika Methodology

for assessing groups include: teacher observations during group work, group grading for projects, students grading each other or evaluating the level of contribution made by each member to a team project, and the use of individual quizzes, exams or assignments. Students’ resistance to CL techniques - A cause for concern by teachers starting CL is the initial student reaction. The primary approach in schools is one of competition for grades and recognition. Students feel that the lecture method is easier because they are passive during the class while apparently receiving the necessary information. In contrast, interactive classes are very intense. The responsibility for learning is shifted to the student. This situation is both mentally and physically tiring. With all its advantages and drawbacks the Cooperative learning method has been adopted by schools, colleges and universities throughout the world and is used with varying success in the teaching of all academic subjects. As to Armenia, there are three high schools in Yerevan which have adopted the method known as Collective learning. It was presumably worked out by Alexander Rivin, a Russian pedagogue, at the beginning of the 20 th century, in Russia, and later experimented and implemented by his pupils and supporters. As the name suggests, the method greatly resembles the CL method, with a slight difference: though students work in groups and keep helping, teaching, consulting and explaining to one another, in the case of Collective learning each student chooses his/her own route, i.e. which units s/he wants to study, in what succession and at what speed. Naturally, this creates difficulties in large classrooms with 28-35 students. When asked to share their impressions of this method, the teachers of English at school #118, unhesitatingly admitted its benefits: a much higher degree of student retention, better understanding of the material, engagement of all the students in active work, and higher scores in formative and summative tests. Among the drawbacks they mentioned the tremendous amount of work a teacher has to do before, during and after each lesson, high noise level in the classroom, frequent switches to the Armenian language, smaller amount of material covered during the term, exaggerated grades in peer assessment, etc. Being university teachers of English, we strongly believe that if the CL method becomes the one and only method used in class, its obvious benefits and efficiency will undoubtedly be reduced, because repetition and uniformity lead to boredom. However, the peculiarities of this method offer an excellent opportunity for developing communicative skills, which our students need to develop. So, many of the activities and techniques used in the CL method, can be efficiently used in our classrooms to practice a number of skills: listening comprehension, grammar and vocabulary retention; conversational skills (asking and answering questions, agreeing and disagreeing with statements, polite requests, forming and expressing ideas and individual opinions and sharing them with peers, etc.) as well as social skills (agreeing and supporting one another and resolving conflicts). Some of the activities which we think (based on our own teaching experience) can be successfully used in the English class are the following: 1. The teacher asks a question concerning the topic of the lesson. Students think silently about it then pair up and exchange thoughts. Next, the pairs share their responses with other pairs or the entire group and give the teacher a correct, complete answer. 2. The students are given a topic for discussion. First, individuals interview their part-

106 Methodology Armenian Folia Anglistika

ners by asking questions to find out their opinion or ideas concerning the topic. Then they reverse the roles and finally the members share their partner’s response with the other students and the teacher. 3. Teachers stop any time during a lecture or discussion and give the teams three minutes to review what has been said, ask clarifying questions or answer the students’ questions. 4. Students do an exercise (e.g. a grammar exercise on a unit they find especially difficult) first as a team, then with a partner, and finally on their own. This can motivate students to succeed in solving problems which initially were beyond their ability. 5. The teacher chooses some students to be teachers, assigns them a grammar unit, gives them time to study it, and prepare a lesson for the rest of their classmates. They should make use of visual aids to enhance their lessons and should be ready to answer questions as well. 6. Many textbooks have summarizing questions at the end of each text or unit. Instead of answering them individually, students work in a team. Groups can answer the questions in the book or formulate their own questions and have other groups answer them. 7. For creative writing or summarizing, the teacher gives the students a sentence starter and asks each team to finish that sentence. Then, they pass their paper to the right, take another one from the left, read the one they received, and add a sentence to that one. After a few rounds, several great stories appear. The students can add a conclusion or edit their favorite one to share with the class. 8. When reading out the homework exercises, some students get bored, or their attention shifts to other things and they stop following. Instead, they can be asked to compare their homework (e.g. an exercise requiring to insert the correct articles, or prepositions, or use the correct tense-forms, exercises on the vocabulary of the unit, etc.) with their partner, and if there are any differences, discuss them together, try to find the correct answer by explaining, and proving the correctness of their choice. When they come to a joined conclusion, they compare their homework with that of other groups. In the end, the teacher corrects their mistakes, if there are any left, and settles the arguments. Students enjoy working in groups for a short period during the lesson. However, a study group might become a failure. It could change from a study group into a gossip group. Concentration levels may recede, and students may start talking about something not relevant to the assignment. This can be avoided if the teacher walks about the classroom, visit- ing each group, assisting those that are facing problems, and helping them solve the issues. At the same time, s/he must remember to praise the students and teams who are making an effort to cooperate and who are progressing nicely with the assignment.

Notes:

1. Roger T. Johnson and David W. Johnson are brothers who were on faculty at the College of Education, University of Minnesota. Their research regarding cooperative learning initiated in the 1960’s as they began investigating cooperation and competition in learning situations. In 1985, Dr. Spencer Kagan introduced the structural approach to cooperative learn-

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ing, which is now used worldwide in classrooms at all grade levels. His wife, Laurie Kagan, former Director of Elementary Education for the state of Nevada, develops all Kagan training materials. Rather than stressing complex cooperative learning lessons, theme units, projects, and centers, the Kagan structural approach makes cooperative learning part of any lesson through the addition of cooperative structures.

References:

1. Cohen, E.G. (1994) Designing Group Work: Strategies for the Heterogeneous Classroom. New York: Teachers College Press. 2. Johnson, D.; Johnson, R. (2001) An Overview of Cooperative Learning. 3. Johnson, D.W. & Johnson, R.T. (1998) Learning together and alone: Cooperative, competitive, and Individualistic Learning (5th edition). Boston, MA: Allyn and Bacon. 4. Johnson, D.; Johnson, R.; Holubec, E.; Roy, P. (1984) Circles of Learning: Cooperation in the Classroom. Alexandria, VA: Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development. 5. Kagan, S.; Kagan, L. (2001) Structures for Emotional Intelligence. Kagan Online Magazine, 4 (4). 6. Kagan S. (1994) Cooperative Learning. San Clemente, CA: Kagan Publishing. 7. Kessler, C. (Ed.) (1992) Cooperative Language Learning. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall Regents. 8. Slavin, R.E. (1990) Cooperative Learning: theory, research, and practice. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. 9. Panitz, T. (1996) 67 Benefits of Cooperative Learning. 10. Panitz, T. (1996) A Definition of Collaborative vs Cooperative Learning. 11. Epshtein, M.; Rusakov, A. (2000) Kollektivnyi sposob obucheniya, ili paradoksy metoda Rivina.

Ð³Ù³·áñÍ³Ïó³ÛÇÝ áõëáõóÙ³Ý Ù»Ãá¹Ç ÏÇñ³éáõÙÁ Ñ³Û áõë³ÝáÕÝ»ñÇÝ ³Ý·É»ñ»Ý ¹³ë³í³Ý¹»ÉÇë

Ðá¹í³ÍÝ ³Ý¹ñ³¹³éÝáõÙ ¿ Ñ³Ù³·áñÍ³Ïó³ÛÇÝ áõëáõóÙ³Ý Ù»Ãá¹Ç áñáß ³é³í»- ÉáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇÝ ¨ Ã»ñáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇÝ, ¨ ³ÛÝ ÑÙïáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇÝ, áñ áõë³ÝáÕÁ Ó»éù ¿ μ»- ñáõÙ Ù»Ãá¹Ç ÏÇñ³éÙ³Ý ßÝáñÑÇí: Àëï Ñ»ÕÇÝ³ÏÝ»ñÇ` Çñ ÙÇ ß³ñù ³é³ÝÓÝ³Ñ³ï- ÏáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ ßÝáñÑÇí ³Ûë Ù»Ãá¹Á Ï³ñáÕ ¿ Ñ³ïÏ³å»ë û·ï³Ï³ñ ÉÇÝ»É ûï³ñ É»½- íáí Ñ³Õáñ¹³Ïóí»Éáõ ÑÙïáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñ ½³ñ·³óÝ»Éáõ Ñ³Ù³ñ: ²é³ç³ñÏíáõÙ »Ý ÝÛáõÃÇ ÏñÏÝáõÃÛ³Ý, ïÝ³ÛÇÝ ³ßË³ï³ÝùÇ ëïáõ·Ù³Ý, Ñ³ñó»ñÇ ùÝÝ³ñÏÙ³Ý ÙÇ ß³ñù »Õ³- Ý³ÏÝ»ñ, áñáÝù áõë³ÝáÕÇ Ñ³Ù³ñ Ï³ñáÕ »Ý Ñ»ï³ùñùÇñ ¨ û·ï³Ï³ñ ÉÇÝ»É:

108 Culture Studies Armenian Folia Anglistika

On Foreigner Talk

Ruzanna Arakelyan Yerevan State University

ommunication is a vital part of human existence. It is generally accepted that the C best way to preserve or create a free society which guarantees its members’ rights and privileges is to learn to communicate effectively both in public and in private. Admittedly communication is a buzzword for our time. Still, communicative skill is not something we are born with. There are a lot of people who fail to communicate their needs, opinions and ideas to others even in their native language. But it is never late to learn: effective communication, either in mother tongue or in a foreign language, is a skill, which can be acquired. Studies have shown that native speakers modify their speech when addressing non- native speakers. However, such modifications do not always occur. Native speakers can vary the extent of their modifications within a single conversation, reflecting their changing perception of what the non-native speakers will vary in their ability to engage in foreigner talk (FT) depending on their communicative style or skills and their prior experience of communicating with non-native speakers. FT appears to exist in most cultures. It is of special interest to psycholinguists because it is relatively consistent across individual speakers of a given language. Being an issue closely connected with the problems of foreign language acquisition, it very often brings to misunderstanding between native and non-native speakers. On the other hand, it proves the existence of the so-called interlanguage (approximate system, transitional competence, idiosyncratic dialect) which enables people to communicate with each other more or less sufficiently. Linguists even make jokes about FT by asking: “What is two tea to two two?” And the answer is: “It is a Chinese asking for two tea to room number twenty-two”. Interlanguage, in reality, is an expression of the psychical processes involved in foreign language learning. Interlanguage is even thought to be a relatively independent system which results from a vague understanding of what the language one uses is. This brings to simplification, overgeneralization and transfer. In other words, here we deal with an individual set of rules and restrictions on how to use this or that language. A detailed study of FT necessitates a consideration of a number of issues: • The extent to which it occurs in native speaker/non-native speaker interactions. • Grammatical input modifications. • Ungrammatical input modifications. • Interactional modifications. • The discourse structure of FT. • The functions served by it.

Overall, three functions of FT can be identified: it promotes communication, it signals, implicitly or explicitly speaker’s attitude towards their interlocutors and, finally, it teaches the target language implicitly. In languages where native speakers employ a

109 Armenian Folia Anglistika Culture Studies

copula in equational clauses in normal communication, they often omit it in talk directed at foreigners. Ferguson (1975) suggests that this is because the absence of copula is considered simpler than its presence. The omission of copula is a clear example of ungrammatical FT. Ungrammaticality is evident in three ways: 1. Omission of grammatical functors such as copula, articles, conjunctions, subject pronouns, and inflectional morphology. 2. Expansion, as when you is inserted before an imperative verb (eg., You give me money.). 3. Replacement/rearrangement, as when post-verbal negation is replaced by preverbal negation in English FT (eg., No want play.). Frequently utterances manifest all the three types. As Ferguson noted many of the features found in FT are also evident in pidgins. It should be mentioned that there are striking similarities between ungrammatical FT and learner language. This should not be taken as evidence in favour of the matching hypothesis which claims that the source of learners’ errors is ungrammatical FT, for, as both Long and Meisel (1988) noted, it may be useful to introduce ungrammatical forms of the kind they observe in learner language into their speech as part of the process of accommodating to their addressee. A number of factors appear to induce ungrammatical FT. Long suggested the following four factors to be included in the list: 1. The learner’s level of proficiency in L2 ungrammatical FT is more likely when the learner’s proficiency is low. 2. The status of the native speaker ungrammatical FT is more likely when the native speaker is or thinks he or she is of higher status. 3. The native speaker has prior experience of using FT but only of the limited kind used to address non-native speakers of low proficiency. 4. The extent to which the conversation is spontaneous. However, ungrammatical FT can occur both with interlocutors who are familiar and with strangers, suggesting that factors other than those mentioned are at work. Scholars are inclined to think that it is not yet possible to identify the exact conditions that will result in ungrammatical FT, perhaps because native speakers vary both culturally and individually in the kind of FT they prefer to use. One thing is clear: ungrammatical FT is highly marked. In many situations it does not occur, suggesting that it constitutes a particular discourse type. Arthur et. al. (1980) recorded sixty telephone conversations between adult non-native speakers of English and airline ticket agents and reported no instance of ungrammatical input modifications. Studies of teachet talk (Hakansson 1986) also, not surprisingly, report absence of ungrammatical modifications, although other studies (Hatch, Shapira and Wagner- Gough 1978) did find instances in the language that teachers use to organize and manage classroom activities. Grammatical modifications are the norm in most classrooms and, not surprisingly, in the modified texts of the kind found in graded readers. Grammatical FT is characterized by modifications reflecting both simplification and elaboration. But how do native

110 Culture Studies Armenian Folia Anglistika

speakers manage to adjust the level of their FT to suit the level of non-native speakers of the language? Most adjustments are geared to simplifying utterances to make them easier to process or to clarify what has been said by either the native speaker or the non- native speaker (Hatch 1998). The author characterized the second function in terms of the special kind of affective bond that FT can create between the native speaker and non- native speaker. In fact FT can reflect either downward divergence, such as when a native speaker deliberately employs ungrammatical forms with a competent non-native speaker to signal lack of respect. Or downward convergence such as when a native speaker approximates the inter-language forms used by non-native speakers as a way of sig- nalling solidarity. This double function of FT may help to explain why ungrammatical FT can occur between non-familiar interlocutors in service or workplace encounters and between familiar interlocutors in ordinary conversation. The third function is only implicit because native speakers do not usually have any pedagogic intent, although Naro in a response to Hatch argued that FT can occur with an explicit teaching function (with the intention of helping a learner to learn). When teaching the target language implicitly, FT is only implicit because native speakers do not usually have any pedagogic intent, although it can be argued that FT can occur with an explicit teaching function, for example, with the intention of helping a learner learn. In English, FT is characterized phonologically by slower speech rate, greater pausing, greater segmentation of words, increased stress marking, more careful articulation and reduced assimilation. Lexis is usually simplified, relying on high-frequency items and avoiding idiom and slang. Syntax uses a limited range of basic structures and sometimes omits functions and inflections. It may employ syntactic forms which are incorrect (you no like?) There is a preference for transparent forms; full rather than contracted, for short- er utterances and for co-ordination rather than subordination. The standard SVO word order is adhered to quite strictly, though there may be some fronting of the current topic of conversation. FT is also characterized by a low level of information per sentence and by a high level of redundancy, including repetition and rephrasing. It has already been mentioned that any of the formal characteristics of FT are very similar to those found in other simplified registers, such as learner language, caretaker talk. This suggests that it reflects universal processes of simplification of knowledge that plays an important role in speakers’ linguistic competence which constitutes part of a speaker’s linguistic competence. Still, there are also some differences, however, particularly when the non-native speakers are adults. The main functional intent of caretaker talk is that of directing the child’s behavior, that of FT is exchange of information. It should be noted, however, that when FT is addressed to young children, it appears to resemble caretaker talk fairly closely. So we may assume that the crucial factor, therefore, may be age. Some differences are found between simplification registered in FT and that is observed in learner language. Whereas some scholars manifest restrictive simplification, for example, the use of an infinitive in place of inflected verb-forms, only learner language manifests elaborative simplification (the use of novel verb forms through such

111 Armenian Folia Anglistika Culture Studies

processes as overgeneralization). Restrictive simplification in both registers serves the purpose of achieving an optimal result in communication, but elaborative simplification occurs when learners are trying to complexify their inter-language system. Interlanguage Talk (ILT) consists of the language that learners receive as input when addressed by other learners. A key issue is the extent to which ILT provides learners with adequate access to the grammatical properties of the target language. Not surprisingly, ILT has been found to be less grammatical than FT ot teacher talk in a detailed study of the ILT produced by intermediate and advanced L2 learners. Native speakers come to be able to adjust the level of their FT to suit the level of individual learners in three main ways: • Regression, when native speakers move back through the stages of development that characterized their own acquisition of language until they find an appropriate level. • Matching, when native speakers assess a learner’s current interlanguage state and then imitate the forms they observe in it. • Negotiation when native speakers simplify and clarify in accordance with the feedback they obtain from learners in communication with them. Matching seems less likely as it is probably asking too much of learners’ phonology, lexicon, syntax, and discourse with sufficient accuracy to adjust their own language output. Thus, the most likely explanation is negotiation. The need of going back to whatever has already been said for clarification reminds negotiation, the participants of which do not understand each others’ aims, but still long for an agreement. This would better be called “negotiation of meaning” or “word meaning”, more specifically. Thus, communication in general and communication in a foreign language presupposes much consideration on the part of the interlocutor or language bearer. Still, efficient communication, especially in a foreign language is a skill which can be learnt. It is never late to do so, even if you are afraid, you are not sure or you do not know where it will bring you. We need to master communicative skills to feel comfortable, command more attention in the society and, after all, to promote efficient intercultural communication.

References:

1. Hakansson, G. (1986) Quantitative Studies of Teacher Talk. // Learning Teaching and Communication in the Foreign Language Classroom. / Ed. by G. Kasper. Aarhus: Aarhus University Press. 2. Hatch, E.; Shapira and J.Wagner-Gough (1983) Simplified Input and Second Language Acquistion. // Pidginization and Creolization as Language Acquisition. / Ed. by R. Andersen. Rowley, Mass.: Newbury House. 3. Scovel, T. (2001) Learning New Languages: A Guide to Second Language Acquisition. Bostone: Heinle and Heinle. 4. Ferguson, C. (1975) Towards a Characterization of English Foreigner Talk. // Anthropological Linguistics. Indiana: IUP.

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5. Long, M. (1988) Instructed Interlanguage Development. // Issues in Second Language Acquisition: Multiple Perspectives. / Ed. by L. Beebe. New-York: Newbury House.

úï³ñ³É»½áõ ËáëùÇ ³é³ÝÓÝ³Ñ³ïÏáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ ßáõñç

Ðá¹í³ÍÝ ³Ù÷á÷áõÙ ¿ ûï³ñ É»½íÇ ·áñÍ³ÍÙ³Ý ÑÇÙÝ³Ï³Ý ·áñÍ³éáõÛÃÝ»ñÁ ¨ ³ é³ÝÓÝ³Ñ³ïÏáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ: ²ÛÝ³Ý¹ñ³¹³éÝáõÙ ¿ ûï³ñ³É»½áõ ËáëùáõÙ ÁÝ Ï³É - Ù³ÝÁ Ýå³ëïáÕ ³ÛÝåÇëÇ ÷á÷áËáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ Ï³ñ¨áñáõÃÛ³ÝÁ, ÇÝãåÇëÇù »Ý Ëáë- ùÇ ï»ÙåÇ ¹³Ý¹³ Õ»óáõÙÁ, ¹³ ¹³ñÝ»ñÇ ù³Ý³ÏÁ, ³ í»ÉÇ Ñëï³Ï ³ñï³ë³ÝáõÃÛáõ- ÝÁ, ÏÇñ³éíáÕ μ³ é³å³ß³ñÇ å³ñ½» óáõÙÁ, ß³ñ³ÑÛáõë³Ï³Ý ³ Ù»Ý³ÑÇÙÝ³Ï³Ý Ï³éáõÛóÝ»ñÇ ·áñÍ³ÍáõÙÁ, ÏñÏÝáÕáõÃÛáõÝÁ ¨ ³ÛÉÝ: úï³ñ³É»½áõ ËáëùÇ áõëáõÙÝ³- ëÇñáõÃÛáõÝÝ ³ÝÙÇç³Ï³Ýáñ»Ý ³éÝãíáõÙ ¿ ûï³ñ É»½íÇ Ûáõñ³óÙ³Ý ËÝ¹ÇñÝ»ñÇ Ñ»ï: ² é³ÝÓÝ³óíáõÙ »Ý ûï³ñ³É»½áõ ËáëùÇ » ñ»ù ÑÇÙÝ³Ï³Ý ·áñÍ³éáõÛÃÝ»ñ. ³ÛÝ ûÅ³Ý¹³ÏáõÙ¿ Ñ³Õáñ¹³ÏóÙ³Ý ·áñÍÁÝÃ³óÇÝ, Ï³ñÍ»ë »ÝÃ³·Çï³Ïóáñ»Ý ¿ áõëáõ- ó³ÝáõÙ ûï³ñ É»½áõÝ ¨ Ù³ïÝ³ÝßáõÙ ¿ ËáëáÕÇ í»ñ³μ»ñÙáõÝùÁ ÉëáÕÝ»ñÇ ÝÏ³ï- Ù³Ùμ:

113 Armenian Folia Anglistika Culture Studies

The Problem of Mutual Understanding across Regional Varieties of English

Mariana Sargsyan Yerevan State University he present paper is aimed at discussing the language-culture interdependences T from the perspective of transformations that the culture component may bring forth in language vocabularies. The analysis is conducted within the frames of the vocabulary units of English and its regional varieties. Nowadays the on-going changes in the structure of English and its varieties attract an increasing number of specialists. The latter constantly sound the alarm that traditional general English is gradually disappearing, giving way to a simplified means of global communication. On the other hand, specialists accentuate that all the regional varieties of English grow more and more different and distant from general English. It is roughly estimated that some 30-50 years later nations officially speaking English will be in a sore need of an inter- preter-translator in order to reach mutual understanding even on common topics. The reason for such a drastic turn of the situation is quite understandable. Having spread all over the world, English has undergone deep changes which primarily affected the semantic layer of the language. In fact the vocabulary of any language is the most sensitive to external changes. If viewed from the culture perspective, the core of the problem obtains tangibility to a certain degree. One can no longer reject the fact that the specific way of perceiving the world by a man and his role in it account for the way the world itself finds its reflection in man’s consciousness. Perception of the objective reality varies from nation to nation, being conditioned by a wide range of factors, among which culture plays the key role. Presently, interdisciplinary investigations in Language and Culture are based on the assumption that Language is closely related to Culture, moreover, it is developed within and expressed through culture itself. On this, I remembered a TV debate between the British Prime Minister and the American Secretary of State over the situation in the Middle East. In the course of the debates the talks were becoming hotter and hotter, and the journalist appealed to them to come to a compromise. The talk show really ended in a compromise, with the British Prime smiling at the cameras and congratulating his American Colleague and the American Secretary, by the way, with a broad smile on his face, refusing to give any comment concerning the outcomes of the debates. So, is the reaction of the two people just the result of mere satisfaction or dissatisfaction with the results of the debates, or can the reactions be traced back to the mental and cultural identity of the two people involved? Evidently, the answer is not on the surface. In Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary of English the word compromise is defined as an agreement between two people or groups in which each side gives up some of things they want, so that sides are happy at the end. If so, why is the American dissatisfied with the idea of compromise? The explanation of the word meaning proves to be inefficient in terms of clear understanding of the problem and asks for consulting a considerable

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amount of knowledge supported by anthropological, psychological and cultural data. To overcome the barrier, it is worth consulting the American anthropologist John M. Townsend’s renowned chart of the most explicit traits of American character compared with those of other nationalities. If generalized, most typical traits of the American character can be represented as follows:

Reality – mechanical, rational; Values – material; Life – a problem that should be solved; Man – rules nature; Time – is money; Time orientation – future is most important; Friends, people – relationships are on the surface; first “I”, then the rest; Life expectations – immediate reward.

As a consequence, the concentration of self-orientation and egocentrism in the American character can be highlighted nearly in all the aspects of life. Accordingly, a self-oriented nation will surely be unwilling to share anything with others unless there is no more choice left. In spite of the fact that the British and the Americans share the same language, their notion of the objective reality is diverse. Moreover, perceptions of their role in the world economics, politics, culture, etc., coincide but only partially. Thus, the aforementioned example proves to be rather a weighty one making us adhere to the standpoint that language does not influence the world outlook of people, but just the contrary takes place. As far as the word compromise is concerned, let us generalize at this point that the British are quite reserved, tolerant and peace-loving by nature, which well accounts for a neutral, or more or less positive connotation of the word in the British English, in contrast to the negative associations in its Trans-Atlantic variant. English is not the official language of the British Isles and the USA only. Among others, it is the official language of Canada, Australia, New Zealand, etc. Alongside with common cultural knowledge among people inhabiting all the English speaking countries, there exists specific knowledge correlated with particular geography, history, flora and fauna, economy, social life, etc. Meanwhile, the world outlook of every nation has brought some typical spices into the regional variants, creating new words and phrases on the one hand, and has enriched the meanings of existing words with overtones and connotations tracing back to peoples’ cultural identity. In fact, it is these imposed overtones and connotations that result in gaps in terms of adequate mutual understanding. Here it is expedient to cite A. Wierzbicka’s famous statement on the problem: “The Vocabulary units with marked cultural component serve as a special ideological tool reflecting the nation’s experience in all the spheres of life.”(Wierzbicka:1997). Now, with the view to specifying the above-mentioned statement in terms of English and its regional varieties, let me switch to the analysis of several typical words and idioms, the origins and connotative meanings of which can be well explored in the cultural context. In New Zealand and Australia in families of lower-middle-class it is a usual practice

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to invite people to social gatherings asking them to bring a plate. To bring a plate is a phraseological unit which constitutes the request to people attending to arrive with a plate full of food because catering will not be provided. Many new arrivals to New Zealand have been bamboozled by the instruction and turned up with an empty plate. Hence, an Englishman, moreover any other person with a fair knowledge of English might do the same, because such invitations are usual practice in New Zealand and a declining one in Australia. Accordingly, to bring a plate is a typical idiom, the metonymic meaning of which is confined only to regional varieties of English. Turning to the Australian reality, one can easily explore a wide range of culture-based changes in semantic structures, among which the most prominent role can be attached to national symbols. So, koala, a slow-moving Australian arboreal marsupial, is the national symbol of Australia, the preservation of which is under state’s control. It is this very factor that contributed to enriching the word meaning with extra connotations. In the Australian variant the word now stands for anything that enjoys state attention. E.g. cars with state ini- tials are also referred to as Koalas. Hence, the utterance There is a koala running along the street may give the impression that the animal itself is running. Meanwhile koala is the car which has diplomatic ID numbers and can violate the traffic laws without punishment. Proceeding with the topic of animalistic symbols in Australia, let us dwell upon the less exotic, but nevertheless a more important one – “His majesty - the Sheep”. It goes without saying that sheep has made a considerable contribution into the state’s economy. Of course it is not a sacred animal and is not worshiped like the Hinduism “cow” in India, nor it can be compared with any aggressive symbols of nationalism, but still it is respected for the indisputable contribution to the country’s economic growth and the welfare of the Australian people. Now let us observe what were the after-effects of the “sheep-based” economy in the Australian variant of English. The “sheep-based” economy gave birth to a new idiom - riding on sheep’s back, which actually symbolizes the flourishing period of the Australian economy. It remains only to conclude that the idiom is unique both in its structure and meaning as far as it is closely related to a certain period of Australia’s history. English has to pay her homage to sheep, since sheep-breeding and all the technology connected with the process have enriched the language with many terms covering sheep hairdo, wool classification, sheep breed, etc. While analyzing the English vocabulary, one cannot but notice the huge amount of idiomatic units that each variant of English abounds in. Idioms undoubtedly remain the sphere of the vocabulary which bears and reflects the national mentality more explicitly than any other language unit. Let me bring several idioms from informal Australian (Aussie) and New Zealand, which struck me as most explicit in terms of concentrating cultural and national elements:

Queen street farmer, widely used in New Zealand, stands for as a pejo- rative term for an investor in rural land with no knowledge of land use; up the Puhoi, which means far from civilization, or simply a faraway point, originating from the river named “Puhoi” passing just the north of Auchland;

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little Aussie battle, which stands for a person who works hard to make ends meet, someone who is doing it tough and does not whinge, originating from Henry Lawson’s story, where the author categorizes people into 3 classes: the rich, the poor, the battlers); miserable as a bandicoot, stands for an extremely unhappy person, originating from the Australian long-faced marsupial bandicoot, which has been given a role in Australian English in similes that suggest unhappiness or some kind of depreciation; Buckley’s chance, equivalent to “No chance at all”, originating from the name of the convict William Buckley, who escaped from Port Phillip in 1803 and lived for 32 years among the aborigines in South Victoria; Clayton’s job, low quality imitation; not the real thing; e.g. a hasty, tempo- rary repair may be only a Clayton’s solution to the problem, originating from the brand-name of an Australian non-alcoholic whisky-flavored beverage.

Among different vocabulary units which demonstrate a highest potential of concentrating cultural data proper names stand apart, embracing geographical names, names of real people, legendary or historic personages, and names of famous people. The problem of adequate understanding comes to the front line when proper names stop to function in their primary denotational meaning and obtain the status of a common noun, as is the case with the word bradman (a promising golf player) which has originated from the famous Australian cricket player Donald Bradman’s name, or ned kelly (a brave heart, especially common in “as game as Ned Kelly”), originating from Ned Kelly – a historic figure who is considered to be Robin Hood’s Australian counterpart. Of course, while considering vocabulary enrichments of the regional varieties, I am not inclined to underestimate the role of the process which, for convenience, I would term “transculturation” of language units. In a wider sense, I would define this process as a mutual enrichment of language varieties due to trans-cultural penetrations. To specify the aforementioned, let us observe the essence of this phenomenon, analyzing the semantic structure of the unit walkabout. In Aussie English the word walkabout stands for the periodical wanderings of aborigines, which is quite typical of their traditional lifestyle. When used in an ordinary speech in a sentence like He is in his usual walkabouts the speaker expresses his contempt toward the subject’s aimlessness and inclination to waste time. Somehow, walkabout has lately penetrated into British English and has obtained the status of a “stylish” word. It is frequently used in reference to the Queen, members of the Royal family or politicians, in situations when they deliberately show informality speaking to common people in streets trying to create the false impression of equality. The aforementioned can be treated as one of the many cases convincing us that English and its regional varieties are not altogether isolated from each other. The process of mutual enrichments and transformations is an on-going one, taking place regardless of time and distance. Nowadays, with the view to getting a deeper understanding of the essence of culture- based transformations, their origin, nature and after-effects in general English, linguists

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widely investigate the spheres of human life which are most likely to generate culturally and nationally marked words. It is assumed that this kind of knowledge will help to keep the process of semantic transformations under control and handle communicative acts successfully. However, as the preliminary survey shows, there cannot be found any unanimous answer as to the spheres, since the objective reality is changing rapidly and man’s attitude toward the realia change at nearly the same pace. Hence, adequacy of communication widely depends on enlarging people’s knowledge in culture, history, geography or other relevant spheres of the regional variety. The process of teaching English nowadays seeks for compiling one integrated course of language and culture with the maximum inclusion of the cultural component. Effective communication is realizable on the condition that the participants possess a certain amount of shared knowledge, since interpretation is carried out through the prism of categories which constitutes the frames of our consciousness.

References:

1. Lewis, R. (1996) When Cultures Collide. London: Nicholas Brealey Publishing house. 2. Mead, M. (1988) The Application of Anthropological Techniques to Cross-National Communication. New York: The Harper and Row Reader. 3. Pennycock, A. (1994) The Cultural Politics of English as an International Language. London – New York. 4. Ruseckaja, L.A. (1989) O Lingvisticheskoy suwnosti realiy i ikh znachimosti v formirovanii nacional’nykh variantov angliyskogo yazika. // Yazik i istoriya problemy lingvokul’turnoy tradicii. Tez. Dok. M.. 5. Ter-Minasova, S. (1995) Sociocultural Aspect of Foreign Language Teaching. // Language, Culture, Communication. M.: Center of Cross-Cultural Studies. 6. White, R.(1981) Inventing Australia - Images and Identity 1688-1980. Sydney: George Allen and Unwin. 7. Wierzbicka, A. (1997) Understanding Cultures through Key Words. New York: OUP.

ì»ñçÇÝ ï³ñÇÝ»ñÇÝ É»½í³μ³ÝÝ»ñÇÝ ËÇëï Ùï³Ñá·áõÙ ¿ ³ÛÝ ÷³ëïÁ, áñ ³Ý·É»- ñ»ÝÇ ï³ñ³Í³ßñç³Ý³ÛÇÝ ï³ñμ» ñ³ÏÝ»ñÁ ³ëïÇ×³ Ý³μ³ñ Ñ»é³ÝáõÙ »Ý ÙÇÙÛ³Ý- óÇó: Î·³ ÙÇ Å³Ù³Ý³Ï, »ñμ ÝáõÛÝÇëÏ ³ éûñÛ³Ã»Ù³Ý»ñÇ ßáõñç ÉÇ³ñÅ»ù Ñ³Õáñ¹³Ï- óáõÃÛáõÝ Çñ³Ï³Ý³óÝ»Éáõ Ñ³Ù³ñ μáÉáñ ³Ý·É³ËáëÝ»ñÁ Ï³ñÇù ÏáõÝ»Ý³Ý ¹ÇÙ»Éáõ Ã³ñ·Ù³ÝãÇ û·ÝáõÃÛ³Ý: Ðá¹í³ÍáõÙ Ýå³ï³Ï ¿ ¹ñí»É Éáõë³μ³ Ý»Éáõ μ³ éÇÙ³ëïÇ ½³ñ·³óÙ³Ý áñáß ³ é³ÝÓÝ³Ñ³ïÏáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñ, áñáÝù ³éÏ³ »Ý ³Ý·É»ñ»ÝÇ ï³ñ³- Í³ßñç³Ý³ÛÇÝ ï³ñμ» ñ³ÏÝ»ñÇ μ³ é³ýáÝ¹áõÙ: ö³ëï³Ï³Ý ÝÛáõÃÇ í»ñÉáõÍáõÃÛ³Ùμ óáõÛó ¿ ïñíáõÙ, áñ ¹ñ³Ýù Ù»Í Ù³ë³Ùμ å³ÛÙ³Ý³íáñí³Í »Ý ïíÛ³É É»½áõÝ ÏñáÕ Åá- Õáíñ¹Ç áñáß³ÏÇ Ùß³ÏáõÃ³ÛÇÝ Ñ³Ù³Ï³ñ·Ç å³ïÏ³Ý»ÉáõÃÛ³Ý ·áñÍáÝáí:

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Whimperatives across English, Armenian and Russian Cultures Lusine Madoyan Yerevan State University

he main aim of the present paper is the study of “whimperatives” and their illocu- T tionary forces in modern English and across different cultures. We want to show that different cultures find expression in different systems of speech acts, and that different types of speech acts become entrenched, and, to some extent, codified in different languages. An attempt will also be made to give a brief outline of different whimperative constructions in modern English discourse, and the way they are translated and used in other languages. Whimperatives are commands or requests phrased as polite or indirect questions (also whimperative). As defined by R. McDermott, a “whimperative” is a command stated in a question form, such as, “Why don’t you close the door?” (Mcdermott 1977:25) English interrogative subjunctives are restricted to requests with only four backshift- ed modals: 1. (a) Would you mail this for me? (c) Might he be there by now? (b) Could you do me a favour? (d) Should I write to him? (Dr.Keith Allan 1994:77)

These interrogativeutterances are notably tentative, which accounts for their use in polite contexts.In modern English there are a great number of whimperative constructions, the most frequently used of which are of the following types: Will you...? , Would you...? , Can you...? , Could you...? Can’t you...? etc. Whimperative constructions have been extensively and meticulously studied by A. Wierzbicka who gives the following main ideas as an outline of a new direction in the study of linguistic interaction: (i) In different societies, and different communities, people speak differently. (ii) These differences in ways of speaking are profound and systematic. (iii) These differences reflect different cultural values, or at least different hierarchies of values. (iv) Different ways of speaking, different communicative styles can be explained and made sense of, in terms of independently established cultural values and cultural prior- ities (Wierzbicka 1991:69). Wierzbicka also states that the ways of speaking are by no means clear in terms of values such as “directness”,“indirectness”, “solidarity”, “spontaneity”, “sincerity”, “social harmony”, “cordiality”, “self-assertion”, “intimacy” and “self-expression”. Since they do not have the same meaning in all cultures, they are used with quite different and even mutually incompatible meanings, and can create confusion, moreover, some languages do not even have corresponding words for all these terms, e.g. there is no word for “self-assertion” in Japanese, Italian, French, Polish or Russian (cf. 1991). Hence, a strong methodological case is made for the use of universally reliant semantic constructs

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that can be translated in all languages, such as “say”, “think”, “want”, “know”, “good”,“bad”, “people”, “someone”, “something”, “this”, “no”. Goddard and Wierzbicka (1994) reason that this universal metalanguage is useful both for a semantic analysis and for a formulation of cultural scripts that “can capture culture-specific attitudes, assumptions and norms in precise and culture-independent terms”. For example, Wierzbicka (1991) contrasts the attitude of Anglo-American and Japanese cultures to “self-assertion” and conceives the following underlying conceptual structures:

Japanese culture don’t say: “I want this”, “I don’t want this” Anglo-American do say: “I want this”, “I don’t want this” Japanese culture don’t say: “I would/wouldn’t like (want) this” Anglo-American do say: “I would/wouldn’t like (want) this” Japanese culture don’t say: “I think this/I don’t think this” Anglo-American culture do say: “I think this/I don’t think this”

The attitude of reserve or restraint, which represents a key value in Japanese culture, cannot be applied to Anglo-American culture, just as the notion of “self-assertion” has no corresponding value in the other culture. Thus, the analysis comes to prove that Japanese speakers are discouraged from saying clearly what they want, whereas Anglo-American speakers are encouraged to do so. On top of this, Japanese culture places a taboo on asking other people directly what they want. A similar contrast between Japanese and Anglo-American culture exists with regard to the clear and unequivocal expression of personal opinions (Wierzbicka 1991:74). A. Wierzbicka uses the different interactional norms to account for the differences in linguistic structures characteristically engaged in the two cultures. Thus self-assertion is generally encouraged in Anglo-American culture as long as this does not threaten personal autonomy, i.e. negative face. Thus, one is allowed to say “I want this”, but not “I want you to do this”. In their contrastive description of case studies of discourse, Wierzbicka (1991) and Goddard and Wierzbicka (1997) construct cultural scripts of discourse preferences in Japanese, Chinese, Hebrew, Polish, Italian, as well as Black English and White English, Japanese, Polish and Malay. We can conclude that while an Anglo-American may appear direct or blunt to a Japanese interlocutor, the former may label an Israeli as blunt and direct. This preoccupation with the avoidance of such relative and vaguely defined terms as “direct”, “blunt”, etc. in the contrastive characterisation of speech patterns across cultures provides us with a more valid general picture of differences in speech habits. This fact explains the ubiquity of the so-called whimperatives- “interrogative directives” -in English, (e.g. Would you do X?, Will you do?, Could you do X?, Can you do X?, Why don’t you do X?, combining the two components in recognition of the addressee’s right to freedom from imposition) which is a culture-specific norm for avoiding face-threatening acts. W. K. Hünig states that even if A. Wierzbicka´s formulations seem simplistic or naive at first sight, it has to be acknowledged that she offers a method

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of speaking about differences and analyzing them in a non-circular and culture-free “language”. This is a major step forward in the vast area of cross-cultural semantics and pragmatics (Hünig1998). What A. Wierzbicka does not provide is a framework that takes into account a more global perspective and recognizes that different cultures practice different ways of speaking. Such a wider framework is provided by Dell Hymes, who describes speech acts in a global model of communication, i.e. in the context of their material and psychological setting such as the communicative purpose of the communication, the key how to interpret the acts, the instrumental means available, the norms of interaction and the genres (Hymes 2004). The use of the so-called whimperatives, extremely common in English culture, is almost unheard of in other European languages (Wierzbicka, Gruyter 2003). A request like “Would you mind opening the window” (perhaps watered down even further with a side-order of “it’s a bit cold in here”) would, if you attempted to render it into a language like Polish, sound quite bizarre — at best it would come across as an inquiry as to whether the addressee is capable of opening the window, but certainly not as a request. As B. Comrie points out, Russian does not use the Will you or Can you patterns in the way English does, and the same applies to the Would you pattern: “…in English one polite way of getting someone to do something is by asking a yes/no question using either some form of “will” or some form of “can”. In other languages, that’s not conventionalized. If you tried it in Russian, the reaction would be “What’s this guy trying to do?” (Comrie 1984:282) Thus, we may say that people speak differently in different societies and communities not only because they speak different languages, but also because they use language differently. These differences reflect different cultural values, or at least different hierarchies of values. This often leads to a communication failure among individuals and social groups. By studying different cultural traditions manifesting themselves in different ways of speaking, we can improve our ability to communicate with others more effectively and to interact with others more fruitfully. There exist a number of differences between English and other languages in the area of speech acts, which are linked with different cultural norms and cultural assumptions. The results of our research show that English, as different from Armenian and Russian, places heavy restrictions on the use of direct speech acts (especially, direct orders, etc.), and makes an intensive use of indirect speech acts, i.e. whimperatives and other constructions. Features of English are shown to be language specific and due to specific cultural norms and cultural traditions. Linguistic differences are shown to be associated with cultural values such as individualism and respect for personal autonomy in the case of English, and cordiality and collectivism in the case of Armenian and Russian. The heavy restrictions on the use of the imperative in English and the wide range of interrogative forms in performing acts other than questions constitute striking linguistic reflexes of the Anglo-Saxon socio-cultural attitude. In English the imperative is mostly used in commands and in orders. Other kinds of directives (i.e. of speech acts through which the speaker attempts to cause the addressee to do something) tend to avoid the imperative or to combine it with an interrogative and/or a conditional form.

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In Armenian the use of interrogative forms outside the domain of questions is very limited, and since the interrogative form is not culturally valued as a means of performing directives, there has been, so to speak, no cultural need to develop special interrogative devices for performing speech acts other than questions, and in particular, for performing directives. Thus, we may say that specific differences between languages in the area of indirect speech acts are motivated, to a considerable degree, by differences in cultural norms and cultural assumptions. To understand the linguistic and cultural differences mentioned above, we have analyzed some examples of whimperative constructions in English and their translations into Armenian and Russian taken from fiction. First we shall study whimperativeswhich are framed like questions but have the illocutionary force of:

suggestion “Wouldn’t you like to be a star?”(p. 29) - Вы хотите стать звездой? - Кто же не хочет? (стр. 220) - Ուզո՞ւմ եք աստղ դառնալ: - Իսկ ո՞վ չի ուզում: (էջ 23) Here we deal with a suggestion and the answer of the hearer confirms this interpretation, because once again it makes clear that the speaker did not expect a yes/no response but rather wanted an action to be done (here, an agreement to be signed). “What d’you say to a battle of pop to celebrate?” he said. (p. 42) - Как вы смотрите, не открыть ли нам бутылочку шампанского, чтобы отметить это событие? - спросил он. (стр. 234) - Ինչ եք ասում, մի շիշ շամպայնով չնշե՞նք,- առաջարկեց նա: (էջ 38) It is worth mentioning that the word “said” in this example is translated into Russian as “asked” which is typical for questions (as the syntactic form of the English variant is that of a question), while the Armenian translator uses the word “suggest” which indicates the illocutionary force of the given utterance. “Why the hell don’t you get a charwoman in?” (p. 46) - Почему вы не пригласите поденщицу, чтобы она здесь убрала? (стр. 238) - Տե՛ր աստված, կարծես խոզանոց լինի: Ինչո՞ւ աղախին չես պահում: ( էջ 43) This example is quite interesting because the translators of both languages have considered it necessary to supplement their translations with additional information. If we look at the Russian translation, we can see that it gives a word for word translation, and provides us with some explanation “so as she could clean up the mass”. Similarly, in the Armenian variant we come across the following additional information “Oh my God, it’s like a pigsty”, which is not given in the original variant. Besides, in this example the more common whimperative construction why don’t you is replaced with a stronger and more idiomatic variant why the hell don’t you, which makes the utterance sound more like reproach or rebuke than suggestion. “Your cigarette’s gone out. Won’t you have another?” (p. 154)

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- Ваша сигарета погасла. Возьмите другую. (стр. 349) - Ձեր սիգարեթը հանգել է: Մեկ ուրիշը վերցրե°ք: (էջ 168) Here the Russian and Armenian variants sound as direct suggestions or even orders, whereas the same semantic component is expressed in English with the help of the indirect question, i.e. whimperative construction won’t you do x. “Well, why don’t you go and have a look-see?” (p. 156) - Что ж, пойди и посмотри. (стр. 352) - Թոմն ասում է արժե գնալ տեսնել: (էջ 171) In this example the Russian translation gives a straightforward (bold-on-record) suggestion while the Armenian translation would sound as: Tom says it’s worth seeing, so here again the semantic component I suggest you go and see it is present. “Why don’t you talk it over with someone more of your own age?”(p. 211) - Почему бы тебе не обсудить все эти вещи с кем-нибудь из ровесников? (стр. 408) - Ինչո՞ւ չես ուզում այդ ամենի մասին խոսել քո տարիքի որևէ մեկի, օրինակ Թոմի հետ: (էջ 235) In this example the translator of the Armenian variant introduces the word “want” into the sentence, thus adding some additional overtones and shades of meanings to the utterance, which unfold the following semantic components: the hearer does not want to do X, the speaker reproaches him for that and suggests doing X. “D’you want me to say good night to you in the passage? I’ll just come in for a minute?” (p. 53) - Ты хочешь, чтобы я пожелал тебе доброй ночи в коридоре? Может, я зайду к тебе на минуту? (стр. 245) - Ուզում ես քեզ բարի գիշեր մաղթեմ միջանցքո՞ւմ: Միայն մեկ րոպեով ներս կմտնեմ,- ասաց Մայքլը: (էջ 51) The Russian variant of this example clearly expresses the illocutionary force of suggestion with the help of the word “maybe” (Может), whereas the Armenian translation sounds closer to the original English variant. invitation “I suppose you wouldn’t come to tea with me one day, would you?” (p. 82) - Вы, наверное, не захотите выпить со мной чашечку чаю как-нибудь на днях? (стр. 276) - Հավանաբար մոտ օրերս չեք կարողանա գալ ինձ մոտ թեյելու, այնպես չէ՞: (էջ 86) In this example the Armenian and the English variants are both tag-questions in their form, whereas the Russian is not. We would also like to draw your attention on the fact that in the Russian translation the part “you wouldn’t come to tea” is translated as “you wouldn’t like to drink tea” and in Armenian as “you couldn’t come to me for tea”. In our opinion the illocutionary force indicators are made more apparent and obvious by the Armenian and Russian translators. “Julia says, will you come and dine on Sunday?” (p. 167) - Джулия спрашивает, не придешь ли ты к нам пообедать в воскресенье. (стр. 363) - Ջուլիան հարցնում է կիրակի օրը կգա՞ս ճաշի: (էջ 184)

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In this example we deal with an invitation dressed up as a question. The English word “says” is translated into both languages as “asks”. In choosing a particular verb (request, ask, suggest, or whatever) the reporter imposes a certain interpretation on the original utterance, and can choose one of a number of interpretations compatible with the force signaled by Will you do x. In doing so, the reporter adds to what is encoded in the construction itself. This is, then, where the “interminacy” lies: in the range of possible interpretations, which can be signaled by a range of reporting verbs. But the force of Will you do x is quite determinate. request, permission “Can I come in, mummy?” (p. 146) - Можно войти, мамочка? (стр. 340) - Կարելի՞ է, մա°մա: (էջ 159) This is a classic example of a whimperative, i.e. a request (asking for permission) dressed up as a question. “Can you grudge me the happiness it gives me to get you out of a hole?”(p. 104) - Неужели тебе трудно доставить мне удовольствия и позволить вызволить тебя из беды? (стр. 298) - Ինչո՞ւ չես ուզում երջանկացնել ինձ` թույլ տալով, որ քեզ դուրս քաշեմ նեղ դրությունից: (էջ 111) If we translate the Armenian variant back into English, it is more likely to sound as “why don’t you grudge me…”, so we may conclude that in cases like this the two whimperative constructions can you and why don’t you might be interchangeable. order, reproach “Why the devil don’t you answer when I speak to you?” (p. 124) - Черт подери, ты почему не отвечаешь, когда я с тобой говорю? (стр. 319) - Ինչո՞ւ չես պատասխանում, գրողը տանի, երբ խոսում եմ քեզ հետ: (էջ 135) In this example we have an indirect speech act (reproach) with the implied meaning of order (answer, when I speak to you!),and again the insertion Why the devil makes the utterance stronger. “How can you say a thing like that? The fool.The blasted fool.” (p. 143) (<Как ты можешь так сказать? Дурак. Несчастный дурак!>) (стр. 338) - Ինչպե՞ս կարող ես նման բան ասել: Ապո՛ւշ: Անիծյա՛լ ապուշ: (էջ 156) The implied meaning is – do not say such a thing! It is worth mentioning that this example is taken from the heroine’s monologue, and the addressee does not hear the speaker. Nevertheless, since the utterance is intended to have some imposition on the “hearer”, it can be regarded as a whimperative. Below we present a table which displays clearly how many times the whimperative constructions of English have been translated into Russian and Armenian in the same way, and how many times the translators have proposed a translation which is different from the original construction.

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We would also like to draw your attention on the fact that tag questions which are so common in English are very rarely used in Russian. Thus we may conclude that the Armenian and English variants coincide more often. In conclusion, we would like to state that when translating works of verbal art many translators try to stick to the original expressions. In doing so they use many clichés, expressions and constructions in the translations which are not so typical of the target language. This is done in order to retain the literary style of the author and the work itself. This is one of the reasons why the results of our research show more coincidence between the original (English) and the translated variants (Russian and Armenian) than there actually is. Thus we might come to a misleading assumption that whimperatives are equally common for the three languages, whereas investigations of speech practice used in everyday communication show that on the conversational level the English use much more indirect speech acts, especially whimperatives than Russians or Armenians do. Thus, the analysis of different types of whimperative constructions and their use in different cultures enables us to show the close connection between the study of language structure (grammar) and the study of language use (pragmatics).

References:

1. Brown, P. and Levinson, S.C. (1987) Politeness: Some Universals in Language Usage. Cambridge: CUP. 2. Levinson, S.C. (1983) Pragmatics. Cambridge: CUP. 3. Searle, J.R. (1975) A Taxonomy of Illocutionary Acts. // Language, Mind, and Knowledge. / Ed. by K. Günderson. Vol. 7. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. 4. Searle, J.R. (1975) Indirect Speech Acts. / Ed. by Cole and Morgan. Syntax and Semantics. Reprinted in Searle (1979). New York: Academic Press. 5. Searle, J. (1969) Speech Acts. Cambridge: CUP. 6. Wierzbicka, A. (1985) Different Cultures, Different Languages, Different Speech Acts: Polish vs. English. // Journal of Pragmatics. N 9. 7. Wierzbicka, A. (1991), (2001) Cross-Cultural Pragmatics: The Semantics of Human Interaction. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

Sources of Data:

1. Maugham, W.S. (1980) Theatre. New York: Collier & Son. 2. Maugham, W.S. (1985) Tatron. / Tr. from English into Armenian by J. Hovhannisyan. Yerevan: Sovetakan grogh. 3. Maugham, W.S. (1983) Teatr. / Tr. from English into Russian by N. Man, G. Ostrovskaya. M.: Pravda.

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Wh-áí ëÏëíáÕ Ññ³Ù³Û³Ï³Ý Ý³Ë³¹³ëáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ ï³ñμ»ñ Ùß³ÏáõÛÃÝ»ñáõÙ

Wh-áí ëÏëíáÕ Ññ³Ù³Û³Ï³Ý Ý³Ë³¹³ëáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÝ ³ñï³Ñ³ÛïáõÙ »Ý Ññ³- Ù³Ý Ï³Ù ËÝ¹ñ³Ýù, ë³Ï³ÛÝ áõÝ»Ý ù³Õ³ù³í³ñÇ Ï³Ù ³ÝáõÕÕ³ÏÇ Ñ³ñó»ñÇ ß³- ñ³ÑÛáõë³Ï³Ý ³é³ÝÓÝ³Ñ³ïÏáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ: êáõÛÝ Ñá¹í³ÍÇ Ýå³ï³ÏÝ ¿ áõëáõÙÝ³ëÇñ»É Ññ³Ù³Û³Ï³Ý Ý³Ë³¹³ ëáõÃÛáõÝ- Ý»ñÇ ³Ûë ïÇåÁ ¨ Ýñ³Ýó ÇÉáÏáõïÇí ·áñÍ³éáõÛÃÁ Å³Ù³Ý³Ï³ÏÇó ³Ý·É»ñ»ÝáõÙ, Ñ³Û»ñ»ÝáõÙ ¨ éáõë»ñ»ÝáõÙ: Ðá¹í³ÍáõÙ ÷áñÓ ¿ ³ñí»É Ý»ñÏ³Û³óÝ»É É»½í³Ï³Ý ³Ûë ÛáõñûñÇÝ³Ï Ï³éáõÛóÝ»ñÇ Ñ³Ù³éáï ÝÏ³ñ³·ÇñÁ ¨, ½áõ·³ Ñ»éÝ»ñ ³ÝóÏ³óÝ»Éáí í»ñáÝßÛ³É É»½áõÝ»ñÇ ÙÇç¨, å³ñ½³μ³ Ý»É, Ã» ïíÛ³É Ï³éáõÛóÝ ÇÝãå»ë¿ Ã³ñ·Ù³Ý- íáõÙ ¨ ÏÇñ³éíáõÙ ï³ñμ»ñ Ùß³ÏáõÛÃÝ»ñáõÙ:

126 Culture Studies Armenian Folia Anglistika

On the Proverbial Conceptualization of the World

Hasmik Baghdasaryan Yerevan State University

he term “world picture” is widely used in various modern disciplines.The phys- T ical, chemical and other pictures of the world are studied as phenomena closely related to cognitive processes for they represent the complete, more concrete and equivalent picture of a part of reality.In the given case language represents a form of expression of this conceptual (abstract - imaginary) content – a form that has been acquired by human being during his life and activity. The consciousness of a human being and ethnos also encompasses the subjective picture of objective reality. In this respect, along with the scientific pictures of the world there are also literary, mythical, proverbial and other evaluative systems where metaphor is represented as a more effective means of creating the world picture. Within the context of world pictures G. Brutyan mentions that it is introduced through conceptual and linguistic patterns which are not identical but reflect the relationship between the part and the whole.The conceptual pattern of the world includes the main content of world’s linguistic picture. However, the mentioned conceptual pattern leaves certain peripheral parts out; those peripheral parts are of linguistic nature and contain additional information about the world, being at the same time different ranging from one language to another (Brutyan 1973:109). The national characteristic trait of formal and semantic structures of different languages is of course explained not by the overwhelming influence that language has on mentality but by the fact that a people’s language develops as a result of the cognition process. Consequently, “world picture” is created through cognitive activity, and not by language. At the same time, it would not be correct to completely ignore the impact of language on the perception of culture and reality.As mentioned by G.A. Brutyan, the result of the reverberation of the reality surrounding us is reflected through the language prism. Consequently, knowledge is of linguistic nature not only because language is a means of its realization, but also because language places its unique “stamp” on knowledge.However, as has been mentioned above, that impact is not decisive (Brutyan 1976). The role of proverbs and sayings and idioms, in the process of the creation of the world picture has been highlighted by a number of linguists. Thus, as early as in the 19th century, Potebnya, for instance, speaking about the unique artistic image of fables and proverbs, mentions that the latter “gives us an opportunity to replace a huge amount of thought with relatively small mental amounts”, while according to G. Permyakov, proverbs and sayings are “artistic miniatures” that generalize, in a highlighted and sealed manner (or, rather, envelope more correctly), the facts of reality (Permyakov 1988:14, 57). It cannot be denied that along with various linguistic pictures of the world there also exists a proverbial picture. The latter has its place in the mosaic of the world’s linguistic picture and is perceived as a unique means of secondary semantization of the reflected

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reality, expressed by proverbs and sayings. They are characterized by binary reference, since they are associated with two objects in mind.The first one is based on the material-perceptual cognition of the objective reality, whereas the second one is the result of human associative-symbolic thinking. Proverbs and sayings can also be viewed as a form of world outlook or world perception, or as pointed out by G. Gachev, they are the artistic “logic” of a nation, the mental “design” and an indicator of “which network of coor- dinates” a people perceives the world through and how they make up the world picture (Gachev 1988:44). Proverbs and sayings are fixed expressions of edifying character, which are structurally expressed in simple or complex sentences. Unlike proverbs that are used figuratively, words in sayings have direct, though generalized meanings and yield a wide field of interpretations. Being artistic elements of folk origin, proverbs and sayings reflect the life experience of the respective people, the images, symbols and even laconically enveloped motifs recurrent in their literary tradition. The selective function of language is vividly expressed through proverbs and sayings, containing rich linguocultural information. The value system has its significant place in the world’s proverbial picture, forming its indivisible part. The general essence of content and artistic form of proverbial sayings of different peoples is the result of the cross-influence of various factors and is conditioned by the degree of ethnic and linguistic kinship of the given peoples, their economic and cultural contacts, the significance of their historical experience and finally by the common uni- versalities in their artistic and logical mentality. Without diminishing the role of the above mentioned factors in identifying commonalities in proverbs and sayings, the uni- versality should, however, be sought in their logical content.There are examples of parallel proverbs and sayings in different languages both distantly cognate and without links of descent. In these cases the paremiological parallelism is explained by the coincidence of people’s life experience. For example, the Englishmen use the saying “Faint heart never won fair lady” which has its parallel equivalent in Finnish, though the English and the Finnish belong to different language families. Thus, proverbial meaning is anthropocentric, since it reflects the basic characteristics of human essence and human activity, but at the same time it is ethnocentric, in so far as it reflects the characteristic features of the given ethnos creating a certain type of culture, a certain national picture of the world. In the proverb stock of each language the general and national are harmoniously intertwined. The national character of proverbial sayings is more evidently displayed in their image system, which serves the accumulation of worldviews. Proverbs and sayings fill the ideographic network of the world disproportionately: there are many concepts which are hardly ever displayed in the proverb stock of different nations (universe, substance, science), while those conceptual fields, which reflect the everyday life of people and their relations, on the contrary, are abundantly represented in proverbs. Among the proverbs, containing national-cultural components, we consider it necessary to distinguish those proverbs which contain national – cultural elements

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of form and content. As has already been mentioned above, one and the same concept is often expressed through various images in different languages. For instance, it is a well- known truth that a false friend is as dangerous as an obvious enemy. To express this very idea in English the proverb False friends are worse than open enemies is used, in Spanish Del agua mansa líbreme Dios, que de la brava me libraré yo (literally – Deliver me, God, from the still water, and I’ll deliver myself from the stormy one). To express the same thought in Italian several proverbs are used – Meglio un nemico manifesto che un fal- soamico (literally – Better an open enemy than a false friend), Dagli amici mi guardi Dio, dai nemici guardo io (literally – Let God preserve me from my friends, I’ll preserve myself from my enemies), as well as – L’amico falso ha il miele in bocca e il fiele nel cuore (literally – A false friend has honey in mouth and gall in heart), etc. Are these proverbs national, and, in general, should a proverb be considered national if the situation in which it is created exists in several languages, while the proverb is present only in one language? The national character of such proverbs lies in the mode of expression (image) and not in the concept. On the expression plane (according to the figurative basis) the major part of the proverbs is typical of only the given language, while on the content plane (according to the concept expressed) they may have equivalents in other languages. Such proverbs are classed with the proverbs marked with formal nationality and are distinguished from those proverbs whose national peculiarities concern their semantic aspect as well. In the proverb stock of each national language a considerable number of sayings expressing universal truths can be found. And it is not accidental at all. The thing is that idioms, as well as sayings and proverbs are important means of evaluative-emotional description and they become out of use only in case their inner form loses its contempo- raneity at a certain stage of language development. The image becomes obsolete, but not the content. This concerns only proverbs, while sayings, being devoid of figurative basis, are much more persistent, and the thoughts expressed by them are achronic, for example, in French Miaux vaut tard que jamais, in Spanish Mas vale tarde que nunca, in Italian Meglio tardi che mai, in Armenian Լավ է ուշ, քան երբեք: In the proverb stock of every language we can come across proverbs expressing opposite meanings. This is not nonsensical at all. Is a proverb not a symbol of a typical situation? And in real life we may come across different and sometimes even opposing situations. That is why any proverb, even one which is “not true” is “true” when used in an appropriate situation. Compare the following French proverbs: L’habit fait l’homme, C’est l’habit que fait le moine (Literally – It is the gown that makes the monk) with the proverbs expressing the opposite meaning L’habit ne fait pas le moine (Literally – A gown does not make a monk). So, the proverb stock of every language embraces a unique system of cultural and universal values, which has not been a subject matter of comprehensive study yet. The problem of the “inner form” of proverbs is closely connected to the above mentioned problems, the former has not been a special subject on the comparative plane up to now, but can be an infinite source for studying the ideosincrasy of various nations.

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References:

1. Brutyan, G.A. (1973) Jazik i kartina mira. // Filosovskie nauki. N1. Moskva. 2. Brutyan, G.A. (1976) Jazikovaya kartina mira i ejo rol v poznanii. // Metodo lo gi ches - kie problemy analiza yazyka. Yerevan: YGU. 3. Cantera, J.; Sevilla Muños, J.S. (2002) Pocas palabras bastan, Vida e Interculturalidad del refrán: Salamanca: Centro de la cultura tradicional. 4. Gachev, G.D. (1988) Nacionalnye obrazy mira. Moskva: Sovetskiy pisatel. 5. Mieder, W. (1994) Consideraciones generales acerca de la naturaleza del proverbio. N 3. Madrid: Paremia. 6. Permyakov, G.E. (1988) Osnovy strukturnoy paremiologii. Moskva: Nauka.

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The Peculiarities of Chronotope in Don DeLillo’s Novel “Falling Man”

Ella Asatryan Yerevan State Linguistic University

on DeLillo is a prominent novelist of American postmodern literature who start- Ded his literary career in the 70s of the 20th century, and still creates new works for his audience. His first book, Americana, which was published in 1971, was followed by Names (1982), White Noise (1985), Mao II (1991), Cosmopolis (2003), Falling Man (2007), Point Omega (2010) and some other works. Preserving the main traditions of postmodern literature, DeLillo puts forward the essential and actual problems of current times such as the state of an individual in post-war world, the nuclear war, the influence of Mass Media on an individual and manipulation of the society through it, religious wars and terrorism. DeLillo’s works reveal the possibilities of development of American society and also give a full image of changes occurring inside the society in the borderline of the 20-21st centuries. In 2001 the whole world was shocked because of the terroristic attacks that took place in New York on September 11. After these tragic events, when the World Trade Center was completely destroyed and nearly 3000 people were dead, the theme of terrorism obtained a worldwide interest and actuality. Authors of different nationalities dedicated their works to this topic, among them the scandalous contemporary French writer Frederic Beigbeder with his book Windows on the World, the Algerian writer Yasmina Khadra with his Terrorism, the English writer John Updike with his short-story Varieties of Religious Experience, and many other writers. Being an American and having witnessed the events, DeLillo also introduced a book concerning terrorism and its consequences which gives the overall picture of terroristic events of 2001. The book was called Falling Man. It was released in 2007. The American press was immediately over- whelmed by critical articles acknowledging Falling Man as the best 9/11 novel. In fact, DeLillo has written the first major 9/11 novel which is more than a novel. It is a document of America’s progress as a nation, civilization at this particular place in time. It is a well-crafted artistic interpretation of a major event that has, for better or worse, helped shape the nation (Shindler 2007:4). So Falling Man is a 9/11 novel depicting the state of an American family which carries the influence of terroristic events. In this novel the author discloses the problem of terrorism passing from a private point (an American family) to universal point, and stressing the changes that occur in American society’s world perception. In Falling Man the concept of time/place acquires a new qualitative status and becomes a means that directly influences an individual’s life, decides his identity and claims problems existing in today’s world. This fact makes the author’s work even more significant and provides good material for analyses. The aim of the present study is to give the image of an American society as expressed through literature and to analyze the concept of chronotope within the frames of the novel Falling Man. During the study the following issues

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are to be analyzed: the concept of chronotope, the reflection of the chronotope in the novel, the problem of terrorism, its influence on a whole society, the vision of a new society. After the events of 9/11 Don DeLillo was called a prophet writer since in his previous books, mainly in Mao II, he expresses his anxiety concerning the skyscrapers. The author’s prediction, unfortunately, appears on the reality layer. It must be stressed that the horrible events of 9/11 marked the start of a new world. After 9/11 the world was divided into two parts; before and after.

Everything now is measured by after. (DeLillo 2007:138)

So this very thought is carried by the members of American society, the heroes of DeLillo’s work among them. Before turning to the main analyses, it is indispensable to pay attention to the title of the novel. Why did DeLillo call his novel Falling Man? The question can be observed from different points of view. First of all, by entitling the novel so, the author could mean the man who fell down from one of the skyscrapers during the terroristic acts, and whose photo appeared on the first pages of all American and non-American magazines. Secondly, the falling man could be the artist who was trying to imitate the people falling down or jumping from the buildings through his art.

She’d heard of him, a performance artist known as Falling Man. He’d appeared several times in the last week, unannounced, in various parts of the city, suspended from one or another structure, always upside down, wearing a suit, a tie and dress shoes. He brought it back, of course, those stark moments in the burning towers when people fell or were forced to jump. (DeLillo 2007:33)

As a matter of fact, the novel is full of overwhelming numbers of falling men. Each of the heroes of the novel can be regarded as falling man such as Keith, the main hero, who survived the terrorism but preserved his existence carrying inside parts of terror. Another falling man is his wife Lianne, who was not a direct survivor of the events, but who carried its consequences. Falling man are all the people who passed through terrorism, who witnessed it and who make a new society, where terror and fear dominate. It must be stressed that the title includes a deeper interpretation, as the falling man is the USA itself. It is the US fall from grace that occurs when the nation’s abuse of moral authority is set against the values on which it claims to be based (Olster 201:119). The novel consists of three parts. The first part is entitled Bill Lawton which is the encoded variant of Bin Laden, the second one is Ernst Hechinger, one of the heroes of the novel, ex-member of a terroristic group, who contemplates about religion and the Muslims all the time. Through this character the author claims that the USA is responsible for the tragic events. His contemplations can be summed up in one thought.

We have met the enemy and it is us. (Olster 2011:120)

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The last part of the novel is called David Janiak. This part concerns the man, the performance artist who appears in different parts of New York and imitates the flying people from the tower during the terroristic acts. The falling man represents art through which he shifts individual’s attention to those tragic days, never letting it become past.

There was one thing for them to say, essentially. Someone falling. Falling man. She wondered if this was his intention, to spread the word this way, by cell phone, intimately, as in the towers and in the hijacked planes. (DeLillo 2007:165)

Though the three parts of the novel concentrate on different problems and issues, this should not confuse the reader, as these parts are inseparably connected to one another, and make one entity having one and the same question in the cornerstone. What should they do after? There was collision, there was break and people were to understand its meaning and its influence on each of them and what was going to be after?

The whole existence frightens me. She saw herself in this sentence. (DeLillo 2007:118)

Each member of the terrorized society tries to find answers to such questions and find his/her place in the distorted world. All the time the heroes of the novel want to find an answer to the simplest question whether they are already strangers to that new space or not. The world they were living in was already strange and unknown to them.

Even in NEW York – I long for New York. (DeLillo 2007:34)

In literature the unity of time and space is called chronotope. The term was coined by M. Bakhtin to show the way time and space are described by language, and, in particular, how literature represents them. The peculiarities of time become natural for place, and place, in its turn, obtains new meaning through time and is measured by time. According to M. Bakhtin, these two categories constitute a fundamental unity as in the human perception of everyday reality.

In literary artistic chronotope, spatial and temporal indicators are fused into one carefully thought out, concrete whole. Time, as it were, thickens, takes on flesh, becomes artistically visible, likewise, space becomes charged and responsive to the movements of time, plot and history. (Bakhtin 2004:85)

This gives the idea that narrative texts are not only composed of sequences of events and speech acts, but also of the construction of a particular fictional world or chronotope. The events of the novel theoretically occur in the same place, in New York city, yet

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there are temporal and spatial flights from one time layer to the other, which is peculiar to postmodern literature. It is seen from the very first lines of the novel:

It was not a street anymore but a world, a time and space of falling ash and near night. (DeLillo 2007:3)

A qualitative change of space can be observed, passing from the notion street to notion world. Space ceases to be a private point and becomes a universal one, the carrier of terrorism. So, as a center of terroristic acts, the street turns into a world which carries the features of a terrorized street. Carrying the features of terrorism, space becomes the terrorism itself and all the spatial layers are united into a single one. The author recovers the distorted spatial layer. There is no world outside the terrorism and there is no other choice. There exists only one space which is called terrorism.

The noise lay everywhere they ran, stratified sound collecting around them, and he walked away from it and into it at the same time. (DeLillo 2007:4)

As it can be viewed, leaving the center of events, the main hero is not able to escape it. He is always directed to the skyscrapers as there is already one spatial unity - a new world, a world of terrorism. DeLillo’s heroes and all other Americans and foreigners who are already the carriers of a changed and terrorized way of thinking are living exactly in such kind of world. The concept of time also suffers qualitative changes. In the novel some contradiction comes to the core. On the one hand, time appears as a puzzle. There is no unity of time, instead, one can witness flights from present to past and vice versa and these flights are connected to terrorism. On the other hand, the unity of time is extremely vivid. The terroristic acts took place in the past, yet they are never past, as their influence is undeniably felt in the present and even in the future. So, past is never past, it becomes present and dooms future. This gives birth to a new temporal dimension: present absorbed in past. It is worth mentioning blessed Augustine’s famous theses that there is no time distinction into past, present and future: there is only present which contains past, present and future (Pusey 2005:158). The analysis of the novel brings to the light the idea that past has so huge influence on an individual’s life that it is fused with present. So, in his novel Falling Man Don DeLillo creates a new world, new time which correspond with the concept of terrorism. It is necessary to mention that in the frames of the unity of time which is expressed by the idea that there is only one time dimension where time and terrorism appear on the same level, the author suggests distinguishing between inner and outer time of human beings. This approach is clearly seen when we analyze the character of the main hero of the novel, Keith, who is a 9/11 survivor.

Things inside were distant and still, where he was supposed to be. It happened everywhere around him, a car half buried in debris, windows smashed and noises coming out, radio voices scratching at the wreckage.

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He saw people shedding water as they ran, clothes and bodies drenched from sprinkler system. There were shoes discarded in the street, handbags and laptops, a man seated on the sidewalk coughing up blood. (DeLillo 2007:4)

There is a vivid contradiction between the hero’s inner and outer time. In inner time nothing exists and everything is stopped, while in the outer time everything moves and something happens which is the result of tragic events. In inner time everything is stopped, while in outer time everything goes on. The novel Falling Man presents a very interesting case, as it is a novel which ends at the point where it starts. The reader appears in a closed circle where the beginning and the end have the same event in their base. The beginning of the novel claims the confused state of people after terroristic events.

There was something else then, outside all this, not belonging to this, aloft. He watched it coming down. A shirt came down out of the high smoke, a shirt lifted and drifting in the scant light and then falling again, down toward the river. (DeLillo 2007:5)

The ending of the novel again claims the confused state of people after the terroristic events.

He could not find himself in the things he saw and heard. Two men ran by with a stretcher, someone facedown, smoke seeping out of his hair and clothes. That’s where everything was, all around him, falling away, street signs, people, things he could not name. Then he saw a shirt come down out of the sky. He walked and saw it fall, arms waving like nothing in this life. (DeLillo 2007:246)

So, all the events of the novel develop within these events - from terrorism to terrorism, which is the same event. This comes to prove that lives of people who witnessed the tragic events are enclosed in a circle where time has somehow stopped, there is no present, as it has already been mentioned above, but a new temporal dimension - present absorbed in past. One of the most interesting points of the novel is the case when the author gives parallels between art and terrorism. Art becomes a means through which the real state of terrorized society is observed. Art becomes the carrier of time and space. In the novel Don DeLillo turns to the paintings of the 20th century Italian painter Georgio Morandi. Morandi’s paintings represent the art of Still Life (Natura Morta). When observing Morandi’s paintings one can see that most of his works are a series of inanimate objects such as jars, vases and bottles. The philosophy of Morandi’s art claims that these objects are inanimate, yet they come to satisfy human needs and reflect the possibility of changes in human relations (Schweighauser, Schneck 2010:101). DeLillo transferred these ideas

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into a literary area and touched upon the works of this painter since his paintings remind the destroyed skyscrapers.

The painting in question showed seven or eight objects, the taller ones set against a brushy slate background. The other items were handled boxes and biscuit tins, grouped before a darker background. They looked together. Two of the taller items were dark and somber, with smoky marks and smudges, and one of them was partly concealed by a long-necked bottle. The bottle was a bottle, white. “What do you see?” he said. She saw what he saw. She saw the towers. (DeLillo 2007:49)

The art of Still Life, in this case, comes to show that the consequences of terrorism are still alive and they make the present of the American society. So, the overall analyses of the theme gives us the opportunity to claim that, staying faithful to the main traditions of postmodern literature, Don DeLillo is the best to give the full image of American society after 9/11. In the novel Falling Man the concepts of time and space obtain new qualitative features and they come to decide the role of a human being in the world. DeLillo changes all temporal and spatial images, breaks all the borders giving the unity of time and space. This unity is the terrorism itself. Time and space appear on the same level with terrorism. So, literature becomes a means through which we see that 9/11 has become a borderline between the life before the events and the life after the events. In the life after humans try to reestimate their life, find their lost ego, understand their place and role in the distorted world, in the world obsessed with fear and despair. The heroes of DeLillo live in this very world. They represent the model of American society, each member of which is the carrier of terroristic events who do not exclude the possibility of the repetition of 9/11 at any place in the world and at any time.

References:

1. Bakhtin, M. (2004) The Dialogic Imagination. // Four Essays. Austin: University of Texas Press. 2. Blessed, A. (2005) The Confessions of Saint Augustine. / Tr. by E. Pusey. New York: Random House, Inc. 3. DeLillo, D. (2007) Falling Man. New York: Scribner. 4. Olster, S. (2011) Don DeLillo. Mao II. Underworld. The Falling Man. New York: Continuum. 5. Schweighauser, P.; Schneck, P. (2010) Terrorism, Media and the Ethics of Fiction: Transatlantic Perspectives on Don DeLillo. New York: Continuum. 6. Shindler, D. “Falling” Towers as Fiction. The Denver Post. 03 March 2007 http://www.denverpost.com/lifestyles/ci_6047985

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øñáÝáïáåÇ ³é³ÝÓÝ³Ñ³ïÏáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ ¸áÝ ¸»ÈÇÉáÛÇ §ÀÝÏÝáÕ Ù³ñ¹Á¦ í»åáõÙ

Ðá¹í³ÍÁ ÝíÇñí³Í ¿ Å³Ù³Ý³Ï³ÏÇó ³Ï³Ý³íáñ ³Ù»ñÇÏ³óÇ ·ñáÕ ¸áÝ ¸»ÈÇ- ÉáÛÇ §ÀÝÏÝáÕ Ù³ñ¹Á¦ ëï»ÕÍ³·áñÍáõÃÛ³Ý í»ñÉáõÍáõÃÛ³ÝÁ, áñÁ É³í³·áõÛÝë ³ñ- ï³óáÉáõÙ ¿ ³Ù»ñÇÏÛ³Ý Ñ³ë³ñ³ÏáõÃÛ³Ý Ï³ñ·³íÇ×³ ÏÁ 2001 Ãí³Ï³ÝÇ ë»åï»Ù- μ» ñÇ 11-Ç ³Ñ³μ»Ïã³Ï³Ý ¹»åù»ñÇó Ñ»ïá` ãμ³ó³é»Éáí å³ï³Ñ³ñÇ ÏñÏÝáõÃÛáõ- ÝÁ ó³ÝÏ³ó³Í Å³Ù³Ý³Ï ó³ÝÏ³ó³Í í³ÛñáõÙ: 9/11-Ç ¹»åù»ñÁ ³ßË³ñÑÁ μ³Å³- Ý»É »Ý »ñÏáõ Ù³ëÇ` ³ßË³ñÑ 9/11-Çó ²è²æ ¨ ³ßË³ñÑ 9/11-Çó Ðºîà: ²Ûë ï³ñ- μ³Å³ÝáõÙÝ ¿É ÁÝÏ³Í ¿ ëï»ÕÍ³·áñÍáõÃÛ³Ý ÑÇÙùáõÙ ¨ ÑÝ³ñ³íáñáõÃÛáõÝ ¿ ï³ÉÇë ¹Çï³ñÏ»É Å³Ù³Ý³Ï-ï³ñ³ÍáõÃÛáõÝ Ñ³ëÏ³óáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ áñ³Ï³Ï³Ý ÷á÷áËáõÃ- ÛáõÝÝ»ñÝ áõ ÷³ëï»É Å³Ù³Ý³Ï³ÛÇÝ ¨ ï³ñ³Í³Ï³Ý μáÉáñ Ñ³ñÃáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ ³Ù- μáÕç³Ï³ÝáõÃÛáõÝÁ:

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The Characteristic Features of the Academic Fiction Genre Syuzanna Poghosyan Yerevan State Linguistic University

nglish - American Academic novel became one of the dazzling appearances E of the XX-XXI centuries. While searching for a good explanation to this fact we come across a chain reaction. Firstly, there comes the baby-boom after both of the WW-s which in its turn means an incessant growth of the world population in general. Then there appears the problem of WW veteran employment. “Even Welch, in an unwonted display of compassion, remarks that ‘It’s only to be expected, after a war’ that young men should find it difficult to settle into a job” ( Amis K. “Lucky Jim”, pp x-xi ). Therefore academic institutions (as all other institutions) are both expanding and increasing in number in order to educate and employ the growing population. In their turn the problems more or less often occurring inside the academic walls also begin to multiply rapidly. Academic novels describe life situations in which moral characteristics of the heroes are disclosed and tested. They touch upon many human values. The appalling and miserable fortunes of the main heroes of the novels reveal the ailing life atmosphere where many social and personal problems come into view. Thus the foremost aim of the Academic novel genre is to introduce the various new themes which are closely connected with the small but autonomic campus world. Hence the adequate criterion according to which a novel may be classified as belonging to this genre is the following: an Academic novel is a work of fiction the primary thematic concern of which is closely related to the world of higher education. However this is not a static but quite young and yet rapidly developing genre. This genre was founded somewhere in 1950-s, when in 1952 “The Groves of Academe” by Mary McCartney and “Lucky Jim” by K. Amis were published. They were and still are followed by many talented writers. The most celebrated among these writers are: Malcolm Bradbury, Mary McCartney, Phillip Rote, Alison Laurie, John Maxwell Coetzee, Francine Prose, etc. They keep in step with the times, introducing a whole range of problems that arise from student-teacher-family relationships. With the help of invented people and places these authors bring up and discuss real-life situations and the hottest problems nowadays. For an accurate description of the genre we have looked through many articles, dictionaries and encyclopedias. The theoretical criticism of the genre is based on the great contribution made by such experts of academic fiction as Mortimer Proctor, David Bevan, Ian Carter, Wolfgang Weiss, Janice Rossen and Kenneth Womack. In particular M. Proctor has done a considerable work in his book “Reform and the University novel” where he gave the early literary portraits and the decline of Oxford and Cambridge as two of the oldest universities in the world with well-developed and complicated traditions and peculiar characters among both lecturers and students. In

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Chapter IV of the same book the author discussed the University novel itself which is a narrower branch of the Academic fiction genre (Proctor 1977:11-66; 150-203). Such literary commentators and theorists as Elaine Showalter, John Lyons, Malcolm Bradbury, David Lodge and others suggested the classification of the Academic novels. For example, while constructing the history of the genre David Lodge suggests distinguishing two variations of Academic novel. American university novel becomes known as a Campus novel, while the British variant is known as a Varsity novel. This is due to the mere fact that campus is purely American phenomenon. Besides, a Varsity novel concentrates mainly on the student-student relationships, while a Campus novel depicts the student-lecturer relationship. But very little is done in the sphere of defining the borders of the genre as well as its characteristic features. Thus, while defining the features of the genre we will refer to four famous novels, namely: K. Amis’s “Lucky Jim” (1952), Malcolm Bradbury’s “The History Man” (1975), J. M. Coetzee’s “Disgrace” (1999) and F. Prose’s “Blue Angel” (2000). Kingsley Amis (1922-1995) born in London was a cultural democrat that valued honesty, civility and the lack of pretense. His friends and colleagues described him as great storyteller and a genuine comic writer. He became the founder of the Academic fiction genre by his brilliantly funny novel “Lucky Jim” (1952). It is about the stuffy, provincial bourgeois world into which Jim Dixon - the main hero of the novel - is promoted …. and against whose values and codes he rebels…” (Amis 2002:viii-ix). Jim Dixon finds it very difficult to settle down after returning from the WWII. He starts to lecture at one of Britain’s new red-brick universities. The novel describes his rather difficult relationships with the chair head, his students and colleagues. “Jim is ill-at-ease and out of place in the university because he does not at heart subscribe to it’s social and cultural values, preferring pop music to Mozart, pubs to drawing rooms, non-academic company to academic. Looking into the face of a not particularly attractive bar-maid … ‘he thought how much he liked herand had in common with her, and how much she’d like and have on common with him if she only knew him”, by David Lodge (Amis 2002:xi). To tell the truth Jim hates his job and especially Mr. Welch – the chair head – because the latter often organizes music parties and appreciates only those who can sing madrigals or play musical instruments. At one of such musical evenings Jim meets Welch’s son Bertrand and his girlfriend Christine. A very deep and sincere feeling towards Christine changes Jin completely. He understands that he needs to find his place in this life and must fight for his happiness. In the end he gets a good job offer and his beloved woman. Malcolm Bradbury’s (1932-2000) “The History Man” (1975) introduces the age of “glass and steel” universities which came to substitute the old red-brick buildings. On the one hand, these new buildings were very cheap and easy to build but on the other hand, they lacked the warm and cozy academic atmosphere which is very essential for a successful academic process. The novel introduces the Kirks – Howard and Barbara. The reader witnesses the rapid metamorphosis of this family which leads to Barbara’s

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suicide at the end of the novel. This suicide proves that the so called society development in the novel was going in the wrong direction. John Maxwell Coetzee was born in Cape Town, South Africa, in 1940. Coetzee has gained many awards throughout his career, although he has a reputation for avoiding award ceremonies. He was the first author to be awarded the Booker Prize twice. On 2 October 2003 it was announced that he was to receive the Nobel Prize in Literature, making him the fourth African writer to be so honored. The press release for the award also cited his “well-crafted composition, pregnant dialogue and analytical brilliance,” while focusing on the moral nature of his work. Coetzee’s “Disgrace” (1999) is about a 52-years-old Professor David Lurie who is divorced. At this age he is still filled with desire but lacks the passion. An affair with a student leaves him jobless and homeless. His friends and colleagues turn away from him and he embarrassingly retreats to his daughter’s smallholding. The complicated racial complexities and the Apartheid policy (a system of legal racial segregation enforced by the National Party government of South Africa between 1948 and 1994, under which the rights of the majority ‘non-white’ inhabitants of South Africa were curtailed and minority rule by white people was maintained) caused an incident of terrible violence which smashed the only remaining relationship and made the father and the daughter confront each other. Francine Prose was born in 1947, in Brooklyn, NY. Prose uses a rather simple and laconic language, brings up urgent and up-to-date social, political and other issues. Prose’s novel “Blue Angel” (2000) became the winner of the National Book Award. This book is about a man’s crashing journey towards new life. Professor Swenson teaches creative writing at Euston College. Once a quite successful writer at present he is choking in the lifeless and themeless atmosphere of an academic town. The situation gets even worse because it’s been quite long since any of his students have shown promise. And poor Professor realizes that it’s impossible to teach talent. Talent is something divine and given from the birth. Thus it can be developed but never taught. Right at that moment a pierced and tattooed girl named Angela Argo enters his class. She seems to possess a rare talent for writing. She pretends needing his help desperately. But when Swenson fails to fulfill her high intentions she tramples him into mud. This novel shows best what happens when academic politics collides with political correctness. The authors of this genre put a special accent on the theme of the “lost generation”. After the World War II the situation repeated the one after the World War I: people and especially youth lost their faith in future and lived mainly by the day. On the other hand, they desperately wanted to taste all the pleasures of the life as quick as possible since the life proved to be very fragile and short. Professor Welch’s son Bertrand courts Christine bearing in the back of his mind totally different intentions: namely, Bertrand’s expectations are to get a well-paid job at her uncle’s office. Here it needs to be clarified that in the later novels other wars, not necessarily as great and consuming as the WWII, left the same influence on people making them act in the way which can be harmful for others. Here are also included such “wars” as the ones

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between males and females, blacks and whites. Wars in general teach people to become absolutely egoistic and not to care about building or preserving relationships. Therefore, without any remorse people generally made use of others just like things and gave them up as soon as there was nothing to expect from them. This was the case with both Angela Argo and Melanie Isaacs. The first girl is the main heroine of the novel “Blue Angel” by Francine Prose. Angela uses her teacher to achieve her dream to become a writer and when she sees that he is not strong enough to represent and stand up for her, she trashes him. She resembles one of the Amazons (a nation of all-female warriors in Classical antiquity and Greek mythology. No men were permitted to have sexual encounters or reside in Amazon country. But once a year, in order to prevent their race from dying out they visited the Gargareans, a neighboring tribe. The male children who were the result of these visits were killed, sent back to their fathers or exposed in the wilderness to fend for themselves; the females were kept and brought up by their mothers, and trained in agricultural pur- suits, hunting, and the art of war. In other versions when the Amazons went to war and they brought some men as slaves, and once or twice a year they would have sex with their slaves.) who cunningly called in men to their island, used them and then cold-heartedly killed their lovers. As for Melanie Isaacs, she is the heroine of the novel “Disgrace” by J.M. Coetzee. She manipulates with her Professor’s feelings at first to get a shelter, then - a passing grade on his subject. Melanie “sells” her body for a passing mark and is rather shaken by surprise when her professor tries to make her take the test by all means. “She stares back at him in puzzlement, even shock. ‘I am no longer just a student’ How can you speak to me like this? ‘I can’t take the test’ She raises her chin” (Amis 2002:34-35) and leaves not dignifying her professor with a reply. Her act of laying a charge of sexual abuse is kind of revenge, as well as an opportunity to get rid of an unhelpful person. The foremost characteristic feature of the genre is the following – the university with its routine and people becomes the corner stone of the novel. Sometimes the university itself is described in detail and becomes a novel character. M. Bradbury leads the reader of his novel through the campus speaking about every corner of the University of Watermouth. This tour around the university campus has a special purpose – to show the ugly cold and dull atmosphere in the new “glass and steel” buildings. It is rather cheap, easy and fast to build them. “…They grow everywhere like mushrooms after the rain” (Bradbury ). But they lack the warmth and hospitability. There is no proper academic atmosphere in those glass and steel buildings. For another group of novels the campus description and its history somehow foretell the further development of events. In the novel “Blue Angel” the narration starts with the history when, how and why Euston College was built. “Elijah Euston founded Euston Academy to educate his … sons and daughters… Three daughters died from diphtheria, two more committed suicide. … the campus is haunted by the ghosts… the spirits with an appetite for the souls of undergraduate women” (Prose

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2000:14-15). Other Academic novels introduce the university by telling much about the students and the staff, depicting the deeds and the struggles that different characters of the novel go through. These characters are portrayed with such genuine skill that they seem very realistic and lively. The authors use them to reflect problems of reality; on the one hand these characters receive such precise psychological features and shading that they seem quite real and concrete; on the other, they become a collective characters for the very human kind. Let’s take as an example Professor Welch (Amis 2002). Right at the beginning of the first chapter rather clear physical description of the man is given: professor Welch is “…tall and weedy, with limp whitening hair…” (Amis 2002:8). The quotation brought above helps to draw a clear portrait of a man. But while one continues reading the novel the professor begins to obtain the features of a person who is truly unsuitable for the position he occupies. As a department head Welch requires that everybody fullfils their professional duties as well as it is possible, but he himself does not set a good example and isn’t a helpful supervisor either. As a matter of fact he makes Dixon deliver a lecture according to the normative, even though Dixon is neither ready for that challenge nor he feels inclined to do that. The first Academic novels contained much irony. “Lucky Jim” is a classic comic campus novel. One of the most famous contemporary literature critics David Lodge declared this book as “A novel that changed a generation” (Amis 2002:V). In his hilarious send-up of academic life, K.Amis poked devastating fun at a very British way of life, and gave a post war fiction a new and enduring figure to laugh and laugh at. Although there are a lot of places in the novel where we are invited to chuckle, there are also passages which describe precisely many sad aspects of the present-day life. As for the comic feature of the novel, it needs to be said that the comedy in the novel derives from two sources: the comedy of situation and the comedy of style. The comedy of situation is inseparable from the style. In other words, the situation causes laughter when it is described in a comic language. Whereas the comedy of style is based purely on the way language means and stylistic devices are used. And in this case there is neither situation nor action. Amis’s comedy introduced a new tone into English fiction. It has some traditional elegance. On one hand it is very educat- ed, on the other – rather classless. Amis’s vocabulary is rich and juicy. The author brings some freshness to the satirical observation of everyday life. Then K. Amis’s light and juicy irony developed into dark satire in the novel “History Man” by M. Bradbury. This novel belongs to the second time-period of the historical development of the academic novel genre. Therefore it is full of dark satire. In the very beginning of the book it is described how the Kirks awaken each day and run to the window and examine steadily the skies to see if some dark hands, or thunders sent by gods or some dark horsemen had appeared to announce at last the birth of a new and better world. (Bradbury )

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At present we see a tight mixture of satire and tragedy. If we analyze the disgraceful situation in which Professor David Lurie finds himself after being fired from Cape Town University is both comical and tragic. Once a respected professor, David now has to give up all his high ambitious intensions to write an opera on Byron’s stay in Italy and become a humble peasant and a dog-man. And due to the political and social changes in South Africa David becomes a helpless and invaluable social unit. J.M. Coetzee like other authors does not and even cannot directly describe own feelings and thoughts about political and social issues. So, the author “hides” himself behind the heroes. The reason is that the true art cannot be enclosed in the narrow boundaries of oneself. The genre of Academic novel has a unique type of the novel hero. The hero is a very highly intellectual person and therefore finds it very difficult to fit into the university sphere. This is the reason why these characters are totally unable of co-existing with the rest of the campus society. This hero does not see that he has chosen a wrong life path and it wears out his mental and physical strength. He starts to live like an automat. But life is a precious gift and it requires that one understands the value of each moment. That is why the hero is getting punished in order for him to realize that he does not have a right to simply waste time. All the main heroes form the above mentioned novels – Jim Dixon, Howard Kirk, Professor David Lurie and Professor Swenson – fit into this description. There are few characters in the Academic novel. They are usually presented by opposing couples. This technique helps to increase the dynamics of the novel. All the heroes have their opposition. But the most interesting is the couple formed by the main hero and the trickster (). The foremost aim of the trickster is destruction. The trickster helps to underline the positive features of the main hero. In some sense this so called trickster is the shadow of the main hero. If Professor Swenson is the main hero of the novel “Blue Angel” then Angela Argo is his trickster. Professor lives in some self-invented world. He fancies that he and Angela Argo can have something in common because she seems to him a talented writer. Furthermore he wants her to become a creative and ingenious co- author of his imaginative world. But he is dreadfully mistaken because unlike him Angela uses her talent only to get fame, she doesn’t find contentment and sole tran- quility in writing like he does. Just another characteristic feature of the genre is the ball/the evening party which seems to be the peak when the tension tightens most. It makes possible to gather all the characters of the novel together and create all kinds of bonds among them. It is during this party that all the professional and personal conflicts reach their highest point. A good example will be the party the Kirks throw at their house when different characters come in touch with each other to form and break relations. The warmth, coziness and alcohol help to relax and therefore reveal the true self of each character. Hence we get an opportunity to examine each person. And since each one represents a true human being we acquire an unlimited life experience in the sphere of human characters and relations. The annual university ball at a provincial university marks

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the turning point in Jim Dixon’s life. He realizes that he is much fond of Christine and gathers strength to break up with Margaret and look forward to new life opportunities. The next characteristic feature can be the new aspect in man-woman relationship. In the first novels these relationships involve only the university staff. For example, let us take Jim’s relationship with Margaret and later with Christine. The next step to make the novels more dynamic and interesting - a sexual relationship between a professor and a female student - is considered. This kind of relationship emerges due to different reasons. Sometimes a male staff exploits his position. Just like in Professor David Lurie’s case who probably not deliberately but consciously traps the young girl. He gives her a shelter and a passing mark just for the sake of being able to keep her by his side. Other professors, like Howard Kirk, imagine that by having an affair with their students they fulfill their responsibilities as tutors. And at last some pitiable weak persons like Professor Swenson fall in love with their students just because of the latter’s remarkable writing talent. It goes without saying that any writer in any times cannot neglect different sociopolitical urgent issues of his epoch. Therefore reading different novels of this genre one comes across problems of the XX-XXI centuries like plagiarizing, feminism, antifeminism, apartheid policy with its consequences, etc. Summing up, we come to the following important reason why Academic novel has become one of the most meaningful happenings in present day Literature. It is because it has the widest intellectual-philosophical potential which opens new perspectives on how to solve problems in the sphere of man-society relationship. As a literary genre the Academic novel has already got several concrete features, namely: the university as the corner stone of the novel; an evening party or ball which brings the novel to its climax; the unique type of hero; the opposing couples which helps to increase the novel dynamics; ironic/satiric mood of the narration.

References:

1. Antsiferova, O. (2008) Universitetskii roman: zhizn i zakonizhanra. // Voprosy literatury, iyul-avgust. N4. 2. Bakhtin, M.M. (1986) Formy vremeni i khronotopa v romane. Ocherki po istoricheskoi poetike. // Literaturno-kriticheskie stat’i. M.: Khudozhestvennaya literatura. 3. Bakhtin, M.M. (1875) Voprosy literatury i estetiki. M.: Khudozhestvennaya literatura. 4. Genieva, Y.Y. (1979) Ne tipichnie i tipichnie angliiskie romany. // Inostrannaya literatura. N 8. 5. Matthew, H.G.F. (1998) The British and American Academic Novel. The Professor romane: The Comic Campus, the Tragic Self. George Washington University Press.

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6. (2000) Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary of Current English. Oxford 7. Proctor, M.P. (1977) The English University Novel. Issue 15. Ayer Publishing. 8. Zhlutenko, N.Yu. (1988) Angliiskiy psikhologicheskiy roman XX veka. Kiev.

Sources of Data:

1. Amis, K. (2002) Lucky Jim. USA: Penguin Books. 2. Bradbury, M. (1976) History Man. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. 3. Coetzee, J.M.(1999) Disgrace. Penguin Books: USA. 4. Proctor, M. (1977) The University Novel. Issue 15. 5. Prose, F. (2000) Blue Angel. Harper Perennial. 6.

§Ð³Ù³Éë³ñ³Ý³Ï³Ý í»å¦ Å³ÝñÇ ·ñ³Ï³Ý »½ñ³·Í»ñÁ

²Ý·Éá-³Ù»ñÇÏÛ³Ý Ñ³Ù³Éë³ñ³Ý³Ï³Ý í»åÁ XX-XXI ¹¹-Ç óÝóáÕ ·ñ³Ï³Ý Çñ³¹³ñÓáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇó ¿: ²Ûë Å³ÝñÇÝ ëÏÇ½μ ¹ñ»óÇÝ 1952 Ã. ÙÇ³Å³Ù³Ý³Ï ÉáõÛë ï»ë³Í »ñÏáõ ëï»ÕÍ³·áñÍáõÃÛáõÝª Ø»ñÇ Øùù³ñÃÝÇÇ §Ð³Ù³Éë³ñ³Ý³- Ï³Ý ³ñ³Ñ»ïÝ»ñÁ¦ ¨ øÇÝ·ëÉÇ ²ÙÇëÇ §Ð³çáÕ³Ï æÇÙÁ¦: ì»ñáÝßÛ³É ½áõÛ·ÇÝ Ñ³çáñ¹»É »Ý μ³½áõÙ ï³Õ³Ý¹³íáñ Ñ»ÕÇÝ³ÏÝ»ñ, áñáÝóÇó Ñ³ïÏ³å»ë ³ÝÑñ³- Å»ßï ¿ Ýß»É Ø³ÉùáÉÙ ´ñ»¹μ»ñÇÇÝ(1932-2000), üÇÉÇå ØÇÉÃáÝ èáÃÇÝ (1933), ²- ÉÇëáÝ ÈáõñÇÇÝ (1926), æáÝ Ø³ùëí»É øáõ¹½»ÇÝ (1940) ¨ üñ³ÝëÇÝ öñááõ½ÇÝ (1947): ²Ûë Å³ÝñÇ í»å»ñáõÙ Ý»ñÏ³Û³óíáõÙ ¿ Çñ³¹ñáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ ÙÇ ³ÙμáÕç ß³ñ³Ý, áñï»Õ ³ñï³óáÉíáõÙ »Ý áõë³ÝáÕ-¹³ë³Ëáë-ÁÝï³ÝÇù »é³ÝÏÛáõÝáõ ÷áËÑ³ñ³μ» ñáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ: §Ð³Ù³Éë³ñ³Ý³Ï³Ý í»å¦ Å³ÝñÁ áõÝÇ ³ñ¹»Ý Ó- ¨³ íáñí³Í, Ûáõñ³Ñ³ïáõÏ Ñ³ïÏ³ÝÇßÝ»ñ: Úáõñ³ù³ÝãÛáõñ í»å Ù³Ýñ³Ù³ëÝ Ý»ñÏ³Û³óÝáõÙ ¿ ³ÛÝ Ñ³Ù³Éë³ñ³ÝÁ, áñï»Õ Í³í³ÉíáõÙ »Ý í»åÇ ÑÇÙÝ³Ï³Ý, Ñ»ñáëÇ Ñ³Ù³ñ μ³Ëïáñáß ·áñÍáÕáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ: êÏ½μÝ³Ï³Ý ßñç³ÝáõÙ ³Ûë Å³ÝñÇ í»å»ñÇÝ μÝáñáß ¿ñ Ã»Ã¨ ÍÇÍ³Õ³ß³ñÅ Í³Õñ³ÝùÁ, áñÁ Ñ»ÕÇÝ³ÏÝ»ñÇ ÑÇ³ëÃ³÷áõÃÛ³Ý ³×Ç Ñ»ï ½áõ·³Ñ»é ³ëïÇ×³Ý³μ³ñ ÷áËíáõÙ ¿ ËáñÁ ¨ ¹³éÁ »ñ·ÇÍ³ÝùÇ, ¨ ³ å³ªí»ñ³×áõÙ áÕμ»ñ·áõÃÛ³Ý: ì»å»ñÇ ÏÇ½³ Ï»ïÁå³ñ³Ñ³Ý- ¹»ëÝ ¿ Ï³Ù » ñ»ÏáÛ³ÝËÝçáõÛùÁ, áñï»Õ ëÏÇ½μ »Ý ³éÝáõÙ í»åÇ ÑÇÙÝ³ËÝ¹ÇñÝ»- ñÁ, ¨ í»ñç³å»ë áñï»Õ ½·áõßáñ»Ý ³ÏÝ³ñÏíáõÙ »Ý ³Û¹ ËÝ¹ÇñÝ»ñÁ ÉáõÍ»Éáõ ÑÝ³ñ³íáñ ï³ñμ»ñ³ÏÝ»ñÁ: Ð³Ù³Éë³ñ³Ý³Ï³Ý í»åÇ Ç Ñ³Ûï ·³ ÉÁ ¹³ñÓ³í ³ñ¹Ç ·ñ³Ï³ÝáõÃÛ³Ý ³ Ù»- Ý³ÇÙ³ëï³ÉÇó Çñ³¹³ñÓáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇó Ù»ÏÁ, ù³Ý½Ç í»ñáÝßÛ³É Å³ÝñÁ ÑÝ³ñ³- íáñáõÃÛáõÝ ¿ ÁÝÓ»éáõÙ Ýáñ ï»ë³ÝÏÛáõÝÇó ¹Çï»É ¨ ·Ý³Ñ³ï»É ³ÝÑ³ï-Ñ³ë³- ñ³ÏáõÃÛáõÝ ÷áËÑ³ñ³μ» ñáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ:

145 Armenian Folia Anglistika Literature

146 Armenological Studies Armenian Folia Anglistika

ARMENOLOGICAL STUDIES

147 The editors of Armenian Folia Anglistika

(AFA) have the pleasure to announce that, by

the decision of AASE Board and the Editorial

Board of AFA, the journal has opened a sec-

tion of Armenological Studies. The project,

sponsored by Tufenkian Foundation, is large-

ly motivated by an objective to foster and sup-

port the dissemination of Armenological

papers in English, thus gaining a wider audi-

ence for theoretical and analytical essays cov-

ering diverse Armenian subjects. It also aims

at stimulating collaboration, dialogue and

mutual understanding between Anglicists

and Armenologists, as well as creating a new

possibility for both young and established

Armenologists to submit and publish their

articles in an international academic journal

in English.

148 Armenological Studies Armenian Folia Anglistika

The Third-Generation Armenian American Writers Echo the Quest for Self-Identity with the Genocide at Its Core

Rubina Peroomian University of California he Armenian Genocide in the Ottoman Empire is almost a century old, but T unanswered questions persist: why did it happen? Why the world let it happen? Why this terrible injustice has not been acknowledged and restored? Obsession with the collective cataclysmic experience keeps surfacing in Armenian literature, in this case the Armenian-American literature. The Turkish denial of the crime fuels this obsession. Then, there is also the vague image of a lost homeland that kindles a sense of deprivation even in the most integrated and acculturated American-Armenians of the present generation. The Armenian-American Genocide literature—narrative prose or poetry, eyewitness accounts, memoirs—reflects the interconnection of the Armenian Genocide and the Armenian-American self-image or identity. Looking into the past, searching for one’s roots, in other words, exploring ones ethnic identity and sense of belonging to the past, to history shared by other members of the group grew deeper under the influence of a trend in the United States in the 1960s and 70s mostly among the African-Americans. The American culture of the time facilitated group affiliation and identification. The Armenian past was obviously associated with the massacres and deportation, thus becoming the source of self understanding, self-consciousness, and self- identity. The catalyst for this process was the transmitted horrifying memories of the massacres and nostalgic reminiscences of the Old Country, or the homeland lost, the pain of adjusting to the New World that inundated the Armenian press of the 1920s and 30s. Mostly wanting aesthetic value, this literature functioned, however, as a source of knowledge and inspiration linking the generation growing up in America to the Armenian past. Curiously, the second-generation survivors to a large extent served as silent transmitters, in some cases passively, in others reluctantly bridging between their parents and the next generation. They too had to face the challenges of the New World. The burden of survival consumed them too, as they fought to get ahead and prove themselves against the “failure” of their parents and against the prevailing prejudice. David Kherdian writes of his mother “Victim of America who escaped the Turkish Genocide” (Kherdian 1970).1 It is certainly true that no matter how hard the survivors tried to make a healthy and happy environment, free of the scars of the past for their children to grow in, they did not succeed. Or in other cases, these children grew sick and tired of their parents’ incessant tragic stories; they turned a deaf ear, and silenced their parents’ urge to relieve the burden of memories by speaking out and telling their painful stories. “Mother, if you are not going to speak English, then don’t speak at all. And so mother didn’t,” Victoria remembers (Foston 2001:98). In all cases, even if these children were shut out or they shut themselves out of their parents’ traumatic past, its psychological effects were impressed upon them. Historical memory was transmitted.

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In the last thirty years or so, there is an upsurge of memoir writing. Decades after the immediate Armenian language responses, survivors in their old age and with the encouragement of their children began to write: - Kerop Bedoukian’s memoir, Some of Us Survived (1979) from the unique perspective of a nine-year-old boy from Sivas observing the world of atrocity around him. - Alice Muggerditchian Shipley’s memoir, We Walked Then Ran (1983), an unusual route of escape from the horrors of Turkish atrocities from their native Diarbekir to Kharbert, Dersim, Erzinjan, Erzerum, and then to Tbilisi, Baku, Astrakhan, up the Volga River, over the Arctic Ocean and the North Sea to Great Britain and freedom. - John Minassian’s Many Hills Yet to Climb, John (Hovhannes), native of Gurun and Sivas, motivated by the words of an older inmate in the Turkish prison: “We may not survive, but your generation has a call and a duty” (Minassian 1986:3-4). Yes, the call and duty of telling the world. - Bertha (Berjuhi) Nakshian Ketchian wrote her story, at the behest of her son and daughter. In the Shadow of the Fortress: The Genocide Remembered. In the introduction she writes, “We—the survivors—are living eyewitnesses of the Genocide of Armenians by the Turks. What was documented in writing and pictures at the time is now being denied” (Nakshian Ketchian 1988:ix). So she writes to fight against the denial and believes, that “recognition of the crime does not bring the victims back, but it eases somewhat the pain of the living” (Nakshian Ketchian 1988:x). - Hovhannes Mugrditchian of Lapajle (Baghché) wrote his memoirs in Armenian, and his son Paul Martin, had them translated into English as To Armenians with Love, The Memoirs of a Patriot. “For our children and grandchildren, we knew we had to have an English-language version,” (Mugrditchian, 1996:xvii-xviii) Paul Martin believed. Through these memoirs—of which only a few examples were mentioned—we hear the slaughtered nation speak. Each tells the story of a life experience that in the general sense is similar to others—no matter where the story originates, whether in Sivas, Kharbert, Erzerum, Husainig, Mezré, or elsewhere. At the same time, the unique details of each writer’s story lights up a dark corner of the calamitous story of the Armenian Genocide: A torturous journey, a first encounter with the sight of rotting corpses, an alarming signal foreboding the end they themselves might be destined to meet, then the looters snatching all belongings, the chettes smashing dead small children, kidnapping pretty girls, raping women young and old, and dead corpses too, the tearing open of the bellies of pregnant women and throwing the fetus in the air or smashing it against a rock, the victims screaming in horror and pain, pleading for mercy, and the zaptiés looking on all this with pleasure or indifference at best, or themselves participating in the carnage. It is not easy to read these stories. These macabre scenes of cold-blooded murder and rape, starving children, and the unscrupulous orgies of Turkish officers feasting on Armenian maidens can leave the reader depressed and bewildered for days. These are books that, as Kafka says, “come upon us like ill-fortune and distress us deeply, like the death of one we love better than ourselves, like suicide” (Rosenfeld

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1988:18).2 The first generation Genocide literature, as well as the oral or written testimonies, served as raw material to inspire literary responses by the second and third generations and was transformed into a structured, organized memoir or a novel even poetry with a specific form and style, embellished by the author’s artistic qualities and rich imagination. Peter Najarian’s Voyages (1971) is the site of the painful conflict and attempted reconciliation between the past and the present. It is the ever-present past constantly pressuring the present, defeating the efforts of the characters to rise above the unhappiness, to find their identity and adjust to their adopted country. Najarian’s Daughters of Memory (1986) is again a search for identity and an effort to hold on to the memory of the Genocide. The conversations and reminiscences between a group of old Armenian women who experienced the Genocide in their youth, provide the background and trace the history of the Armenian Genocide. David Kherdian also gives one of the earliest examples: The Road from Home: The Story of an Armenian Girl (1979), a touching account of young Veron Dumehjian, David’s mother, and her miraculous survival. Efronia: An Armenian Love Story (1994) is another example. Efronia Katchadourian’s memoir of some 500 pages was translated into English by her son and then turned into a nicely-wrought piece of imaginative literature, a love story, by her non- Armenian daughter-in-law, Stina Katchadourian.3 Gradually, after the parent’s death, through fragmented memorabilia left behind, or because of renewed interest and the usual reverence that creeps into one’s heart toward a dead parent, the son or daughter discovered the full scope of the source of that unexplained pain and disposition, the tremendous burden of memory that had weighed so heavily upon the parent. Virginia Haroutounian’s Orphan in the Sands (1995) is the story of the author’s mother, who only in the final days of her life shared with her daughter her terrible ordeal during and after the Genocide. It is also the story of the daughter, who resented her mother’s strange behavior and all her life strove to adjust to it, only to learn in the end that it was the Genocide and its aftereffects that caused her unfathomable, peculiar behavior, ruining her mother’s and her own life. David Kherdian speaks of the same experience with his father (1970):

Why have I waited until your death to know the earth you were turning was Armenia, the color of the fence your homage to Adana, and your other complaints over my own complaints were addressed to your homesickness brought on by my English. (Kherdian 1970) 4

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In another poem, Kherdian again describes his father, who “always carried a different look and smell into the house when he returned from the coffee houses in Racine”:

Years later, reading the solemn and bittersweet stories of our Armenian writer in California,5 who visited as a paperboy coffeehouses in Fresno, I came to understand that in these cafes were contained the suffering and shattered hopes of my orphaned people. (Kherdian 1970)

Agop Hacikyan knew very little of the Armenian past when he was growing up in Istanbul. His parents, both survivors of the Genocide, kept silent, and their reason, obviously, was not only psychological but also political. The new regime in Turkey had successfully suppressed the historical memory of its citizens. But the conspicuous silence and the occasional references to aksor (meaning exile, as survivors referred to the deportation) were factors that spurred Hacikyan to write a series of novels decades later, beginning with Tomas (1970) and Eté sans aube (1991) which was translated into English as A Summer Without Dawn (2000). And here is the epitomization of the answers to why it happened, scratched on the wall of a Turkish prison, “The just are condemned because of their race, their language and their faith, and here they await their death” (Hacikyan 2000:142). Helene Pilibossian knows that she is a product of her parents’ traumatic experience with the Old Country present in her subconscious. In one of her collections of poems titled History’s Twists: The Armenians (2008) she travels through the bumpy roads of Armenian history “with the stories of the desert of Der-el-Zor so long ago” taking her to the labyrinth of “the scrambling Turkish will” showing her the “diaphanous spider web” that is the survival of the nation built on Remembrance.6 One way or another, the entire nation was bearing the effects of victimization. For Diana Der-Hovanessian, all Armenians are survivors of genocide. It does not matter whether or not one has lost family members in the death marches. “We are children of Der Zor,” she writes.

Even though your mother was a baby in Worcester, and safe and your father a young soldier in Mourad’s mountains and you a generation from being born, ...... even without a single relative who lived to march, lived past the march. We are children of Der Zor. (Der-Hovanessian 1987) 7

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Is it possible? Elie Wiesel says, “Yes, one can live a thousand miles away from the Temple and see it burn. One can die in Auschwitz after Auschwitz” (Berger and Berger 2001:1).8 The transgenerational psychological impact can shape the outlook and the individuality of succeeding generations and can be as deep and effective as to produce the feeling of dying in Der El-Zor without having been there. The burden of tragic memories had been indirectly yet effectively transmitted, for it fits perfectly into the family atmosphere and the parent-children relationship experienced by the generation born to the survivors of the Genocide. The result was a small but valuable output of genocide literature. The third generation responses are crafted from a distance of time and space without direct experience of the Genocide, with the impetus of a transmitted pain or a suddenly discovered past, bearing the influence of different cultural, religious, environmental, and sociopolitical factors, and within different levels of skill and understanding of the poetics of genocide. They are created with a variety of thrust and motivation: they may seek a catharsis in order to relieve the transgenerational pain, they may strive to establish further factual evidences in order to combat denial, or they may reflect the author’s unabated frustration with the continuing injustice and the conspiracy of world silence. For all intents and purposes, these responses encompass the echoes of the nation’s collective psyche shaped by the violence, the pain of dispersion, the effects of self-accusation, the search for identity or the struggle to cope with a dual identity, the effects of the past and present roles of the perpetrators and world bystanders. To elucidate my point here I would like to underline three examples of motivation and purpose in regards to the 3rd generation writers. A Self-assumed Mission In Rise the Euphrates (1994), Carol Edgarian skillfully blends the facts of the Armenian Genocide and the traumatic experience of the survivor generation with the attractions and fun and multiple opportunities that American culture can offer a third- generation Armenian teenager (Edgarian 1994). It comes through clearly in Edgarian’s work that no matter how deeply assimilated to the culture and lifestyle of the mainstream, no matter how aloof from the Armenian past, this American-born generation still carries traces of the wounds of the Genocide. Her work stands as a bulwark against denial. Mae M. Derdarian speaks with the voice of her grandmother, adding her own imagination and artistic skill to create a work of art, Vergeen: A Survivor of the Armenian Genocide, based on a memoir by Virginia Meghruni. The author’s motivation to embark on such a difficult project was not only to tell the story of her grandmother, but also, “to immerse the reader in her story and to refute historical revisionists who deny and distort the facts of the Armenian holocaust.” With her story, she cries out to the world and to the deniers, “I was there! I was an eyewitness! I was a victim!” (Derdarian 1996). Lines in the Sand, a novel by Thomas A. Ohanian, subtitled “Love, Tragedy, and the Armenian Genocide”. It is, according to the author’s note, “a work of fiction in a background of history.” It is the Armenian Genocide fictionalized, wherein public personages appear in their historical roles while fictitious characters people the stage as

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the devastating story of the First World War unfolds. Notably, the novel ends with a reminder of Hitler’s statement, who remembers today the annihilation of the Armenians, and the news of the Jews being killed, and then another juxtaposition: “The little black lines of news type became trains carrying Jews, moving through the dense forests, breaking and cracking off branches that fell into the snow. And as the wheels swerved along the curving track the snaking train turned into shifting, moving people. Walking, in the desert. Lines of people. Lines in the sand” (Ohanian 2001:300) Clearly, a reminder to the world that forgetting past atrocities is the best encouragement for future atrocities to occur. Mariam Manoukian and her daughter, 13-year-old Elize had a different mission when they set out to revive the old pages of a diary left by Mariam’s grandmother Hranoush when she was 13 and caught in the turmoil of the defense of Van and the entire population’s torturous trek to Eastern Armenia during the Armenian Genocide: On the other Side of Mount Ararat, a Story of a Vanished City (2005). This mother and daughter team intended to write for young English readers to acquaint them with Armenian history and the Genocide.

A Sudden Discovery of the Past Peter Balakian’s Black Dog of Fate (1998) is a perfect example of a journey into the past after a sudden discovery of a family secret tied with the Old World. Balakian is motivated to also record the history of the Armenian Genocide. The result is a mélange of memoir and documentation. It is an attractive source of reference for non-Armenians and new-generation Armenians. It is, as the author himself puts it, a “polyphonic, multilayered memoir” in which “personal discovery and history merge.” 9 Here, the Armenian component is gradually extracted from a nebulous memory hole to become an important dimension in the American-Armenians’ self-identity. These historical interjections are vivid examples of history and memory juxtaposed. Besides the jarring change of style, from the inherent dryness and factuality of the one to the somber elegance of the other, the juxtaposition reveals the difference between the two in terms of shaping the image of the Armenian Genocide in the reader’s mind. This is the intrinsic value of genocide fiction or symbolic poetry in the understanding of the Armenian Genocide and as elucidators of universal truths that lie at the roots of historical facts, putting inconceivable realities into human perspective (Peroomian 1996:22-25). Many historians reject the role of artistic literature in assisting readers to grasp the meaning of a historical event. Yosef Hayim Yerushalmi declares with dissatisfaction, “The Holocaust has already engendered more historical research than any single event in Jewish history, but I have no doubt whatever that its image is being shaped, not at the historian’s avail, but in the novelist’s crucible” (Langer 1991:51) Historians may disagree and may disapprove of the departure from historiographic methodology, but documents, statistics, and data do not provide the full story. It is not possible to penetrate the world of the Armenian Genocide without reading the memoirs, the artistic literature, and the eyewitness accounts. Vickie Smith Foston’s amazing journey into the past is another example. She sets out

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to unveil a well-kept family secret that involved her grandmother, Victoria’s (also her namesake) suicide half a century earlier. In the course of her cumbersome research, Foston comes across the astonishing truth about her roots, heritage, and background. In contrast to the false information handed down to her about her father’s grandfather being French and her mother’s family originating in Italy, she finds out that her ancestors came from Mush, pure-blooded Armenians who escaped the Turkish persecutions and massacres of 1894-96. Not exactly a Genocide survivor’s account, Victoria’s Secret: A Conspiracy of Silence (2001) is the story of an immigrant family in which the conflict between forgetting the past and assimilating into the mainstream on the one hand, and adhering to ethnic identity and traditions on the other hand creates family quarrels that deepens dangerously. And although assimilation is the name of the game, national pride and ethnic consciousness, nonetheless, find expression in deeds and behaviors, in a family project, a collective work of art, a beaded tableau of Mother Armenia lamenting over the ruins of the homeland, or in a charcoal landscape of Armenia with Mount Ararat in prominence. In the course of Foston’s quest, the story of the Armenian people and the process of the Turkish annihilation of the Armenian population of the Ottoman Empire unfold. This sideline story, however, is not given the chance to develop within the context of the main story. Insertions are made arbitrarily in the form of reminiscences of a tradition passed on to the author’s mysterious grandmother by her mother, Foston’s great-grandmother. These passages, which rather sound like history lessons the author herself has learned, are fortunately fairly brief and do not detract too much from the novel’s otherwise solid structure. The same technique breaks the smooth flow of the narrative in Peter Balakian’s “Black Dog of Fate” (1998). Reminiscences become more plausible and flow more smoothly and naturally when Foston relies on the memories of genocide survivors living in Fresno, where refugee women and children often gathered in the streets to tell their stories of starvation, rape, murder, pain, and suffering, and above all their determination to survive. “I was lost in these stories as if they were my own,” says Foston’s mysterious grandmother, Victoria, from her grave and continues, “I am sure this group of family and friends had no idea of the impact these images would have on my life” (Foston 2001:95). This key sentence embodies the reality of the widespread psychological effect of the Armenian Genocide not only in the sense of vertical ascension, that is, the transgenerational impact, but also its horizontal spread, involving Armenians whose lives were not directly touched by the catastrophe. Micheline Aharonian, Marcom, in her novel Three Apples Fell from Heaven (2001) attests that her mother was raised in Beirut on stories of the genocide. “Afternoons were spent during her childhood listening to her mother and the other ladies of the neighborhood remembering the atrocities.” 10 Micheline’s mother married an American and moved to America in part to leave the old world behind, and she habitually refrained from speaking of the gloomy stories she was raised on, a typical second-generation reaction. On occasion, however, few sentences would slip out of her mouth: “The Turks pulled out their fingernails, beat the soles of their feet. . . Pregnant girls had their babies

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torn from their bellies. Nané [Micheline’s grandmother] saw them march to their death.” Micheline knew very little about her family and the history of her people. She says that was a reason she began to write what would be her first novel, “I had an incredible need to know my family history, to figure out my place.” She wanted to fill in the world behind the phrases she had heard here and there about her grandmother, that brave woman who had walked the death marches as a young girl and saved her sister and three younger brothers and raised them in Beirut. She wanted to know about Kharbert and Mezré which her grandmother had called home. Unlike other survivors’ life stories, fictionalized or recounted, Three Apples Fell from Heaven is not a straightforward narrative about the survival of Micheline’s grandmother Anaguil (Nané), but an abstract and complex tapestry wherein the voices of the dead and the living intermingle to evoke an abstract tableau of suffering and death. In this multilevel narration, we come across the story of Sarkis who is gradually going mad in the dark attic where his mother has hidden him in woman’s clothes to save him, her last son, from the gendarmes. We share the feelings of Kamil, a Turkish soldier enduring the harsh winter on the Russian front. Kamil deems it his duty to fight for his homeland, but he has no desire to conquer Russian soil. He is fighting against giavours, the infidel Armenians of Anatolia, who “joined the battle with our age-old enemy and tried to strike our army in the back ... who became rich off of us. They have always been the money-grubbers, merchant vultures. They stab us in our naked backs, they laugh at our chapped feet. We lost Greece, Bulgaria, and Serbia to the Christians. Will we lose again brothers?” (Marcom 2001:124). Another character is Rachelle, whose sad story weaves another shade of gloom into the morbid tapestry. Her fate is strikingly similar to that of her biblical namesake, who had sworn to Jacob that “she would die without children, and she died on the birthing stool”. In the novel, Rachelle is cognizant of that tradition, thinking as she plunges to her death in a dark well “how my name had pressed its regimen onto my skin, deep to the very bones” (Marcom 2001:36). The Judeo-Christian tradition is very much alive in the minds of victims and at time of death it becomes the only source of meaning and explanation. When Sarkis, the young man hiding in the attic, tries to find meaning in the atrocity to which his people are subjected, a Judeo-Christian explanation of catastrophe is again proposed in the concept of sin and punishment: “Did we do some thing (evil) to bring this down upon our heads?” (Marcom 2001: 46). Yet Sarkis is not bound to believe in that explanation wholeheartedly. Even if that is God’s will, and the Turks are only the executors of that will and the tool of the punishment, what is it that enables them to commit such a crime? How they must hate Armenians to be able to kill a neighbor with whom they have shared bread; to kill a faithful customer who frequented their shop; to kill a fellow college student, with whom they had sat and studied, or watched a soccer game together, or shared the poetry of Whitman whom they both adored. Then there is Hagop, another victim of injustice, standing hands tied in the police station with others like him, not knowing for what crime he is being detained. This was an ordinary scene in those days, but Micheline’s imagination takes flight to give it the form of abstract art. Hagop hears the whispering of men, “not of the bound men who stand at his side, but of the Armenian men who have haunted these valleys and plateaus

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and plains for centuries. He thinks he can hear their handless spirits saying to him in the spring night, Brother, do you believe a few thousand years of history make any difference to armed men?” (Marcom 2001:103). The success of these memoirs turned into novels or other sub-genres of genocide literature in prose and poetry can be attributed to the fact that they are being produced within the conventions of Western culture. They are palatable to Western taste and interest in horror stories. The third generation poet or writer has mastered the criteria. As Arpiné Konyalian Grenier terms it, the new writer “faces the tragedy, accepts it, mourns it and transcends it.” She later adds, however: “It is tricky and slippery to face emotion and express it in unadulterated fashion” (Grenier 1993: 26-27). It is indeed a challenging task, for it is sometimes impossible not to succumb to the waves of irrepressible emotion. And this will bring me to another subgenre in the 3rd generation responses.

In the Grips of the Past Leonardo Alishan, a third-generation Iranian-Armenian-American writer, was never able to transcend, or rather he never tried to transcend the tragedy that was his grandmother’s, the tragedy that became his fate at the age of nine. His strongest literary creations are about his “Granny” and “bearing witness to her agony.” He shares her agony; he is part of it: “I try to be a spectator of that tragedy which culminated in a London hospital room in 1978 where Granny saw Turkish horsemen around her bed before she died. But, alas, I am not the spectator. I am a character caught in that play which never, never, never reaches its equilibrium” (Alishan 1992:352) Alishan remained gripped by the nightmare of genocide. His Granny, “Gayané, the living martyr,” as he pictured her, governed his life and his emotions. She was a constant presence in his dreams, in his waking thoughts. It was through his grandmother, as it is the case of most third-generation writers, that Alishan saw the Armenian suffering, the Genocide:

In the center of my dream there is a church of stone in Van sealed from outside exhaling screams and smoke from the inside, its congregation of Armenian folk replacing the candles with their flesh. There is a church in my dream made with the bones of dead gods, babies and parrots’ prayers; always, all night, in flames but never burning to the ground. And in the church burns a statue of Mary With my Granny’s face, wax dripping down her eyes drop by drop, on the skin of my dreams. (Alishan 2002) 11

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Leonardo Alishan was himself a victim of the Armenian Genocide who carried upon his frail and weak shoulders the immensity of the traumatic past personified in his grandmother all his life until his tragic death/suicide in 2005. He was only 54.

. . . I search hopelessly for some shade in this ashen April desert to put my Granny down and rest. She is heavy and I am old now and feel the weariness. And it does not seem to matter that I first began to carry Granny on my back when she was thin and fourteen and I was barely nine years old. (From an unpublished poem 2002) 12

The replay of the tragic memory of the Armenian Genocide, even though not at peak intensity, nor as devastating as it was for the first-generation survivors, has been transmitted to subsequent generations and is inspiring literary creations. The topoi associated with the Genocide appear as fragmented images imposing themselves upon everyday life in the New World. Many of Peter Balakian’s poems in Sad Days of Light (1983) illustrate this duality. Through a commingling of images past and present, Balakian registers 1915 in his grandmother’s mind (Shirinian 1990:110-115).13

To Conclude North American-Armenian writer-critic Lorne Shirinian observes, “1915 functions as a symbol through which Armenians have knowledge of themselves and see themselves. Having survived genocide, not only do they have to believe in themselves, but they have to convince others of their existence. Armenian Diaspora literature is an expression of this necessity” (Shirinian 1990:60). Indeed, the quest for self-identity takes imaginative literature along different paths; yet the Genocide and the reconstruction of the memory of it remain at the core as the leitmotif. This is true in the case of the second-generation survivor writers, and examples are many. The intensity of this struggle for an Armenian identity, however, does not necessarily exist to the same degree in all American-Armenian communities. In some cases, the struggle is only that of the intellectual elite, and the wound of the Genocide bleeds through the literary works they produce. The third generation is still caught in that struggle and their responses emerge from the attempt to confront the Genocide in order to grasp its historical and psychological impact, and to uphold memory with which to relate and identify. In this context, I would love to have the time to discuss Nancy Krikorian’s “Zabelle” and her other novels, Mark Arax’s “West of the West”, Aris Janigian’s “Riverbig”, Nancy Agabian’s “Me as Her” and more. I would want to expand this study and take up the genre of dramaturgy reflecting the effects of the Armenian Genocide. But I will stop here and make my last comment:

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The literary representations of the Armenian Genocide will continue to shape the understanding of this unresolved injustice for generations to come. They will function as the most effective transmitters of memory, shoring up commitment to the national struggle. Indeed, it is the artist’s creative power that can capture the unthinkable horrors of the genocide and bring them into the arena of the reader’s imagination. In spite of Yehuda Baur’s warning against the Holocaust being understood through the works of imaginative writers and his labeling this kind of understanding as “metaphysical comprehension,” in spite of Yerushalmi’s dissatisfaction with the image of the Holocaust being shaped by novelists, there is an undeniable truth in the power and intensity of the impact that a literary representation of genocide can make and the crucial role it can play (Young 1988:7). Emil Fackenheim states, to renew the past for present life has always been an essential obligation of historians, philosophers, and theologians (I would add, of the literati as well). And never before has this task been so indispensable and so difficult (Morgan 1997:172). Therefore, I would like to submit that responses to the Armenian Genocide will stand as a monument to the memory of the Armenian tragic past, to the Armenian aspiration to become a nation again, and to find a way to resolve the tragedy in order to make national survival and perpetuation possible.

Notes:

1. The line is from the poem “A Family of Four” by David Kherdian (1970) from the collection, On the Death of My Father and other Poems. 2. Cited in Alvin Rosenfeld, A Double Dying Reflections on Holocaust Literature (1988). 3. For a brief analysis of this work, see the review by Rubina Peroomian, Journal of the Society for Armenian Studies 7 (1994): 205-08. 4. This poem (“For my Father”) and the poem quoted next (“My Father”) are examples of many which resonate the ineffaceable, tormenting memory of the Genocide indirectly transmitted to the author through his father to whom the collection Homage to Adana (1970) is dedicated. 5. The reference to “our Armenian writer in California” is to William Saroyan. 6. For a brief analysis of pilibossian’s poetry, see the review by Rubina Peroomian, Journal of the Society for Armenian Studies 18, 2 (2009): 145-48. 7. The quoted piece is from part 2 of the three-part poem “Tryptich” titled “Why Sand Scorches Armenians.” See About Time (1987), p. 14. 8. For the citation of this tale by Uri Zvi Greenberg and Elie Wiesel’s commentary on it, see Alan L. Berger and Naomi Berger (2001). 9. Quotation from The Chronicle of Higher Education, June 12, 1998, p. B7. 10. This and the next citation are from Marcom’s testimonies on the occasion of the publication of her book in the UC Berkeley Armenian Alumni Newsletter. 11. From an unpublished poem, titled “ECCE HOMO.”

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12. “Growing with My Heritage (For Two Victims of the Armenian Genocide),” fourth in the sequence of four poems he titled “Victims: The Return of the Cruelest Month.” He wrote this sequence in April/May, 2002, unpublished. 13. For an analysis of these images in “The History of Armenia,” see Lorne Shirinian (1990).

References:

1. Alishan, L. (1992) An Exercise on a Genre for Genocide and Exorcism. // The Armenian Genocide: History, Politics, Ethics. / Ed. by R.G. Hovannisian. New York: St. Martin’s Press. 2. Balakian, P. (1983) Sad Days of Light. New York: Sheep Meadow Press. 3. (1998) Black Dog of Fate. New York: Broadway Books. 4. Berger, A.L. and Berger, N. (Eds.) (2001) Second Generation Voices, Reflections by Children of Holocaust Survivors and Perpetrators. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. 5. Derdarian, Mae M. (1996) Vergeen: A Survivor of the Armenian Genocide. Los Angeles: Atmus Press. 6. Der-Hovanessian, D. (1987) About Time. New York: Ashot Press. 7. Edgarian, C. (1994) Rise the Euphrates. New York: Random House Books. 8. Foston, V.S. (2001) Victoria’s Secret: A Conspiracy of Silence. Sacramento: Victoria Lazarian Heritage Association. 9. Grenier, Arpiné Konyalian (1993). “The Apprentice in Exile: Toward an Armenian- American Poetics,” Aspora 1;1: 17-32. 10. Kacikyan, Agop, Christina le Vernoy and Joyce Bailey tr. (2000). A Summer without Dawn. Toronto: McClelland & Steward. 11. Katchadourian, S. (1994) Efronia, An Armenian Love Story. Boston, MA: Northeastern University Press. 12. Kherdian, D. (1970) On the Death of My Father and other Poems. Fresno: Giligia Press. 13. (1970) Homage to Adana, Fresno: Giligia Press. 14. (1979) The Road from Home: The Story of an Armenian Girl. New York: Greenwillow. 15. Langer, Lawrence L. (1991) Holocaust Testimonies, The Ruins of Memory. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. 16. Manoukian, Mariam and Elize (2005) On the other Side of Mount Ararat, a Story of a Vanished City. Glendale, CA: Abril Book Publishing. 17. Marcom, Micheline Aharonian (2001) Three Apples Fell from Heaven. New York: Riverhead Books. 18. Minassian, J. (1986) Many Hills Yet to Climb, Memoir of an Armenian Deportee. Santa Barbara, CA: Jim Cook. 19. Morgan, M.L. (1997) To Seize Memory, History and Identity in Post-Holocaust

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Jewish Thought. // Thinking about the Holocaust, After Half a Century. / Ed. by A.H. Rosenfeld. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. 20. Mugrditchian, H. (1996) To Armenians with Love: The Memoirs of a Patriot. Hobe Sound, Florida: Paul Mart. 21. Nakshian Ketchian, Bertha (1988) In the Shadow of the Fortress: The Genocide Remembered. Cambridge, MA: The Zorian Institute. 22. Ohanian, Th.A. (2001) Lines in the Sand: Love, Tragedy, and the Armenian Genocide. Published by Lines in the Sand Press. 23. Peroomian R. (April 1996) How to Read Genocide Literature, The Problematics, The Search for a Canon. // International Network on Holocaust and Genocide. 24. Pilibossian, H. (2008) History’s Twists: The Armenians. Watertown MA: Ohan Press. 25. Rosenfeld, A. (1988) A Double Dying Reflections on Holocaust Literature. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. 26. Shirinian, L. (1990) Armenian-North American Literature, A Critical Introduction: Genocide, Diaspora, and Symbols. Lewiston, Queenston, Lampeter: The Edwin Mellen Press. 27. Young, J.E. (1988) Writing and Rewriting the Holocaust. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press.

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Ðá¹í³ÍÁ ³Ý¹ñ³¹³éÝáõÙ ¿ μ³½Ù³ÃÇí ³Ù»ñÇÏ³Ñ³Û ·ñáÕÝ»ñÇ` ºÕ»éÝ í»ñ³å- ñ³Í Ý³ËÝÇÝ»ñÇ ë³ñë³÷»ÉÇ ×³Ï³ï³·ñ»ñÁ ·»Õ³ñí»ëïáñ»Ý å³ïÏ»ñ»Éáõ ÙÇçá- óáí Çñ»Ýó ³ñÙ³ïÝ»ñÁ ·ïÝ»Éáõ Ó·ïÙ³ÝÁ: ²Ý·É»ñ»Ýáí Ý»ñÏ³Û³óí³Í ³Ûë å³ï- ÙáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ ÏñáõÙ »Ý Ñ³Û»ñÇ` ³ñ¹»Ý »ññáñ¹ ë»ñÝ¹ÇÝ μÝáñáß Ùß³ÏáõÃ³ÛÇÝ, Ïñá- Ý³Ï³Ý, ëáóÇ³É-ù³Õ³ù³Ï³Ý ÙÇ ß³ñù ³½¹» óáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñ ¨ ß³ï μ³½Ù³½³Ý »Ý: ²ÛÝáõ³Ù»Ý³ÛÝÇí, ¹ñ³Ýó μáÉáñÇ ÑÇÙùáõÙ ÁÝÏ³Í ¿ ºÕ»éÝÇ ¨ ó³Ûëûñ ¹ñ³ ÅËïÙ³Ý Ñ»ï Ï³åí³Í Ñ³Ù³½·³ ÛÇÝ, Ñ³Ù³Ñ³ÛÏ³Ï³Ý Ù»Í áÕμ»ñ·áõÃÛáõÝÁ:

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The Azerbaijani Version of History of National Literature: A Critical Review

Hrachik Mirzoyan, Natalia Gonchar Yerevan State University

e recently happened to get acquainted with a collection of quite an impressive Wvolume named “The Astral Cluster. Folklore and Monuments of Azerbaijan’s Literature.” This collection was published in 2009 in Moscow by the publishing house Fiction (Khudozhestvennaya literatura) with the support of the Interstate Fund of Humanitarian Co-operation of the States – CIS members in the series of “Classics of CIS Literature”. The compiler of the collection is A.M. Bagirov, the introductory article is written by the director of NASA 1, the Institute of Literature after Nizami, academician of NASA B. Nabiev, and the deputy director of the same institute, corresponding member of NASA T. Kerimli, that is, by two authoritative scholars, presenting modern literary criticism, historical-literary science of Azerbaijan; commentaries belong to T. Kerimli and the compiler A. Bagirov. At the very beginning the word of Polad Byulbyul Ogli under the title “Motherland Begins with the Native Language” is placed where the Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Ambassador of Azerbaijan to Russian Federation, People’s Artist of Azerbaijan and professor appeals to “the dearest friends, respectable lovers of books”. While getting properly acquainted with the book published by the efforts of all the above mentioned participants, we observed in it, as expected, a lot of scandalous inaccuracies, illogical and anti-scientific statements, conscious and unconscious falsifications of historical facts, a more than obvious intention to appropriate the literary-cultural values of other peoples and many other phenomena which have nothing to do with such concepts as “science”, “culture”. Frankly speaking, the fact that the Azerbaijani scholars who have created this book (the compiler, the authors of the introductory article, commentaries, partially the translators) could allow themselves to do this does not surprise us at all, because this practice is not new, but has long been established since Soviet times. We are surprised at the utter indifference of the Interstate Fund of the Humanitarian Co-operation of the CIS member-states to the contents of the book, published with its support. We are even more surprised at the completely careless attitude towards the publication with the support of the above mentioned fund on behalf of an authoritative publishing house such as “Fiction”, highly cultured, in our traditional understanding. First of all we surely mean the staff of the publishing house and those listed on the last page, directly responsible for the quality of the “product”. Here are some of them: academician of the Academy of Russian folklore G.V. Pryakhin – head of the publishing group, A.A. Grishanov, N.A. Mukhametishina – deputies of the head, B. Ryabukhin – head of the editorial office, A. Kapustiuk – editor. At what level of humanitarian arts – either intellectual or verbal – did such a, one would think, authoritative publishing group work on this book can be particularly judged by the coherency of thoughts and coherency (or to be

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more exact, incoherency) of the language use by the two academicians of the introductory article. It goes without saying that in one article it is impossible to consider in detail everything that puzzles and causes objection in this book, that is why we will try to invite the reader’s attention to what we think to be most important. Every reader starts reading a book in his/her own way. As far as we are concerned, we first of all prefer to get acquainted with the annotation, which is usually given by the authors, or by the compilers if it is a collection. We begin with this as we believe the annotation reflects the book in the best way. And if within a few minutes one can get a preliminary idea of what the book is about, why should one miss such a chance? Accordingly, while reading the annotation in the book “The Astral Cluster,” we had a great desire to read the book itself. Because of the importance of the annotation for our conversation about the book, we think it important to give it full, bringing out certain parts in it. “The collection ‘The Astral Cluster’ reflects folklore and ancient monuments of literature of the Azerbaijan people in the best way. Its pieces of verbal folk art and written literature have always stood out with rich and deep humanistic ideas. Folklore, having been created by the people for centuries, is its spiritual national wealth. The first folklore samples the baiatis, which are mythical embellishments, are supposed to have been created as far back as BC. The heroic epic ‘The book of our Father Gorgud’ which appeared in written form in the VII century A.D. is presented in the publication. The poetry of the Azerbaijan people has its rich thousand-year-old history. Mekhseti Gyanjevi, Khagani Shirvani, Nizami Gyanjevi, Imadeddin Nasimi, Mukhammed Fizuli and Alekper Sabir are names among the world famous masters of the word. The best samples of folk arts and masters of the poetic word comprising the top of Azerbaijan literature are included in the book. The collection is intended for a wide circle of readers.” 2 As can be seen from the words marked out by us, the characteristic feature of the Azerbaijan verbal folk arts and written literature is the richness and depth of humanistic ideas. As it is further mentioned, the book presents “the best samples of the folk arts and masters of poetic word, comprising the top of Azerbaijan literature”. Thus, we can conclude, that the one who has written the annotation considers richness of humanistic ideas typical of all the works included in the collection. There is and there cannot be any doubt, that many works included in the collection – either folk or written creations, either in verse or in prose – are deeply penetrated with humanistic ideas. However, there are undoubtedly quite a few pages in the book full of antihumanistic ideas and moods. We mean, in particular, the “Book of our Father Gorgud” defined as a heroic epic which, just like the Azerbaijanians, the Turks consider to be their own national epic. Moreover, according to the research of many scholars, in terms of its folklore origin, it goes back to the epic stories formed during centuries by the Oguz – the Turkish speaking peoples of Central Asia – which the scholars, presenting the structure of the book, did not think important to mention about either in the article or in the commentaries, perhaps suppos- ing that there is no need to burden “the general reader” with superfluous information con-

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cerning the text intended to assert the antiquity of the Azerbaijan literature and by the number of the pages in the book (200p.) exceeding even Nizami Gyanjevi (140p.) about whom there is at least, some information, though evasive. It is not a secret, that every folk epic exaggerates and praises the physical force and beauty of its hero, his mental and emotional qualities, ascribes to him supernatural force, unusual beauty, intellect, quick wit, whereas the enemy or enemies are, on the contrary, physically weak, deformed, mentally and emotionally helpless, and miserable, which is quite understandable, for it is an epic which aims at evoking heroism, courage, pride and similar qualities in the compatriots. In this respect the Oguz epic is not an exception and this is quite natural. It is not a secret either, that in all epics various military actions and battles take place, where people are killed and blood is shed, but all this happens in the battlefield in direct conflict with the enemies. Numerous similar episodes can also be found in the Oguz epic, which is also quite natural. However, unlike other epics, here “to cut heads, to shed blood” is something usual not only in the battlefield but also in everyday life and these are considered to be the highest virtue and valour. Therefore, the basic and, perhaps, the only condition of cognizing the maturity of a boy, a son, as well as the courage, honour and dignity of a mature man is the ability of beheading and shedding blood. This must be the reason why boys are not given names before they are sixteen, i.e. before they display and prove their capability in this respect. Likewise, the social status of a mature man, the honour and high regard for him are determined by the number of heads he has cut and the amount of blood he has shed. Difficult to believe? Here are examples to verify the fact. In the third dastan (chapter) 3 of the epic, entitled “Canto about Bamsi-Beirek, son of Kan-Bur”, it is told, that Bai-Bura-bek had no offsprings, which upset him very much, and here he comes to a feast to Bayundur-khan and begins to wail and sob that he has no son, nobody to inherit his crown, and after his death his position and lodging will be inherited by nobody. Heeding his sobbings, the beks pray the Most High God asking for a son for Bai-Bura-bek. “In that age the beks’ blessings were believed to be real, their curses could call down upon the cursed, their prayers were heard indeed” (p. 32). The Most High God naturally gave a son to Bai-Bura-bek, and the latter was extremely glad. He called his merchants, told them to go to the country of the Greeks and bring good gifts for his son before the boy grew up. Sixteen years passed before the merchants’ returned, but the bek’s son had no name yet, because “in that age the young man was not given a name before he cut heads, shed blood” (p. 33). It so happened that the djigit still without a name went hunting and on his way he met the merchants returning from Istanbul 4. They had been attacked by the unfaithful from the fortress Onik 5. The young man without a name, conquered the giavurs, who had stopped somewhere and were busy dividing the money (“whoever of the giavurs raised his head, he killed him, accomplishing a feat for their faith and took back the merchants’ goods”, p. 33). Returning home the son tells his father about the merchants’ return, but he does not say anything about his feat. The merchants arrive, welcome the bek, but seeing that their rescuer is sitting next to him – “the djigit, who cut the heads, shed blood” (p. 34), come up to him and kiss his hand. The bek is filled with indignation: “you worthless, born from worthless! Why do you kiss

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the son’s hand, when his father is before you?” The merchants apologize, explain that their goods would have been lost in Georgia, and they would have been in captivity but for this djigit. This is what the bek-father says: “Tell me, did my son cut heads, shed blood? The merchants replied: “Yes, he cut heads, shed blood, threw people down on to the ground (ibid). Thinking that it was time to give his son a name, Bai-Bura-bek invites the Oguz beks to a feast, and, according to the tradition, Grandfather Korkut gives a name to the young man and says: “Listen to my word Bai-Bura-bek! The Most High God gave you a son, let Him keep your son! Let your son be a support for the Muslims carrying a heavy banner! Let the Most High God ease his ascent when he climbs up the black, snowy mountains lying before us! Let the God ease his crossing when he crosss the rivers stained with blood! Let the Most High God give your son success when he invades the dense crowd of giavurs!” (ibid). In the fourth dastan of the epic (“Canto about how Kazan-bek’s son Uruz-bek was taken captive”) Kazan-bek orders to put up tents, to place silk carpets and call “ninety detachments of young Oguzes to him for a talk.” The beks are given golden glasses with red wine, in the centre of all this, is Kazan-bek, distributing rich presents. His brother is sitting on his right, the governor on his left, and his son Uruz is standing in front of him, leaning on a bow. Kazan looks to the right and laughs loudly, looks to the left and is filled with great joy, looks at his son and is extremely upset. His son does not like it, he wonders why his father began to cry looking at him. He wants to know the reason, otherwise he says, “I will get up from my seat, take my black-eyed djigits with me and go to the blood-thirsty people of Abkhaz, I will press my hand to the gold cross and kiss the hand of the man dressed in chasuble, I will marry the black-eyed daughter of the giavur and never appear before your eyes any longer”. His father has to explain what the matter is: “When I looked to the right I saw my brother Kara-Gyune, he cut heads, shed blood, received an award, attained fame. When I looked to the left I saw governor Aruz who had brought me up: he had cut heads, shed blood, received an award, attained fame. When I looked in front of me, I saw you, you have lived sixteen years; there will come a day when I die, and you remain; you haven’t drawn the bow, haven’t shot an arrow, you haven’t shed blood, neither have you received an award among the brave Oguzes. Tomorrow will come the time when I die, and you remain, alas, you won’t be given my crown or my throne; thinking about this, I thought of my end and began to cry” (p. 49- 50). The son’s answer is not less attractive: he first wonders who learns from whom – the son from his father or the father from his son, and then he adds: “When you used to take me with you, took me to the giavurs’ borders, did you strike with your sword, did you cut heads? What did I see from you, what was I to learn?” Feeling happy with this answer, the father decides to start off at once and show him the place “where I shot arrows, where I struck with my sword and cut heads; I will take him with me, go to the borders of the giavurs… this is what the young man needs, beks” (p. 50). Kazan-bek, of course, goes to the giavurs’ borders, but it so happens that his son Uruz is taken captive, and what happens next has nothing to do with the question we are dwelling on. Dastan ten (“Canto about Sekrek, son of Ushun-Kodja”) deserves special attention from the perspective of our interest. It is told here that in the age of Oguzes there was a

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man called Ushun-Kodja, and he had two sons; Ekrek – the elder, and Sekrek – the younger. Ekrek is said “to go to Kazan’s divan (palace) – the bek of beks, without any obstacle; attacking the beks, he sat in front of Kazan without paying any attention to any- body”. Once, when he, having attacked the beks was sitting, a djigit named Ters-Uzamish says to him: “Listen, son of Ushun-Kodja! Each of the beks sitting here has won the seat where he is now sitting at by the strikes of his sword, by distributing bread: and did you cut heads, and did you shed blood, did you feed a hungry man, did you dress a bare- foot?” (p. 89) Ekrek asks; “Tell me Ters-Uzamish, is cutting heads, shedding blood a valour?” He answers without beating about the bush; “yes, it is a valour”. Under the influence of such speeches Ekrek gets up and asks Kazan-bek to give warriors for a foray. Kazan gives him warriors for the foray and tells them to set off. The army of raiders gathers round Ekrek, they drink and eat for five days in a public house, then they “struck” the people from Sherigyuz to Gekche-deniz 6, collected a lot of plunder” and went on “striking”, but they came across an unapproachable fortress, the raiders were beaten by the giavurs, Ekrek was captured and put to prison. Years passed, and his younger brother Sekrek accidentally heared where his elder brother was imprisoned, and made up his mind to liberate his brother at any cost. Three days and three nights he rode his horse, “passed across the plain Sham” (“an area between Nakhichevan and Djulfa” according to the note on p. 277). The way Sekrek liberated his brother is not so important in this particular case. What is of interest to us in this story is that for the first and the only time in the whole epic, Ekrek questions the Oguz moral, according to which “cutting heads, shedding blood” is a valour, but hearing the determined reply of Ters-Uzamish, he gives way at once, asks for warriors and starts a robber’s raid with them, that is to say, in order to secure a high position for himself, he goes to cut heads and shed blood. The Oguz epic asserts this as a type of “valour”, whereas the fact that the compilers of the book - the academic authors of its introductory article and the distinguished work- er of culture and diplomacy together with them - consider “The Book of Korkut” to be a work full of humanistic ideas is a matter of their conscience. One thing is doubtless: People’s Artist of Azerbaijan Byulbyul Ogli is quite right saying that “The Astral Cluster” in which, along with other “literary masterpieces”, the epic occupies such an important and an impressive place, will help “to cognize the world of Azerbaijan at least partly, to feel the peculiarities of our national character” (p. 5). In fact, while reading this epic, you understand the specificity of not only the Azerbaijani, but also the Turkish national character, you get convinced, that neither the Genocide of the Armenians in 1915, nor the massacre of the Armenians in Shushi in 1920 were accidential, nor were the quite recent mass beatings of the Armenians in Sumgait, Baku and in Maragh, nor the brutal murder (with an axe!) of the sleeping Armenian officer, committed by an Azerbaijani military man, nor the barbarous destruction of the Armenian khachkars in Djugha, and at last the Turkish-Azerbaijan practice of raising thugs and murderers to the rang of heroes in recognition of their “valours”. We should hasten to add, that it is partly the fault of the specialists in epic studies for however valuable their work in studying the origin and life of the epic may be, they have hardly paid any attention to the sermon and praise of the brutal aggression and blood-thirst in it. We say “hardly”, because in the literature quite

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known to us, it is only Academician V.V. Bartold who scratches the surface of the question. In his work “The Turkish Epic and the Caucasus” he writes: “The Book about Korkud” gives quite an obvious idea in what spirit the cantos were created by the epic- tellers. The cult of war for the sake of war is vividly manifested. The right to be respected is given to those only who have cut heads, shed blood” (p. 114). A reasonable question arises: when was the Turkish-Azerbaijani, that is, the Oguz epic created? As we have already seen in the annotation adduced above, it is clearly stated: “The heroic epic “The Book of Our Father Gorgud” introduced in the publication appeared in written form in the VII century A.D.” The same in a slightly different way is repeated by Professor Byulbyul Ogli: “So, if I am personally asked what Azerbaijan begins with, I will promptly answer: with the mother tongue, in which our ancestors spoke, with this cherished and essential Word which was at the base of our first written literary monument (marked out by us: G.M., N.G.) – the heroic epic “Kitabi- Grandfather-Gorgud”, which in word for word translation means “The Book of Our Father Gorgud”. This anonymous literary masterpiece was first rewritten on papyrus more than 1300 years ago” (p. 4). Displaying diplomatic caution, the professor does not mention the exact century, but what does “more than 1300 years ago” mean – it means the same VII century A.D. In fact, quite a different point of view is expressed in the introductory article, called “A thousand-year-old school of humanism and beauty,” the authors of which head the academic institute of literature and, as a matter of fact, know the history of the epic better than others. This is what they write: “Having been created on the territory of Azerbaijan, connected with the toponyms and oiconyms of Azerbaijan 7, the heroic epic “The Book of Our Father Gorgud” is the oldest verbal monument of our people. The life and activity of Father Gorgud, accepted by science as the creator of the epic, coincides with the time of Muslim prophet Muhammed (570-632), and this is testified by the original and by the information given in the introductory part of the literary monument. Consequently, the appearance of the verbal version of “The Book of Our Father Gorgud” refers to the VII century A.D., which coincides with the epoch of creating Orchono-Enisei monuments. It is not accidental, as specialists confess, that there is some similarity in the language and style of both monuments (pp. 15-16). As we see, the Azerbaijani scholars consider the Oguz epic “the oldest verbal monument” of their people. Hence, the information included in the annotation that “the first folklore samples – baiatis, mythical embellishments – are supposed to have been created still before Christ” is not right, to put it mildly. Neither is the respectable ambassador and professor Polad Byubyul Ogli’s statement in the annotation, that the epic received a written form in the VII century. It is wrong, because, judging by a number of real historical events, facts (conquest of Constantinople by the Turks in 1453, the kingdom of Trapezund in 1461, and others) mentioned in the epic, academician V.V. Bartold having spent a lot of years on the minute study of the Turkish epic and its translation into Russian, has long and irrefutably proved, that the composition of the “Book about Korkud” should be referred to the XV century. As far as “the appearance of the verbal version of the “Book of Our Father Gorgud” in the VII century A.D.” and “certain similarities” in its language and style with Orchono-Enisei monuments are concerned, here

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everything is more than natural and clear. Any folk epic, even if it is cursory and unsys- tematic, directly or indirectly, contains valuable information about the historical past of the people who have created it, about the way they have passed, about their manners and customs, their character and psychology. In this respect the Oguz-Turkic folk epic is not an exception. As shown by the authoritative researchers of the epic (V.V. Bartold, V.M. Jirmunski, A.Y. Yakubovski, K.A. Inostrantsev, A.N. Kononov and others), it really began to form in the VII century A.D., when the Oguz-Turks still lived on the territory of Central Asia, hence “there is certain similarity in the language and style of both monuments.” But as under the pressure of the Uigurs, the Oguz-Turks gradually left their historical motherland 8 and reached historical Persia and Asia Minor moving on throughout the following centuries, it is quite natural for their advances and stoppages, in addition to their achievements and losses, as well as the hardships they caused to others on their way, to be reflected in the Oguz epic. Here is what V.M. Jirmunski – an outstanding scholar and a connoisseur of the Oguz epic – writes, proceeding from the results of V.V. Bartold’s investigations. “After the fall of the Mongol dominion in Asia Forward since the beginning of the XIV century, the nomandic tribes of Oguzes who were among the settled population of Trancaucasus and Asia Minor, form huge tribal unions of the Turkmens of “the Black sheep” (кара койунлу) and “the White sheep” (ак койунлу). At the head of the latter was the Oguz tribe Bayindir (V.V. Bartold has the version Bayundur), from which the ruling dynasty originated. The main centre of this group of the Oguz tribes in the XIV century was the town of Amid (now Diarbekir) in the upper waters of the Tigris. The Byzantine sources of this time call the Turkmens of the White sheep Amitiotams. The centre of the other group – the Turkmens of the Black sheep was initially on the Armenian Plateau to the north of Lake Van. The struggle between these two groups was completed with the victory of the first one by the end of the XIV century (1389), and for the second time in the middle of the XV century (1467). “The tribe Bayindir”, academician V.A. Gordlevski – a historian of the state of Oguzes writes, – occupied a dominant position in Asia Minor in the XIV-XV centuries”. The peak of its might the power of ak-koyunlu reached in the middle of the XV century under Uzun-Khasan from the dynasty of Bayundurs (1457-1478), when it comprised in its borders “southern Azerbaijan, Karabakh, Armenia, Kurdistan, Diarbekir, Iraq Arabic (Mesopotamia), Iraq Persian(North-West Iran), Fars and Kirman,” and the capital of Padishah was moved to Tebriz (from 1468 to 1501). Towards the beginning of the XVI century it was ruined under the blows of more steady state unions of the Ottoman Turks and Persian Sevefids (“kizilbashes”). From another Oguz tribe – Kai – the clan of Osman originated uniting the Oguz tribes in the Western part of Asia Minor, on the border of the Byzantine estates. From the middle of the XIV century, the Ottomans lead the Turkish military expansion to the West, against Byzantine and the Balkan Slaves, occupied Constantinopole (1453) and Trapezund (1461), by the end of the XV century overrode the remnants of other state unions of the Oguzes in Asia Minor and Azerbaijan, and later the Arab countries of the Forward East, creating on this basis the Ottoman Empire, the greatest multinational

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Muslim state with the centre in Istanbul (Constantinople)” (pp.136-137). Since the historical process of the formation of the Oguz-Osman state lasted centuries, as rightfully remarked by the scholar, “while dating the origin of epic stories with the help of the historical and geographic facts in them the duration of the process of making the epic should also be taken into account” (p.142). Keeping to his methodological principle the scholar writes: “In their last form fixed in “The Book of Korkut”, the Oguz epic stories, as V.V. Bartold has shown, are closely connected with the historical and geographic situation of the Transcaucasus and, we should add, the eastern part of Asia Minor, where the Oguzes have found their new motherland since the XI century.” “The action”, says V.V. Bartold, “takes place on the Armenian Highland; the giavurs, who the giants have to deal with, are Greeks from Trapezund, Georgians, Abkhazians.” The Oguz knights make marches as far as Amid (in the upper waters of the Tigris) and Mardina in the South, up to Derbent and Traspezund in the North; the fortresses Baiburt and Dizmert (near the Black Sea) are in the giavurs’ hands; Bard and Ganja (in the Trancaucasus) are on the border of the Oguzes’ region”. Fairy tale giants live on this very locality – in the Armenian Highlands – a nomadic or seminomadic way of life, like the contemporaries of the singers, with herds of horses, camels and sheep, with summers in the mountains, as well as gardens and vineyards” (above and here the reference is made to V.V. Bartold: G.M., N.G.). Perhaps, it would be better to say more exactly: in the stories of the cycle of Korkut, the militant tribes are depicted who settled down as owners among the settled population of another tribe or on the borders of the region of ancient settlement, towns and fortresses of “giavurs”, which are the target of their continuous raids” (pp. 142-143). Against the background of these raids on the towns and fortresses of the giavurs, con- tinually made by the militant tribes let us remember about the “humanistic ideas” and return to the dating of the epic, fixed by the scholar: “Thus, we have every reason to suppose it is in the tribal atmosphere of ak-koyunlu, in the period of the political hegemony and the military expansion of the Bayundurs, that is approximately from the middle of the XIV century till the first half of the XV century, that the originally ancient stories of the Oguz people, received the last verbal-poetic form, which lay at the base of “The Book of Korkut”. This process was durable and pro- ceeded in various chronological frameworks for different stories (Baiburt as a fortress of the giavurs in the story III makes us think about the very beginning of the mentioned period). Anyway, it had been completed by the time when “The Book of Korkut” received literary treatment (supposedly in the second quarter of the XV century). However, this latest, Middle-Eastern period of the creative history of the Oguz epic, for a number of epic stories is, undoubtfully, preceded by an earlier, Central Asian period. As rightfully mentioned by V.V. Bartold, “the legends about Oguzes, Korkud and Kazanbek are undoubtedly moved to the West in the epoch of Seldjuk Empire (XI-XII cc.) to which also refers Turkization of Azerbaijan, the Transcaucasus and Asia Minor.” This statement is asserted by studying the contemporary folklore of Turkic speaking peoples of Central Asia, first of all the Turkmens, the nearest descendants of Central Asian Oguzes, and then of their neighbours – Kazakhs, Karakalpaks, nomadic and seminomadic Uzbeks. Vast material of historical and folklore legends is also contained in the

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“Genealogy of the Turkmens” by Khivin Khan Abulgazi (1660)… It is partly based on the written sources, first of all on the wonderful work by Rashid-ad-din (1247-1318), compiled in the Persian language: “Djami’ at-tavarikh” (“collection of chronicles”, the beginning of the XIV century), which is the basic source on the early history of the Turkic and Mongol peoples. On the other hand, Abulgazi repeatedly refers to the verbal legends of the Turkmen people, to the “bakhshi (folk tale narrators) of the past years and notable people from the Turkmens, who had spent their life in battles, to “wise old people among the Turkmens, who know the history,” to the “notable people and bakhshi among the Turkmens, knowledgeable about history”. Referring to the historical and folklore sources of Central Asia, in a number of cases, enables us to assert with quite a high degree of authenticity, which particular stories of the Korkut cycle were created by the Oguzes in more ancient times in the low waters of the Sir-Daria, where we find them in the IX-X centuries, and which appeared later in the XII-XIV centuries, already on the territory of the Transcaucasus and Asia Minor. Since the move of the Oguzes to the West under the leadership of the Seljuks took place in the first half of the XI century, we can conclude that the legends about Korkut, Salor-Kazan, Alpamishe-Bamsi and some others, testified in “The Book of Korkut” and at the same time in the Central Asian sources, appeared in Central Asia not later than at the beginning of the XI century. It goes without saying, that in the verbal tradition of a later time these more ancient epic stories also underwent quite a considerable creative treatment, before they got the ultimate form in which they have reached us in “The Book of Korkut” (pp. 144-145). At the end of his great, classically scientific historical-philological investigation, V.M. Jirmunski summarises: “The Book of Korkut” is a recording and a written treatment of epic stories and cantos of the Oguz folk tale narrators - epic tellers. These stories, or “bilins” in terms of Bartold (“Oguz-name”) were created in different times and by various folk tale narrators, partly on the territory of Central Asia, in the low waters of the Sir- Daria (IX-X cc.), partly in the new motherland of Oguzes, in the Transcaucasus (Azerbaijan) and in the neighbouring regions of Asia Minor (XI-XVcc.). The characters of Korkut and Salor-Kazan, his wife – the stalwart Burla-Khatun, and his son Uzur-bek refer to the Centralasian period of the Oguz epic; Kara-Gyne could perhaps join them, as well as Kazan’s brother, cantos about whom haven’t reached us, and, possibly, his son Kara-Budagh, too. The legendary “age of Korkut” and Salor-Kazan, as Abulgazi knew from the Turkmen tradition, were the IX-X centuries, a time “three hundred years later after our prophet”, connected with the names of the Oguz khans from the tribe Kai in the semihistorical legends of the Turkmen people” (p. 256). We think that the adduced results, gained in the process of the long thorough scientific research of the Oguz-Turkic epic by authoritative specialists, undeniably testify that: this epic, could not by any means have appeared “in written form in the VII century A.D”, as asserted in the annotation. It is only by misunderstanding (probably because of disinformation, doubtful sources, or perhaps some other reason), that professor Byulbyul Ogli’s statement saying that “this literary masterpiece (that is, the “Book of our Father Gorgud”, G.M., N.G.) was rewritten on papyrus for the first time more than 1300 years ago” penetrated into the introduction; secondly, neither could the verbal ver-

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sion of “the Book…” have appeared in the VII century (as was asserted in the introductory article by the academicians) because only the beginning of the formation of the epic refers to this time, it acquired its final form only hundreds of years later – in the XV century, after which it was recorded and passed to the following generations in written form. And as it began to shape, when the Oguz-Turks (Turkmens) still lived in Central Asia, and was finally shaped in the new territories occupied by them, in particular, in the Armenian Plateau and in Asia Minor, hence the similarity“ in the language and style” of the monument, specified in the introduction by the authors, with the Orchono-Enisei monuments and the existence of the toponyms of the occupied territories in it, including those of Azerbaijan. Let us see now, in what way another folklore genre – the baiatis are presented in the collection. In the annotation it is said: “The first folklore samples – the baiatis, the mythical sayings, are supposed to have been created still Before Christ.” First of all, as already mentioned, the academic scholars consider the Oguz epic, created, in their own opinion, in the VII century A.D. to be “the most ancient verbal monument” of their people. Thus, in fact, they themselves deny the existence of samples of the Azerbaijan folklore before the VII century A.D. It follows that the biatis, included into this collection or not, could have been created neither B.C., nor even before the VII century. This purely logical conclusion is also entirely confirmed by the contents of the baiatis presented in the collection. While reading the thirty nine samples of this genre, it strangely turns out that though, still before our era, the Azerbaijan people had the notions “motherland” (see baiati 1, numeration is ours-G.M.N.G.) “dear parts” (3), “ruined fatherland” (7) and “dear land” (9), however with the impressive size of Azerbaijan’s territory, the unknown authors of the baiati did not choose a single “native” toponym. The only dear to their hearts and worthy of glory were not at all the Azerbaijan “Araks” (11) and “Karabakh” (10, 15, 16). It is obvious how the samples in the collection of nearly the ancient folklore genre are loaded with a current geopolitical subtext. And since in the adduced annotation it is said that the collection “includes the best samples of folk arts and the masters of poetic word comprising the height of Azerbaijan literature”, we will adduce the following baiati(16) in order to give the reader some idea of what they are.

Both on foot and in a bullock cart By Kaiaks and ships Walked around, travelled all over the world Nothing is better than Karabakh.

By the sequence of the baiatis in the collection, one can suppose that this sequence is based on a chronological principle, and it means, that baiati 16 was created earlier than the next twenty three. Opportunely, it can be well seen in the enumeration of the means of transport in it. Such means of transport of the XIX-XX centuries as train, automobile, plane, helicopter and others are unknown to the nameless author. However one thing is clear: still many, many centuries before us (“presumably B.C.”) one of the courageous sons of Azerbaijan, who created these baiatis travelled in bullock carts, by ships and by

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boats all over the world and got convinced that there was no better place on the earth, than Karabakh. We are rather well informed about the Azerbaijan means of transport, so the travel of the creator of the baiati “on foot” and in “bullock carts” and “by ships” is also quite understandable. But what could it mean “by kaiaks?” As far as this means of transport mentioned by the Azerbaijan creator of the baiati is concerned, we looked it up in the encyclopedia and read: “Kaiak is a small trading boat, in the past it was widely spread among the peoples of the Arctic Region (it is still preserved by part of Canadian and Greenland Eskimos). The latticed carcass of the Kaiak is made of wood or bone and is upholstered from above with the skin of sea animals. In the upper part a hole is left, which is stretched by a belt around the girdle of the rower. It is operated by two small oars or by one twobladed oar. K. is almost unsinkable and is well adapted to the movements in the sea 9.” Thus, we not only found out the meaning of the word, but also learned that in ancient times the unknown creator of the baiati, in order to feel the beauty of Karabakh, had to get even to the Arctic Region and cross its seas by Kaiak. Though it is more than clear why this and similar baiatis are included in the collection, nevertheless a number of questions arise. Let’s ask the compilers and the publishers (who did not think about the literary adequacy but they should have thought about at least the sense quality of the baiatis included in the collection) some of these questions: 1. We wonder if the Azerbaijani polar explorer built the Kaiaks himself or he took ready made ones from the Canadian and Greenland Eskimos? 2. Did Azerbaijan not submit an application to include into the Guinness Book of Records the unknown creator of the baiatis, who travelled in the seas of the Arctic Region in his kaiak? Because this fact will some time serve him as solid grounds to try to establish his rights on the Arctic Region, as he tries today to spread his rights on the territories and cultural values of the neighbouring countries (Iran, Armenia). 3. How can one explain, that many centuries ago, for the unknown Azerbaijanian who travelled in the Arctic Region in a kaiak, out of all regions of Azerbaijan with its natural diversity and richness, with the Caspian Ñea and its picturesque shores, with other wonderful sights, none of these places turned out to be so dear as Karabakh? 4. Was there any sense to place the origin of the genre itself into such a long distance of time (B.C.), and send the poor nameless author to such a vast space as far as the Arctic Region for the sake of this unsuccessful baiati hastily concocted in Baku? It has long been known, that the Azerbaijan people who, without any doubt, have their unique national culture, and literature in particular, which developed during the last few centuries, but have no, or few cultural, literary values in particular, coming from the depths of centuries, try hard to ascribe the cultural values of other peoples, first of all Persians and Armenians to themselves. To gain their goal, they are ready to make use of any means – obvious falsification and lie, passing over in silence or distortion of historical facts, statements having nothing to do with reality or logic and so on. It is especially notable that under this disguise, they try to lay scientific, so to say, foundation and on the pseudoscientific basis thought of by themselves, to justify their actions. Being guided by this very principle, the academic authors of the introductory article “A thousand- year-old school of humanism and beauty” consciously forget the qualitative difference existing between the natural resources and the spiritual values, and firstly, they put a sign

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of equation between them, and secondly, forgetting the specificity of use of natural resources, suggest spreading it over the spiritual values as well. Hence they proclaim the following: “…like all the natural resources of the planet Earth - the cradle of human civilization - refer to the whole mankind no matter whether this or that people or concrete ethnic group lives on this territory or not, by the same reason the treasures of the cultural values belong to the whole mankind, but not to separate peoples, who have created just part of the masterpieces of the world civilization” (p.60). Do these authors themselves believe in what they proclaim? If they really do, let them inform us what natural resources mined from which depth and exactly from which territory belong to “the whole mankind, no matter…” Maybe they mean oil and gas mined on the territory of Azerbaijan, which are sold to other peoples of the planet Earth at high prices, and the sums gained are spent on military and political purposes of “a separate people”. If “all the natural resources” really belong to “the whole mankind”, why do then for already decades without coming to an agreement, not only Azerbaijan but also all nearcaspian states argue about the oil and gas in the depths of the Caspian sea, or let’s ask again why the borders of Azerbaijan, also those of Turkey are closed for Armenia (to please Azerbaijan) for already more than twenty years? The authors of the article would be right, if they formulated a different thesis, that is, “the natural resources of the cradle of human civilization of the planet Earth” belong only to the people living on the given territory or to the ethnic group, to be more exact, to the political and employer’s top settled down there, whereas the harmful consequences of barbarous exploitation of these resources (pollution of the air, climatic changes, ecological harm in its numerous varieties and so on) which are equally threatening, belong to “the whole mankind, no matter ...’’. If the assertion that the natural resources of the planet Earth belong to “the whole mankind” is an obvious nonsense, the inconsistency of the other assertion is even more obvious, for it means that these values belong to any people of the planet Earth, “and not to separate peoples, who have definitely created” these “cultural values.” However strange it may be, the academic scholars surely mix the concepts of “belonging” and “using”. Of course, unlike “natural resources”, cultural, literary values are open to everyone who wants to make use of them frankly and in a concerned way, but of course, they are not birthless and “ownerless”, they belong to the peoples who have created them, to the national cultures, and no artificial theories will change anything. The authors of such a theory forget that if the natural resources exhaust themselves depending on their use, the literary-artistic and other written-verbal values not only do not exhaust themselves depending on their use, but, on the contrary, to a certain extent they enrich and get enriched. Another thing is that it is much easier to make use of the miner- al resources given by nature, than by spiritual values, because their pure physical, formal possession does not presuppose at all their mastering or understanding. The latter are acquired in the process of spiritual, intellectual and moral maturing – a process which is difficult and long and, unfortunately, not quite available to everybody, let alone instant- ly and at one stroke. Continuing to develop their geological theory, the authors of the introductory article enrich the methodology of the composition of the story of national literature by introduc-

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ing into it two, in modern terms, innovative approaches – geographic and ethnic. They write in black and white: “Azerbaijani folklore and written literature are inseparably connected with the historical development of Azerbaijan, it is because of this that while investigating the Azerbaijan literature, the necessity for applying two principles taking into account two factors, i.e. territorial and ethnic, arise” (p. 14). A natural question is bound to arise: is there a literature of any country in the world, not connected inseparably with the development of the given country? We think, we can hardly find a historian of literature in the world, who would say, that Russian, English, French, German, Indian, Chinese, Japanese, Persian literatures are not “inseparably” connected with the historical development of their countries. It appears, that it is not at all “because of this” that the authors introduce the two principles(!) taking into account again two (!) factors: “territorial and ethnic”, but just because they want to ascribe to Azerbaijan cultural values not connected with it either in terms of content, or spiritually or artistically. Can you not believe it? Let us read at least the following: “By the territorial principle, the literature created by the ancient authors on the territory of Azerbaijan, is considered to be the wealth of the literary treasure of Azerbaijan 10. According to this principle, Zoroastr born on the territory of South Azerbaijan in the valley of the river Araks in the VII-VI centuries B.C. and his creation “Avesta” “may be” (!) investigated not only as a common literary monument of the neighbouring peoples, but also as a monument of the Azerbaijan people. Such samples of Albanian literature – people of ancient Albania, which is part of the ethnogenesis of the Azerbaijan people and created an independent state in the IV-VI centuries A. D., the works “Albanian History,” by Musa Kalankatla, “Weeping Over the Death of the Albania’s Ruler Djevanshir” by the Albanian poet Davdak are also monuments representing the ancient period of the development of Azerbaijan literature 11 (p. 14). Let’s give here a short commentary concerning the two “samples” mentioned. At first about the first one. The authors deliberately Azerbaijanize the name of Movses Kaghankatvatsi (Kalankatuatsi), in order to conceal his being an Armenian. We have before us an example of how the Azerbaijani scholars behave in the postsoviet period. Some 50 years ago the picture was quite different. In the first volume of the multi-volume “Soviet Historical Encyclopedia” published at that time, in the article “Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic” written by the well-known in those years Azerbaijani historian A.N. Guliev, we read: “At the beginning of the fifth century an alphabet of 52 letters already existed in Albania. Schools were opened here, which were in the hands of the clergy, books basically of religious character were translated into the language of Albans. Literature and science developed in Albania, beginning from the 7 th century, the formation of the history of Albania started (“History of Aghvans”), the author of the first part of which was chronologist Moisei Kalankaitukski (Movses Kaghankatvatsi)” (ibid, p. 230) 12 We think it is not difficult to see from the clarifications in brackets that the chronologist who composed “the History of Aghvans” was Armenian (it is written just in Armenian and has been preserved). Moreover, in the bibliography “Sources and literature for the article” it is given: “Kagankatvatsi M., History of Aghvans (translated by K. Patkanov) SPb1861 (p. 262).”

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In today’s atmosphere it is worth paying attention to the fact, that in the section “Chronology” of the same article compiled by L. Alieva and Z. A. Dulyaeva, it is stated: “1724 - a treaty between the Azerbaijanians of Gandja and the Armenians of Karabakh (marked out by us G.M. N.G.) on joint struggle against the Turkish invaders” (p.254). Hence it is clear, that at that time only Armenians lived in Karabakh, and the Azerbaijanians concluded a treaty with them about the joint struggle against the invaders – the Turks, but today they are already in union with the same Turks and try to seize Armenian Karabakh. History is full of paradoxes, isn’t it? Now let’s come back to the second “sample”. Its author’s name is not given in full with an intentional cut off. It is usually given “Davtak Kertogh”, which means “Davtak the Poet.” The Armenian word “kertogh”, which gives out the nationality of the author of the “Weeping”, the scholars have taken away, however forgetting that the word “Davtak” (Դավթակ) is the diminutive form from “David” in Armenian. It should be noted that the reader may get acquainted with this “sample” in the following publication: Davtak Kertogh. Weeping on the Death of the Grand Duke Djevanshir. The original in Old Armenian (grabar) and the translations into modern Armenian, Russian, English, French, German, Spanish, Polish. Forward, composition and commentaries by Levon Mkrtchyan (Yerevan, 1986). From the fragment from the introductory article adduced above we can see that its scholarly authors apply quite different approaches to the Persian and the Armenian literary monuments which have nothing to do with Azerbaijan literature: in the case of “Avesta”, they say, that it “can be investigated not only as a common literary monument of the neighbouring peoples, but also as a monument of the people of Azerbaijan”, whereas in the case of the Armenian authors Movses Kaghankatvatsi and Davtak Kertogh - that their works “are also monuments, representing the ancient period of the development of Azerbaijan literature.” We think that though the scholars write it, they themselves do not believe that “Avesta” may be investigated not only as a common literary monument of the neighbouring peoples, but also as a monument of the Azerbaijan people” and that the works by Movses Kaghankatvatsi and Davtak Kertogh “are monuments representing the ancient period of the development of the literature of Azerbaijan”. How can they believe, that “Avesta” created in the VII-VI centuries B.C. and the works by the Armenian authors created in the VII century A.D. can be “theirs” and included into the history of Azerbaijan literature, if they know perfectly well, that during the creation of these works or even later the ancestors of the current Azerbaijanians - the Oguz-Turks were still in Central Asia and came to the Caucasus only in the XI century A.D. as testified by their epic and the investigations of such authoritative specialists as V.V. Bartold, V.M. Jirmunski, A.Y. Yakubovski and others. This is not denied by the academic scholars either, who write on the next page (15): “The study of our literature by the ethnic principle shows that monuments created by the Turkic ethnos before the XIII century had already received citizenship in it and contributed a lot to the formation of the ethnogenesis of the Azerbijan people who had their own contribution to their literature (responsibility for the word order and the use of the capital A in the Russian sentence lies on the editors of the Moscow publishing house – G.M., N.G.). These monuments of the VI-VIII

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centuries are basically presented by Orchono-Enisei carvings on cliffs, by Turkic translations and original monuments of the VIII-X centuries, by the work of XI century “Divanu lu-gat-i-Turk (“Combined Dictionary of Turkic Languages”) by Makhmud Kashgari and by the poem of his contemporary Yusif Khaza Khadjib - “Kutadgu bilik” – “Knowledge of happiness”, considered to be the Turkic “Shakhname.” “We quite agree with the respectable authors that belonging to the Oguz-Turkic group of tribes and having lived until the XI century in the language areal of Orchono-Enisei characters on cliffs, the Azerbaijani ancestors naturally had to be nourished and were nourished by “the monuments originally created on this territory and those translated into Turkic languages.” But they could not in the same period, i.e. before the XI century, have in any way been nourished by the above mentioned written sources, created in Persia and the Transcaucasus - thousands of kilometres away from Central Asia. Nothing like this could have or has happened in the history of not only the Azerbaijan people but any people in general. What has been said above can be proved by the composition of the collection itself with its more than six hundred pages. Here in the section “Folklore” are presented “Myths and legends,” “Baiatis,” “Lullabies,” “Proverbs and sayings,” “Tales” (pp. 21- 61), “Book of our Father Gorgud” (pp. 62-162), “Ashugh poetry” (three ashughs are presented: Gurbani, Ali, Alesker, (pp. 263-294). In the second section - “Poetry” (pp. 295- 552) - the works of 17 poets, including Nizami Gianjevi, to whom 140 pages out of 257 are devoted, 16 others have a little bit each, though each of them is presented as “an outstanding founder of the Azerbaijan poetic renaissance”, “a great Azerbaijani poet- thinker,” “a brilliant figure of Azerbaijan poetry,” “a sensitive lyric poet, a brilliant representative,” “one of the brightest figures,” and so on. Even “the magician of the word, singer of love, luminary of the poetry of the East, highly gifted poet-thinker Mukhammed Suleiman ogli Fizuli” who, according to the reference, was born in 1494 in the city of Kerbel near Baghdad, who died and was buried “in the Iraqi land,” “the unsurpassed master of lyric poetry,” who wrote in three languages – Turkic, Arabic, and Persian (p.476) covers only 12 pages in the collection. Finally, the section “Prose” (pp.555-593) with one story by Mirza Fatali Akhundov and one by Mirza Jalil Mamedkulizade. As we see, neither “Avesta”, nor Movses Kaghankatvatsi, the more so Davtak Kertogh are presented even by a single line, let alone by a page which is quite natural and understandable, because how can they appear among the pages of Azerbaijan literature if they do not belong to it and so far have not been read by the Azerbaijan people, as, there is no doubt, they have not so far been translated into Azerbaijani. It is even more than logically harmful, rather funny to consider this or that writer to be Azerbaijani on the basis of “ethnic factor”, without taking into account other factors – namely, in what language, hence within the scope of what particular poetics the given writer created his works, to what extent they were perceived and understood by the people, and in what way this writer contributed to the historical development of the given people’s literature, which he belongs to by birth. As being guided by these purely-logical, natural principles it is in fact impossible to find at least one writer who created in

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Persian, Arabic, even in Turkish and consider him to be an Azerbaijani writer, the scholars are trying to ground their thesis in the following way: “After being included in the territory of Arab Khalifat in the VII-VIII centuries up to nearly the XI century, the Azerbaijani poets had to create their works in Arabic (why only the Azerbaijani, unlike the Persian or Armenian? – G.M.N.G.). Their poetry found its reflection in various anthologies under the name of “al-Azerbaijani” (Azerbaijani poets). In the works of these poets, the greater majority of whom came from famous Azerbaijani families, who had been taken to Aravia as amanats – hostages, the theme of Motherland, homesickness towards native places, nature, sadness and pain of separation, love to their Motherland prevails“ (pp. 14-15). It is at least strange, that the scholars, without taking into account either the historical facts or the most important condition of the trustfulness of a scientific theory, i.e. absence of contradictions in it, assert something contradicting both the facts and the logic. In fact, the territory of present-day Azerbaijan was occupied by the Arab Khalifat “in the VII-VIII centuries until the XI century”, but the Azerbaijan people had nothing to do here, for at this very time, as has long been fixed by the historical science and as we saw above, the ancestors of the Azerbaijan people were still in Central Asia, and the territory of present-day Azerbaijan was inhabited by non-Turkic peoples. The authors themselves do not deny this, because they see close links “in the language and style” of the Azerbaijani-Turkish, to be more exact, the Oguz epic and the Orchono- Enisei monuments. More than that, the authors do not notice the apparent contradiction between the two principles-factors (territorial and ethnic) offered by themselves for the investigation of the Azerbaijan literature.” If it is true to say that “those who came from Azerbaijan families” and wrote their works in Arabic, can be considered representatives of Azerbaijan literature only because “the theme of Motherland, homesickness towards their native land, native places, nature, sadness and pain of separation, love for native land prevail in their works”, it is also justified to mention that we can see the same feelings in the works by Persian Nizami Gianjevi, moreover that he wrote in his native Persian language 13 and on Persian subjects (for example, “The Seven Beauties”), naming many toponyms of historical Iran. Is it congruous with the principles put forward in the introduction of the book in question, is it convincing, is it scientific to present Fizuli (1494-1556) as an Azerbaijani poet when, born in Iraq, he had never seen and could never know Azerbaijan (because this name appeared only in the XX century, you know) and wrote in Arabic, Persian and Turkic? The same question can be asked about Nizami (1141-1209) - a Persian who lived on the territory of present-day Azerbaijan and wrote in Persian. As a matter of fact neither of them is a representative of Azerbaijan literature, as they did not write in the language of this literature. At least, either one or the other, but not both, because one is in contradiction with the other. What has been considered above does not, of course, exhaust every question deserv- ing attention in the book “The Astral Cluster”. However, we will confine ourselves to this in the present article, reminding the Azerbaijani academic scholars, that literatures of all peoples and nations, besides their own peculiarities and uniqueness, also possess universal regularities avoiding which is not permissible in science. To complete this critical review of the Azerbaijani version of the history of national

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literature we would prefer to refer to a very important warning or a lesson contained in the article “On the Public Responsibility of Literary Criticism” by D.S. Likhachev (whose name does not need any commentaries and speaks for itself): “Mixing the tasks of investigation with the tasks of popularization creates hybrids, the basic defect of which is its pseudo-scientific nature. Pseudo-science is able to squeeze out science or lower the academic level of science. This phenomenon is very dangerous on a world scale, because it opens the gates to various kinds of chauvinistic or extremist tendencies in literary criticism… It is only the high science (a detailed philological study of literary works, texts and their language, demonstrable and unprejudiced nature of arguments, methodical and methodological exactness) that is able to soothe the extremist forces in the struggle for Cultural heritage.” 14

Notes and References:

1. NASA (National Academy of Sciences of Azerbaijan). 2. Later to refer to this publication we mention the page in the text. Everything marked in the cita- tions here and further is done by the authors of the present article (G. M., N. G.). 3. It consists of an introduction and twelve dastans (chapters). See, scientific publication in Russian: “The Book of My Grandfather Korkut”. Oguz heroic epic. Translation by academician V.V. Bartold. Prepared for publication by V.M. Zirmunski, A.N. Kanonov. M.- L., 1962. Since this is the best of all the Russian publications, all our references are made to this publication. In case we refer to both the translation of the epic, and the works by V. V. Bartold (“The Turkish Epic and the Caucasus”, p. 109-120), by A.Y. Yakubovski (“Kitab-and Korkud and Its Meaning for the Study of the Turkmen Society in the Epoch of Early Middle Ages”, p. 121-130), and by V.M. Zirmunski (“The Oguz Heroic Epic and “The Book of Korkut”, p. 109- 259) placed in the section “Appendices”, the page is mentioned in brackets in the text. 4. Evidently, all this takes place after 1453, that is after Constantinople was changed into Istanbul. Meanwhile, it is stated in the book “Astral Cluster”, as we shall see later, the epic was created orally in the VII century A.D. According to another assertion, it is in this century that it was rewritten on papyrus (!) 5. In the appendices of the translation by V.V. Bartold “Onik” is given as “fortress in the district Basin, in the region of Erzrum, to the South-East (SE) of it” (p. 266). 6. In V.V. Bartold’s notes: “Lake Giokcha”, and the compilers have added “Now lake Sevan” (p. 277). 7. According to a number of investigations of the Turkic epic, it was originally created on the territory of Central Asia, and then together with the Oguzes nomadized and penetrated into new occupied territories, that’s why it is connected with the toponyms and oikonyms of not only Azerbaijan but also with many others. See the articles in “the appendix and on pp. 281-283 in the publication of 1962 mentioned by us: “Literature about “The Book of My Grandfather Korkut.” 8. It is noteworthy that at the beginning of the XIX century, the Turks displayed a wish to return to their motherland, because as the source says: “Asia Minor in their eyes is an alien land occupied by force - a place for residence, from where sooner or later they had to leave; they consider their motherland to be the countries of South-East which they can’t comprehend fully, it is a motherland but not a fatherland; there is no word “fatherland” in the Turkish language, and the concept connected with it is not only unknown to a Turk from Anatolia but also quite unin-

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telligible.” S.V. Lurye, Historical Ethnology. Manual for HEI (Higher Educational Institutions), Aspect Press, 1997, p. 243). 9. “Extended Soviet Encyclopedia,”.V. 11 M., 1973. pp. 561-562 10. Could it be possible to imagine that in France or in Italy, in Germany or in Check Republic, the historians of national literature announced by the territorial factor that the wealth of the literary treasure of their countries are the works created on the territory of these countries by Russian writers and poets, such as Gorkey, Bunin, Tsvetaeva and many others? Of course, this is unimaginable. 11. We would like to remark that such and even more incompatible phrases in the article introducing the book to the Russian reader are abundant. If not in terms of ideas and facts, at least in terms of the normative use of the Russian language the head of the Moscow publishing house “Fiction” B. Riabukhin and the editor A. Kapustiuk could have felt more responsibility for the text, so important for the book, not to spoil it even more with the defects of the language use. 12. It should be mentioned in this connection, that in the same volume in the article “Albania Caucasian”, the outstanding scholar Z.I. Yampolski writes: “Beginning from the 5th century the written language of A.C., accustomed to one of the local languages (the Gargarian) began to develop. The alphabet of the Albanian language consisting of 52 letters had common features with Georgian and Armenian alphabets” (p. 354). What the scholar has said is true, because all the three alphabets were created by Mesrop Mashtots personally or under his direct leadership. 13. It is worth mentioning here, how prof. Biulbiul Ogli entitled his introductory word: “Motherland begins with one’s mother tongue”. Further in the text itself: “…if you ask me from what Azerbaijan begins for me personally, without thinking, I will answer: with mother tongue, in which our ancestors spoke” (p. 4). One had better stop and think if he/she perceives motherland and mother tongue in this way, before ascribing to Azerbaijan literature the works by Nizami created in the Persian (mother) language. 14. D.S. Likhachev, Literature - Reality - Literature. L., 1984, pp. 244-245.

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179 Armenian Folia Anglistika Armenological Studies

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