Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation

An analysis of how UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency) relieves strain by providing protection, outlined by the general strain theory (Agnew, 1992), of Palestinian refugee children, through health, psychosocial, and educational programmes?

Campus The Hague – Faculty of Governance and Global Affairs

MSc Crisis and Security Management

Jeremy Robson - s1836919

08/06/2017 - Word Count: 21,884

First Supervisor: Dr. Wietse Van Den Berge

Second Supervisor: Dr. Constant Hijzen

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

Contents Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation ...... 1 1. Introduction ...... 3 1.1. Research Question: ...... 4 1.2. Sub Questions: ...... 4 1.3. Academic Relevance: ...... 5 1.4. Societal Relevance: ...... 6 1.5. General Strain Theory: ...... 7 1.6. International Law of Refugee Protection: ...... 9 1.7. Convention on the Rights of the Child: ...... 9 1.8. Research Method: ...... 10 1.9. Research Outline: ...... 11 2. Analysis ...... 11 2.1. Health ...... 13 2.2. Education ...... 23 2.3. Psychosocial ...... 31 3. Conclusion and Recommendations...... 48 3.1. Recommendations ...... 48 3.1.1. Health ...... 48 3.1.2. Educational...... 51 3.1.3. Psychosocial ...... 53 3.2. Final Conclusion ...... 55 4. References ...... 58 5. Appendix: Interview transcription with Tawfiq Abdulrahim ...... 64

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

1. Introduction Until a durable, peaceful solution to the issues faced by materializes, Palestinian refugee children are entitled to, and are in dire need of, assistance and protection. Increased socio-economic hardship as a result of ’s obstruction of UN general assembly resolution 194(III), has left many young Palestinians with painful uncertainty about the future (Annan, 2004). The UN General Assembly has repeatedly exclaimed that the functioning of UNRWA is still essential in all fields of operation, and has extended its mandate every three years since 1949 (Badil, 2010). Even though UNRWA does not have a protection mandate, it is considered that humanitarian assistance could act as a type of protection through basic relief, where refugees can be able to realize economic and social rights. Various UNRWA programs in the areas of health, psychosocial support, and education effectively add up to an implementation of rights defined by the 1989 Convention of the Rights of The Child (CRC). UNRWA remains the main healthcare provider for the Palestinian refugee population, and large numbers of children totally rely on their schooling system in order to get ahead in a conflict-ridden society, where there is a lack of opportunity. UNRWA is also the main provider of services in refugee camps, where children account for close to half of the total refugee population registered for assistance with UNRWA (ibid.).

As a result of successive years of under-funding and cooperation, it has been observed that UNRWA’s ability to deliver the quantity and quality of services necessary is under extreme strain. The challenges that are facing UNRWA also directly affect Palestinian refugee children, and these issues can be seen in sectors of educational opportunities, and social extra-curricular activities. Therefore, it is crucial that the international community, as well as independent research (which will be presented in this paper) monitor and evaluate any challenges to humanitarian rights in accordance with the CRC and humanitarian law (ibid, p.39).

It is important to define the international definition of a refugee, and their protection. Interestingly, the literal definition of the word protection can be defined as “supervision or support of one that is smaller and weaker” or “A legal or other formal measure intended to preserve civil liberties and rights” (Mirriam-Webster, 2005). Fortin (2000) defines a refugee as a person who is outside their country, owing to a well-founded fear of persecution because of their lack of protection from the state or authorities in their region. Further, Fortin (2000) argues that the meaning of protection for refugees in internal, where the state must provide protection within its territory to victims, or potential victims of persecution. In this case, protection stands for the measurement of the ability of UNRWA to provide adequate healthcare, psycho-social

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

services and education, in order to relieve strain (outlined by the General Strain Theory), to vulnerable refugee children in the Palestinian Territories (UNRWA, 2016). Without this basic protection, because of collective strains on the society, young populations may turn to violence and the communities in which they live in can become unstable and innefficient. In turn, these UNRWA services will offer sanctuary, opportunity and identity to children who otherwise have none of these basic rights. All refugee child populations will be classified as vulnerable in this paper, and their rights are defined by the Convention of The Rights of The Child. There are a variety of Palestinian areas with different levels danger, violence and poverty, such as refugee camps in Gaza, and larger refugee camps in The like Refugee Camp. Protection, and the relief of strain, will be measured by weighing the strength and weaknesses of provision of services to Palestinian refugee children. This can be measured by school attendance rates, financial aid to UNRWA schools and hospitals, population rates in certain refugee camps (reflecting a harsher environment for UNRWA work), infant mortality rates, population proximity (to schools and hospitals), provision of basic facilities (community centres, other health centres, playground etc), opportunity for economic growth (eg: camp GDP and local business growth), and prevalent health statistics. As well as providing these crucial statistics, interviews and first-hand accounts will also provide critical analysis on the local opinion of how UNRWA is functioning. Also, Policy papers and document analysis will show policy planning and implementation, mainly on the UNRWA level. The Convention on The Rights of The Child (CRC) is a key international agreement by which authorities must abide by, for the sake of the children’s safety and as a framework in the field of humanitarian protection. Therefore, this Paper will constantly tie the work of UNRWA to the CRC in order to highlight its mandate of accountability to the international community. All international humanitarian organizations must abide by internationally agreed laws for protection and human rights, and in order to justify and critically analyse an organization such as UNRWA, these laws must be addressed.

1.1. Research Question: How does UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency) relieve strain by providing protection, outlined by the general strain theory (Agnew, 1992), of Palestinian refugee Children, through health, psychosocial, and educational programmes?

1.2. Sub Questions: How are Palestinian children vulnerable and How does UNRWA provide basic protection, against these societal strains, to Palestinian Refugee children in Palestine, between the ages of

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

5-18, through health, psychosocial, and educational programmes? An analysis of its strength and weaknesses, and proposed improvements.

1. How does UNRWA relieve societal strains by providing basic protection through health programmes to Palestinian refugee children within Palestine? 2. How does UNRWA relieve societal strains by providing basic protection through psychosocial programmes to Palestinian refugee children within Palestine? 3. How does UNRWA relieve societal strains by providing basic protection through educational programmes to Palestinian refugee children within Palestine?

1.3. Academic Relevance: There is a large amount of literature and studies on the topic of Palestinian refugees, and their legal status, rights and freedoms in their host countries. Broader global interest, on issues related to refugees, especially their role under international law, have increased in recent decades (Khalil, 2010). Palestinian refugees constitute a unique case study. Prolonged exile, statelessness, and Israeli refusal to re-admit refugees render their situation extraordinary and unique. And the issue of a legal definition is inevitably a narrower one. “Accordingly, only those enjoying the status of refugee in the strict legal sense enjoy the rights guaranteed by international law and included in many national laws and regulations” (Grabska, 2006, p9-10). This may explain the large number of studies related to Palestinian refugees, however that is why this paper will explore a more specific angle related to the work of UNRWA (the only UN agency exclusively working with one group of refugees) in providing protection to Palestinian refugee children. It is important to specify this topic in order to pursue the knowledge gap in academic literature and bring to light such a contemporary area of this subject.

There has been an abundance of growing debate about the role that the United Nations Relief and Works Agency should play in protecting Palestinian refugees (Kagan, 2010). Also, there is a great need for The General Strain Theory to be implemented in Middle Eastern conflict and refugee studies, as this has surprisingly not been tested before and will greatly further academic and societal research. Michael Kagan is a prominent scholar in the analysis of UNRWA’s failures and achievements and he strongly argues that the definition of protection must be refined, and that UNRWA’s evolving protection mandate must be defined in three definitive categories: one, promoting durable solutions; two, promoting the general welfare of Palestinian refugees; and three, individual rights protection. On the other side of the spectrum, conservative scholars such as G. Heinsohn and D. Pipes, propose rather radical and vivid

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

arguments. Heinsohn wrote a column in the Financial Times in 2007, condemning UNRWA for providing housing, schooling and medication for Palestinian children. He argued that UNRWA’s role has caused overpopulation, and false hope, therefore encouraging violence against Israel (Heinsohn, 2007). In another distinctive example, Daniel Pipes argued that UNRWA should be eliminated and Palestinian refugees moved to UNHCR mandate because of “UNRWA’s role in perpetuating Palestinian misery… it condemns a creative and entrepreneurial people to lives of exclusion, self-pity and nihilism” (Pipes, 2003). Alternatively, B.S Custer, S. Akram and G.S Goodwin-Gill, all believe that “UNRWA’s mandate should be understood in the light of the General Assembly’s creation of the Conciliation Commission for Palestine (UNCCP) in 1948, which was charged with resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and this finding a solution to the refugee problem in line with Resolution 194 Paragraph 11, which includes the right of return” (Akram & Goodwin-Gill, 2001, p.165-194). Commissioner-General Karen Abu Zayd is also a vocal advocate for the protection of Palestinian refugees through UNRWA’s mandate (Abu-Zayd, 2007).

1.4. Societal Relevance: The United Nations Relief and Works Agency, founded after the 1948 Arab-Israeli conflict, was established by the United Nations General Assembly resolution 302 (IV) of 8 December 1949. Its goal was to provide relief and works programmes specifically for Palestinian refugees. Still, in the absence of a solution to the Palestinian refugee problem, UNRWA’s mandate has been repeatedly renewed (UNRWA, 2016). The ongoing issues of the resettlement of Palestinian refugees has long been a prevalent debate on the regional and international stage. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, emphasizes that “Israel will not jeopardize the Jewish character of its state by allowing any Palestinian the ‘right of return’ and we want them to give up the fantasy of flooding Israel with millions of Palestinians” (Hughes, 2012). As Palestinian refugee populations grow, along with Israeli reluctance to work with Palestinian authorities, UNRWA and the International community are under increasing pressure to improve or resolve these issues, therefore, making it extremely relevant in societal terms. Children are often caught in the middle of the worst situations of long standing conflicts, and as a child refugee there is often little to no protection because of the vulnerability of a child. Children are often reliant on others because of their lack of independence, and states and communities are highly responsible to protect their most vulnerable. Rules and regulations set up by the international community must prevail if local Palestinian and Israeli authorities will not, or cannot, provide sufficient help for child refugees. However, even though UNRWA is

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

the largest actor in protecting Palestinian children, it must not be taken for granted that they are doing perfect work, and it is necessary for research and analysis on their role in order to highlight strength and weaknesses in their work, and hopefully bring to light crucial improvements that may be implemented.

1.5. General Strain Theory: The General Strain Theory is a broad concept which contains multiple types of strain that effect ones means to cope with life events and occurrences (Agnew, 2001). Often, when referencing strain and relative deprivation, Robert Merton’s classic strain theory is used. “Classic strain measures deprivation based on income or socioeconomic inequalities which is the basis for strain and frustration” (Agnew, 1999, p.123). Alternatively, Robert Agnew’s general strain theory is much better suited to assess relative deprivation as a result of social processes because it is more recent and inclusive, and it also acknowledges that there are multiple sources of strain, unlike Merton who focuses mainly on monetary strain, and that strain is highly adaptive. Some highly adaptive forms might consist of cognitive, behavioural, emotional forms (Broidy & Agnew, 1997). GST states that certain strains or stressors increase the possibility of crime or violent acts (Agnew, 2001). Strains refer to events or conditions that are disliked by individuals. They involve negative or aversive treatment by others (receive something bad); the loss of valued possessions (loss of something good), and/or the inability to achieve goals (fail to get what is wanted). A distinction is often made between objective strain, which refers to dissatisfaction amongst a group, and subjective strain, which refers to events and conditions that are disliked by one particular person. Further, there is a difference between personal strain which is more anticipated, and then vicarious strain which is strain experienced by others around the individual such as close family and friends (Agnew, 2010). These categories can all be equally stressful and can contribute to violence and instability within a community. Therefore, it becomes the job of an organization such as UNRWA to provide assistance to fill this gap and relieve certain strains within the Palestinian community.

There are several important reasons that the strains mentioned above increase the likelihood of crime and violence. Most significantly, they lead to a range of negative emotions, such as anger, frustration, humiliation, and fear. In turn, individuals feel pressured to pursue corrective action; individuals feel bad and therefore want to do something about it. Revolting against these strains may be a way for individuals to seek revenge against the source of the strain or related targets. The continued experience of strains may increase irritability or ‘negative emotionality’, reduce social control (e.g: emotional ties to parents and school friend),

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

foster the belief that crime is excusable or justifiable, and lead to association with other criminals or violent actors. Also, according to Agnew (2010), crime and revolt are more likely to occur when people lack the ability to cope in a legal manner. Specifically, they lack coping skills such as problem-solving skills; coping resources, such as money; and are low in social support (Agnew, 2010). GST can also be related to more extreme acts of crime and violence such as terrorism. Terrorism often involves the commission of brutal violence against civilians who have usually not been involved in provoking their victimizations. Also, terrorists often commit acts in connection to some sub-national group in the name of political, social, or religious reasons. Individual criminals will, for the most part, commit acts of violence for their own personal benefit, or as a result of a more personal strain (Agnew, 2010).

The general strain theory proves to be essential in analysing what areas that Palestinian children are most vulnerable, in relation to health, psychosocial, and educational categories, and then analysing how the work of UNRWA is providing relief and protection against these strains, in relation to one of the most vulnerable group of the Palestinian refugee population, Palestinian children between the ages of five to eighteen. UNRWA provides health, psychosocial, and educational help in order to offer protection to vulnerable refugee children in communities where strain is prevalent (UNRWA, 2016).

For example, families who receive healthcare from an UNRWA hospitals can rest assured that the strain of a lack of healthcare on the family will be relieved. Children who attend school daily can rely on frequent and organized schooling in order to improve their prospects for the future, hence relieving strain on economic prospects and social standing. Schooling can also provide a safe-haven for schoolchildren, away from the associations of other criminals and frustrations (Agnew, 2010). These are just some general example. However, there are significant ties between GST and the way UNRWA provides basic protection for Palestinian refugee children against these strains, and therefore an analysis of UNRWA’s work is essential. For the sake of clarity, this paper is not measuring extent the (in)effectiveness of UN programs for Palestinian children influences strain and thus their (potential for) terrorist or violent behaviour, however, rather, it is analysing which areas Palestinian children are vulnerable, based on the categories of the General Strain Theory, and how UNRWA is relieving these pressures through health, psycho-social, and educational programmes.

This research paper will add to the body of literature related to the general strain theory which consists mainly of Agnew’s publications. Also, Micheal Kagan’s literature surrounding

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

analysis on how UNRWA and UN are filling the protection gap for Palestinian refugees. The gap in knowledge that this paper will address is the specific focus of relating the strains of Palestinian children with the work of UNRWA. The theory is being put into practice by looking at specific societal strains within the Palestinian territories and then analysing them practically in relation to how UNRWA is relieving the strains.

1.6. International Law of Refugee Protection: This law is not central to this paper; however, it is crucial in the international humanitarian sector as it comprises a range of universal and regional conventions/treaties, rules of customary international law, general principles of law, national laws and the constantly developing stage in the practice of states and international organizations. Most notably the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, under which UNRWA is designated, serves to guarantee human rights to every refugee. This law is important to this research as it outlines the international rules by which the UNRWA must abide in relation to Palestinian refugee children. UNRWA must uphold these international protection values, and it is crucial to asses any gaps in protection.

1.7. Convention on the Rights of the Child: In order to narrow down the specifics of international humanitarian law, specifically to focus on children, in relation to this thesis, then the Convention on the Rights of the Child must be featured. UNRWA works with a large number of children, and in order to abide by international law, its humanitarian programmes must live up to these standards. The Convention on the Rights of the Child contains forty-two articles clearly outlining the rights of the child (UNICEF, 1989). Some of these are very relevant to this thesis, and the situations faced by Palestinian refugee children. For example, Article one defines a child as under 18, and article two goes on to express that “the Convention applies to all children, whatever their race, religion or abilities; whatever they think or say, whatever type of family they come from” (Ibid, pg.1). Further, Article 6 states that “children have the right to live. Governments should ensure that children survive and develop healthily. Article 7 (Registration, name, nationality, care): All children have the right to a legally registered name, officially recognised by the government. Children have the right to a nationality (to belong to a country). Children also have the right to know and, as far as possible, to be cared for by their parents. Article 8 (Preservation of identity): Children have the right to an identity – an official record of who they are. Governments should respect children’s right to a name, a nationality and family ties” (Ibid, pg.1). As well as the right to education and protection in war (Ibid.).

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

1.8. Research Method: The type of study used for this research analysis will be observational research. This section will be structured by UNRWA’s core sectors, health, psychosocial and educational. The study is qualitative in nature; however, it will obtain variations of numerical data such as refugee child population statistics.

Interviews will also be used to gain information about internal and external views on UNRWA operations. These interviews will act as primary sources of information which will provide personal accounts of UNRWA operations, and how they are relieving personal strains. Interviews will be semi-structured interviews, as this is very effective for gathering data on prepared questions, where the interviewee will be slightly directed but also have space to go off track, in turn gathering other important information. Interviewees will consist of students who have attended UNRWA schools, School teachers, foreign volunteers who have an external un-bias opinion, local aid workers, and local healthcare professionals, as well as smaller interviews from concerned citizens. This is very feasible as there is a personal connection with myself and the interviewees from a voluntary experience in Palestine, and with UNRWA schools.

Document analysis: Some policy documents and content analysis research will also be used in order to bring to light certain governing factors, areas of strain, and UNRWA programme analysis. For example, in a region with evidently higher illiteracy rates, are there UNRWA programmes that provide a relief to this strain, or similar strains in this community. If there is a school that receives large amount of funding, does that mean that student in that area are generally happier with services and is that reflected in attendance rates? Schooling, psycho-social services and healthcare are essential as these are the main sectors of UNRWA mandate, and these directly provide a safe-haven for children in their daily lives. Documents provided by the UNRWA advisory commission are feasible to analyse and they provide specific policy information on a declaratory level. The documents will provide key information in order to analyse the work of UNRWA on a practical level (UNRWA, 2014).

The statistics that will be used in order to provide vital evidence of effectiveness will consist of school attendance rates, financial aid to UNRWA schools and hospitals, population rates in certain refugee camps (reflecting a harsher environment for UNRWA work), infant mortality rates (health), population proximity (to schools and hospitals), provision of basic facilities (community centres, other health centres, playground etc), opportunity for economic

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

growth (eg: camp GDP and local business growth). These statistics can be compiled from reliable sources such as the UNRWA database, UN statistics, Palestinian Authority statistics, and the BADIL Resource centre. Statistics will be used to provide evidence of the number behind UNRWA programmes, why they are in certain areas, and whether they are relieving strain in areas that ned it most.

1.9. Research Outline: First, it is important to outline the structure of this research to clearly explain the methodology. An introduction has outlined key aspects, academic and societal relevance, and a brief description of the general strain theory highlighting the main causes of strain. Second, a factual chapter will consist of an in depth factual and historical explanation of the Israeli- Palestinian conflict and the creation of UNRWA and the refugee crisis. The third chapter will describe the general strain theory in detail highlighting causes of strain, and different debates. Fourth, there will be an in-depth analysis of the causes of strain for Palestinian Children and how UNRWA’s provision of health, psychosocial, and educational protection to Palestinian refugee children is relieving this strain. This section will also include the following facts and statistics, listed below, in order to fully analyse how UNRWA is providing protection and relief. To conclude, the paper will outline the final, appropriate recommendations and improvements of the work of UNRWA, per the analysis. Throughout the thesis there will be important comparisons and analysis in relation to the Law of International Refugee Protection and the Convention of the Right of The Child, in order to place UNRWA’s accountability on a worldwide scale.

2. Analysis In this chapter, there will be an in-depth analysis provided in order to outline the strains, explained by the General Strain Theory, and relate them to the provision of UNRWA programmes to provide relief against these strains. This analysis is extremely relevant because it will show the gaps in the protection of Palestinian refugee children, their strains, and how UNRWA is there as the sole agency for these children, to relieve strains. The focus will be on health, education, and psychosocial programmes, as these are the main programmes provided by UNRWA and the main sectors in order to relieve strains, relating to economic and social strain, outlined by Agnew (1992), Merton (1938), Cohen (1955), Cloward & Ohlin (1960), and Moon, Blurton, & McCluskey (2008). Also, it is important to review the work of UNRWA in order to highlight any other important opportunities that might be missed in UNRWA programming. First, an in depth statistical analysis will investigate the details of UNRWA and

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

refugee camps within the Palestinian territories. This will bring to light important data on the populations of children in camps, proximity to UNRWA resources, amount of UNRWA resources (e.g. number of schools, size of schools, health centres, psychosocial centres), as well as important statistics on unemployment and GDP in camps reflecting economic potential, all relevant to aspects of strain such as negative emotions, coping strategies, social support and the achievement of positively valued goals. Second, the analysis of how UNRWA is relieving strain will follow the lines of a comparative analysis between the declaratory level and the practical level. To clarify, the declaratory level will look at policy and programme documents such as UNRWA programme documents, academic documents, and policy documents from relevant actors, in order to provide evidence of a more administrative look at policies to relieve strain. The practical analysis will investigate the implementation of these programmes and policies and how they are relieving strain in practice, on the ground and on a local level.

Under the Convention of the Rights of The Child, it is declared that a child’s rights under the convention are the right to psycho-social wellbeing, the right to health and the right to education (UN General Assembly, 1989). Put simply, on a declaratory international level, under international law, children are, by law, protected. However, this paper will provide evidence to the fact that strains on refugee children, in areas such as the Occupied Palestinian Territories, prove hard to implement on a practical level.

As of January 2016, there are a total of twenty-seven registered UNRWA refugee camps in the West Bank and Gaza. The population of registered persons within these camps is 803,910, however, not all Palestinian refugees live within these camps, making the overall population of Palestinian refugees in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPt) 2,359,301 (UNRWA, 2016b). The OPt contains one of the highest growth rates in the world, with the majority of Palestinians (3.7 million children) under the age of 25, and approximately 40% of them under the age of 18, with the median age estimated around 16 (UNICEF, 2010). A large number of refugees live within refugee camps and Balata refugee camp, located within the city of Nablus, is the largest camp in the West Bank with a population of 27,000. Second, refugee camp houses approximately 18,000. In Gaza, the most densely populated region of the globe, contains the largest population of refugees with 110,000, closely followed by Camp with 104,000 refugees.

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

2.1. Health The General Strain Theory states that the strains most likely to increase conflict within a community are associated with low social control which is related to personal physical health of an individual, his family, and his friends (Agnew, 2010). Personal health and a failure to achieve goals, can all be important aspects in the analysis of the General Strain Theory (GST) (Ibid.). Strains of this type may lead to a range of negative emotions including frustration, humiliation, fear, and anger. Palestinian refugee children are a very vulnerable group of the population, and in order for the refugee community to progress and avoid frustration, access to health is of crucial importance to relieve strain. Article 24, of the Convention of The Rights of the Child, states that:

“Children have the right to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of health and to facilitate for the treatment of illness and rehabilitation of health. Adequate nutrition, clean drinking water, environmental sanitation, shelter and primary health services are basic components for a standard of living adequate for children’s physical, mental, spiritual, moral and social development” (BADIL, 2007).

Levels of health vary between each region in the oPt, however Amnesty International acknowledged that there is a scarcity of medical opportunities outside of the provisions of UNRWA health facilities, providing evidence that UNRWA is providing some amount of relief against strain, however struggling to deal with the larger numbers. This scarcity is a result of limited access because of government regulations, and/or unaffordability of private healthcare (BADIL, 2007). In 2002, the Committee on the Rights of the Child took note of the serious deterioration of health services in the oPt, realizing the potential strain it may have for such a large population of children, and highly recommended that Israel guarantee unconditional and safe access by all Palestinian children, including refugees, to basic health services, including medical supplies and personnel. Further, on behalf of children, the committee insisted that there be a guarantee of the safety of personnel working for the UN, especially UNRWA personnel (Ibid.).

According to UNRWA’s approach on healthcare, “health programmes have been delivering comprehensive primary health care (PHC) services, both preventive and curative, to Palestine refugees, and helping them access secondary and tertiary health care services” (UNRWA, 2016a). In order to clarify, secondary healthcare is provided by the medical specialists, where a primary healthcare referral is necessary. Tertiary healthcare is specialized

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

for advanced medical investigation and treatment (Ibid.). However, in order to analyse how UNRWA is relieving strain for Palestinian refugee children, it is necessary to provide relevant criticisms and statistical analysis about their health programmes. One strong critic, Gunnnar Heinsohn, condemned UNRWA for providing medication and health care to children, which, he argues, has resulted in over-population and therefore an increase in attacks against Israel (Heinsohn, 2009). Mataria (2009) argues that ever since the signing of the Oslo Accords in 1993, substantial donor assistance was meant to improve the health-care system for the oPt. In the single year of 2003, donations amounted to $240 Million (about $65 per person), covering a shocking 87% of budgeted non-salary operating costs of the Ministry of Health, of which, UNRWA was a large subsidiary (DFID, 2006). Also, in 2003, despite large donor support and efforts by UNRWA to fulfil their goal of providing comprehensive primary health care, in accordance with Article 24 of the Convention of The Rights of the Child, infant mortality rates still proved to be very high. UNRWA recorded infant mortality rates of 25.2 deaths per 1,000 live births in the and 15.3 in the West Bank (Save The Children, 2008). The in- depth research conducted by Mataria (2009) investigates a set of four professional reports on healthcare quality and measurements in the oPt. He concludes that health services improved steadily until the mid-1990’s until they started to slow and decline (Rahim, 2009, Husseini, 2009). Further, reports two and three “show how planning and coordination of health care are inadequate, the use of resources is ineffective, and services are below acceptable standards, leading to public dissatisfaction with health services. Current financial arrangements are associated with high risks and unequal burdens, with substantial out-of-pocket payments that favour rich people and place a high burden on poor people” (Abu-Zaineh, 2008, PCBS, 2004). Palestinian refugees therefore suffer by being a poorer minority, and refugee children feel increased strain because of their vulnerability in this already vulnerable group of the community. Also, Mataria (2009) elucidates the role of Israeli military occupation in producing and maintaining inefficiencies and inequities and the relative powerlessness of the Palestinian National Authority to counteract them (Mataria, 2009).

Alternatively, The Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights argue that UNRWA may find it hard to relieve strains in relation to healthcare for Palestinian refugee children because of the “continuing occupation and subsequent measures of closures, extended curfews, roadblocks and security checkpoints” (BADIL, 2007). The Israeli-Palestinian conflict often jeopardises the work of UNRWA, and blocks them from providing adequate healthcare to relieve strains for Palestinian Refugee children. For example, on the 15th of January 2009,

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

Israeli forces fired white phosphorus bombs at a UNRWA centre in Gaza where 700 Palestinian refugees were seeking medical attention, medical humanitarian aid, and simply a place of refuge (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Ironically, on that same day UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon had arrived in Israel in order to promote peace talks and end hostilities. Instead, after hearing about the attack, he expressed his full “outrage” at the incident (Times, 2009). On the other hand, Israel’s Prime Minister claimed that the UNRWA facilities were being used as a base for Palestinian terrorists to launch attacks against Israel (Ibid.). As a result of this incident three people were injured, severe fires ripped through the area, and multiple vehicles and humanitarian supplies were destroyed. A spokesman for the UNRWA claimed that the fires were extremely hard to put out because water has no effect, and “you need to use sand, but we don’t have sand” (Ibid.). In the same month, there were a selection of white phosphorus attacks in Gaza, white phosphorus shells, burning white phosphorus wedges, or the resulting fires killing 12 civilians, including three women and seven children, one of them a fifteen-month- old baby. Dozens were wounded by burns or smoke inhalation. Human Rights Watch encountered cases of civilians who were injured from stepping on white phosphorus remains up to 12 days after major hostilities had stopped. In relation to events like this, one can see how an individual child may experience serious strain as a result of a lack of access to personal health care, medical supplies, and physical safety in his or her community, resulting in negative emotions and serious physical health issues.

In order for UNRWA to fulfil its goal of providing secondary and tertiary healthcare to Palestine refugees, health centres must be highly accessible by the general populace, especially by refugee children, to health centres. Primarily, aside from quality, access to healthcare is crucial in being able to relieve strain with Palestinian refugee children, and evidence shows that UNRWA can further achieve this goal by working closely with other actors, such as NGO’s and the Palestinian Authority (PA). Hence, as a response to issues and criticism surrounding the health systems, an increase in primary health-care centres sponsored by the Palestinian National Authority more than compensated for losses, with about 170 new primary health-care facilities being opened (mostly in the West Bank) in 13 years (Palestinian National Authority, 2008). Moreover, in 2006, more than 40 clinics were mutually operated by the Palestinian Ministry of Health and non-governmental organisations including UNRWA (Mataria, 2009). Care through secondary and tertiary general and specialised hospitals are mainly located in urban areas. The NGO sector, including UNRWA, operate 1,582 beds in 28 hospitals (Palestinian National Authority, 2008). A vast majority of its workload are covered by health

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

insurance schemes provided by the PA and UNRWA (PCBS, 2004). By collaborating with other NGO’s and the Palestinian Authority, it can be seen that UNRWA is capable of providing a more effective level of healthcare, in turn, countering criticism and relieving strain for Palestinian refugee children, the overall refugee population, as well as a wider proportion the Palestinian population. Diagram one below, provides evidence on the relatively small number of UNRWA centres in The West Bank, however, this low number is to be expected as UNRWA is the only organization working solely for Palestinian refugees and not the wider population. Diagram two, shows the geographical locations, and their access difficulty, of overall health facilities in relation to obstacles of access (e.g. checkpoints and separation walls). Diagram three, Shows the specific geographical locations of UNRWA facilities in order to highlight their distribution and access points.

Diagram 1: Distribution of health-care facilities in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip (Palestinian National Authority, 2008).

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

Diagram 2: Geographical locations, and their access difficulty, of overall health facilities in relation to obstacles of access (Mataria, 2009).

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

Diagram 3: Specific geographical locations of UNRWA health facilities (Health Inforum,2005)

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

The Ministry of Health has taken on a larger share of overall service delivery in recent years since 2000, because of severe population impoverishment, extensions of insurance coverage, and pressure from UNRWA and the international community. Mataria (2009) emphasises that there is a need for better coordination between key players in the provision of healthcare. “Most ministry hospitals have to turn away many patients because they have no capacity however, non-governmental hospitals are underused” (Palestinian National Authority, 2008). With better management and coordination, UNRWA will be able to concentrate its efforts on Palestinian refugee children, and further relieve strain. As well as geographic boundaries to the access of healthcare provided by UNRWA for Palestinian refugee children, there are also financial limitations. For Palestinian refugee children, who are considered to be the most vulnerable and deprived sections of the population, financial accessibility is essential. Merton (1938), Cohen (1955), and Cloward and Ohlin (1960) focus on the General Strain Theory in accordance with relationships, in which others prevent the individual from achieving positively valued goals. This focus is aimed at goal blockage, where individuals from a certain class may find it difficult to reach a higher level of lifestyle because of certain access to resources and support. In this case, Palestinian Refugees may find It hard to reach a higher level of lifestyle, as a result of a lack of support and financial resources towards healthcare protection, one of the most basic and essential laws outlines by the Convention on the Rights of the Child. A recent survey, conducted by the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, show that a third of a representative sample of the population could not access health services because of high costs, and people living in financial hardship or in poverty are twice as likely as rich people to be unsuccessful in accessing hospital care (PCBS, 2004). Ala’, a refugee child from Camp in The West Bank says that “There is only one clinic in the camp that offers first aid services. When we are sick, we go to a private doctor” (Save The Children, 2008). Further, UNRWA does not offer financial loans for their healthcare services, however they do offer microfinance loans for business start-ups (UNRWA, 2016c).

The General Strain theory suggest that adolescents are less concerned with long term goals, but rather short-term goals such as good grades, social popularity, relationships with the opposite sex, and athletics (Agnew, 1992). With adolescents being less interested in seeking long term healthcare, and on top of that realizing that it is very hard to access, UNRWA therefore must implement a more family orientated approach. The Convention on The Rights of The Child defines a child as under the age of 18, and therefore, until that age they must be given as much possible support by their guardian, be in family or government. In late 2011, in

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

response to changing health needs of the Palestinian Refugee, and as a result of a booming young population, UNRWA launched a health reform package named the Family Health Team (FHT) approach. “This model offers a comprehensive and holistic primary healthcare package for the entire family, emphasizing long-term provider-patient and provider-family relationships, and aiming to improve the quality, efficiency and effectiveness of health services, particularly for NCDs (Non-communicable diseases)” (UNRWA, 2015). Under the FHT model, once families register at their nearest health centre, they are immediately assigned to a team of health professionals. UNRWA strictly expresses that the team must include a doctor, nurse, and midwife. The team is fully responsible for the entire family’s health needs in all stages of the lifecycle. The FHT Health Reform was revolutionary as it introduced the electronic medical records system (e-health) which has proven to be very efficient for Palestinian refugee families and refugee children (UNRWA, 2015). By the end of 2015, the FHT programme was operational in 119 centres serving 90% of the Agency serving population. Only two out of 22 centres are still using the old vertical model because of construction limitations. During 2016, the FHT will have been totally expanded to all health centres, furthering the goal of UNRWA to provide protection against strains for Palestinian refugee children, by focusing on a more family orientated approach. Several assessments have been conducted at health centres in order to analyse the FHT programmes, including focus group discussion, client flow analyses, exercises and patient and staff satisfaction surveys. Overall, the assessments have indicated very positive responses to the FHT approach from both staff and patients. Diagram four below, shows the measured progression of the expansion of the FHT programme in all major regions of UNRWA’s work. Notice, that the West Bank ended up containing the highest number (Ibid.).

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

Diagram 4: Progression of the expansion of the FHT programme in all major regions of UNRWA’s work. Note: Disregard , and since this paper focuses solely on oPt.

Interestingly, for refugee children who are attending UNRWA schooling there exists a School Health Programme (SHP) consisting of health services provided in cooperation with the health department and education department. This cooperation is another tactic that can be used by UNRWA to address the issues of each individual child in the refugee community, which has become increasingly hard as a result of a growing child population. “The health services provided include: new school-entrants’ medical examination, immunizations, hearing and vision screening, dental screening, de-worming and vitamin A supplementation. Additionally, the SHP follows up children with special health needs and conducts school environment and canteen inspection. These health services are provided to UNRWA schools, via health centres and School Health Teams (SHTs) that include a medical officer and nurses. SHTs follow agreed on visit schedules to cover all schools in their areas during a scholastic year” (Ibid, p36). As a result of this programme, 6,913 children were referred to UNRWA health facilities, and a further 7,222 were referred to specialist treatment, 13, 631 students assisted on the cost of eyeglasses, and 160 on the cost of hearing aids (Ibid.). By UNRWA directly addressing health issues of the refugee child through efficient family orientated and

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

school orientated programmes, the child then has an opportunity to experience a relief of strain, and therefore focus on positively valued goals and long-term goal achievement.

Also, in order to further explain how UNRWA’s health programmes are relieving strain for Palestinian refugee children, there is a need for a focus on community based health initiatives within camps. The Healthy Camp Initiative (HCI) is a project based on the WHO initiatives, specifically the healthy city programme. A child refugee must feel safe and protected in a community in order to avoid strains such as negative emotions, and negative outcomes/stimuli, resulting from strain makes it easier to propose the crucial necessity of protection and relief (Agnew, 1992). The Healthy camps initiative (HCI) is being implemented in Shu’fat and Aida camps. Shu’fat refugee camp is located just north of Jerusalem, established in the year 1965, and has a registered camp population of 10,936 Palestinian refugees (OCHOA, 2005a). Aida refugee camp has a population of 4,787 and was established in 1950 (OCHOA, 2005b). These two camps can be used as experiments or case studies for the HCI’s aim to create opportunities for Palestinian refugees through improving their health and wellbeing with a participatory process where community members can come together to define community needs, solutions, and implement well planned actions. “The ultimate goal of the initiative is to improve the overall quality of life for all Palestine refugees living in the camps. Practically, the stakeholders contributing to the HCI, worked on mobilizing and engaging the communities, as well as building institutional and individual capacities” (UNRWA, 2015, p20). They worked on creating enabling condition, to relieve strain, to ensure sustainability of the health development process in the two camps. The participatory approach of the process, ensures sustainability and ownership of the process making it a very personalized and needs based tactic.

Personal health is an important factor in the achievement of positively valued goals and a stable, non-violent life of an individual and a community. The General Strain Theory explains that the strains most likely to increase conflict within a community are associated with low social control which is related to personal physical health of an individual, his family, and his friends (Agnew, 2010). As well as the GST, UNRWA also focus heavily on health programmes as a main source of relieving strain for Palestinian children and therefore this paper aimed to include health in the analysis of how UNRWA is relieving strain (outlined by the General Strain Theory) for Palestinian refugee children in the oPt. With a variation of health levels between region, and refugee populations, in the oPt, UNRWA strives to deliver comprehensive primary healthcare services, both curative and preventative, to Palestinian refugee, and be able to help

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

them access secondary and tertiary healthcare services (UNRWA, 2016a). However, it is clear that there is a growing pressure on UNRWA services as a result of growing populations and major obstacles to access such as the Israeli Occupation itself. Nevertheless, with the aim of relieving strain for Palestinian refugee children, cooperation between donors and organizations, and an increased focus on healthcare quality and access research healthcare services can prove to be evermore effective.

2.2. Education Worldwide, education is valued for the opportunities it offers, especially for under-privileged populations or individuals who can use it as a means achieving positively valued goals, and developing their life to a higher standard. State parties, NGO’s and the CRC are “charged with promoting and encouraging international cooperation in matters relating to education, in particular with a view to contributing to the elimination of ignorance and illiteracy throughout the world and facilitating access to scientific and technical knowledge and modern teaching methods” (UN General Assembly, 1989, p2). The CRC clearly expresses that “States Parties shall take all appropriate legislative, administrative, social and educational measures to protect the child (UN General Assembly, 1989). Further, it outlines that “primary education should be compulsory and available for free to all. The right to education also involves the provision of quality education on the basis of equal opportunity to all children, including non- formal education (e.g. sports and recreational, cultural and artistic activities)” (Badil, 2007, p20).

If individuals are being limited from taking part in education for financial reasons then it is fundamental that there is an adaptation to certain financial rules. According to UNESCO and the UN laws on the Rights of the Child, “Basic education, covering ten years of schooling, is compulsory and free. As stipulated in Article 37 of the Child Law of 2005, every child shall have the right to free education and learning in public school until the completion of the secondary stage of schooling; education is compulsory until completion of the stage of higher basic schooling as a minimum” (UNESCO, 2010, p2). Basic education covering ten years of schooling is free in The Palestinian Territories, however one must take into account other financial factors that may affect families from fully participating in education. For example, families that live further away from schools may have to pay for transportation fees, also in order to complete educational work and activities it is necessary to buy basic utensils and study materials. If a family is poor then these factors will affect education and participation. Sixty percent of the population of the West Bank and Gaza live under a poverty line of US$2 per day

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since the outbreak of the second Intifada. The population of poor Palestinians (under the poverty line) has tripled from 637,000 in September 2000 to nearly 2 million today (World Bank, 2003). With high rates of poverty many families will struggle to meet their basic needs let alone pay for educational factors. Therefore, government intervention is necessary in order to improve livelihoods of families and especially provide an option of education for a thriving young population. The World Bank calculates that the minimum financial amount of assistance needed to raise poor families to the poverty line is 3.6 percent of GDP, a figure that is manageable and realistic but also rapidly increasing because of a boom in the young population (World Bank, 2001).

In the Occupied Palestinian Territories (oPt), a recent study confirmed the central role of education in the lives of Palestinian children, including refugees. This study affirmed that education is not only an educational forum but also a space to socialize with other children in your community. This is especially important in areas such as Gaza and the West Bank where mobility is extremely limited, and conflict hinders the child’s opportunity to play and interact as a normal child would (Arafat, 2003). The report also found that in general, Palestinian child refugees in the West Bank and Gaza were pessimistic about the future, concluding that:

“children remain optimistic about their own personal growth and development, … in terms of maintaining ambitions to undertake professional careers… and believe that school provides them with the opportunity to work concretely towards improving themselves and ensuring a better future” (Ibid, 2003, p5).

Free primary education is provided by UNRWA, and most Palestinian refugees have access to this, however access to secondary and higher education is more restricted. Crucially, in terms of worldwide education for refugees, Palestinian refugees actually fair rather well. Worldwide, no more than 30% receive education (UNHCR, 1994, p109). Enrolment, attainment and literacy rates are all high, and in some cases higher than the non-refugee child population. Nevertheless, problems vary depending on the geographical location. Areas with more strain, such as overpopulation in schools in Gaza and heavily occupied and segregated areas such as Hebron, do experience more educational issues (Badil, 2007). Alternatively, parents still insisted that UNRWA should provide better education and teachers insisted that schools ought to have more sports activities, field trips, spacious and better equipped playgrounds, and equipment of practical exercises should be made available (Ibid.). Agnew (2010) stresses that schools and their education, should act a safety zone from strain for

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

children, and low social control in a child’s life can be associated with peer abuse in the school environment. UNRWA prohibits corporal punishment at its schools, however overwhelming reports from students in UNRWA schools expressed concern and complaints about brutal and violent behaviour in school, from both male and female teachers, in turn damaging UNRWA’s reputation for their quality of education (Al-Zaroo, 2005).

“There are two or three teachers who are not good. They are bad with students, they are always hitting and yelling, no one can talk with them, they are always yelling, and they immediately hit… (it upsets me) that teachers beat us without understanding the cause, for example, we would be talking about something and the teachers immediately hit without knowing what’s happening, or they solve everything with yelling and insults” (Serhan & Tabari, 2005, p43).

The lack of access to quality education is one of Agnew’s (1992) core strains that are most likely to increase conflict within a community, therefore it must be addressed as a key factor in how UNRWA are relieving strain with Palestinian children.

Further, adequate funding for new UNRWA schools and organization of new curriculums has not been able to keep up with the rapid growth of UNRWA’s student population, resulting in the rise of a system of double-shifting. Double-shifting occurs when there is not enough space and resources for both classes of students, therefore, shifts in the mornings handle one group of students, and shifts in the afternoon, another. This creates problems for students who will have less contact hours, and for parents who cannot adjust to such random schedules (Badil, 2007). Students need to feel safe and productive in the classroom in order to escape from the strains of life outside of the school. UNRWA schools can provide this level of relief for Palestinian children’s strains, however funding and population issues could put the quality education distribution at risk. The average student to teacher ratios in 2007/2008 were 25:1 for government schools, 29:8 in UNRWA schools, and 17:3 in private schools, proving that UNRWA is maintaining a rather good ratio (UNICEF, 2010). Further, in the oPt as a whole, the average number of students per classroom in the scholastic year 2007/2008 was 35 at basic stage and 31 at secondary stage. In basic schools, classroom density was higher in Gaza than in the West Bank (42 students per classroom in Gaza Strip and 31 students per classroom in the West Bank). At the secondary stage, class density was 40 in Gaza and 27 in the West Bank. In the UNRWA schools that have a classroom density of 42, the situation is considerably worse, and improvement is highly necessary (Ibid.).

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

There had been an in increase in enrolment purely as a result of the booming child population. However, despite the growth in the preschool population, enrolment rates and percentages have sharply declined from an estimated 34 per cent of 5-10 year olds in 1996/97 to 25 per cent in 2006/07. “The data trends point to reversals particularly coinciding with the second intifada that began in September 2000. Other contributing factors are costs and capacity – poor pupil- teacher ratios, insufficiently trained staff and low rates of entry to basic education of pre-school attendees” (Ibid, p16).

UNRWA’s expenditure per pupil varies considerably, and generally compares favourably with local government expenditures, though they are low in worldwide comparison. The UNESCO 2008 cross-national study of primary schooling from 11 different countries ranged from $458 in the Philippines to $2120 in Chile in 2003 and 2005 respectively (UNESCO, 2008). It is clear that UNRWA are below the international norm, and at risk of breaching the CRC’s article 12 (b): “Encourage the development of different forms of secondary education, including general and vocational education, make them available and accessible to every child, and take appropriate measures such as the introduction of free education and offering financial assistance in case of need” (UN General Assembly, 1989). Diagram 5 below outlines the expenditure per pupil in relation to UNRWA and the local host government expenditure which is important to highlight the differences in UNRWA expenditure per pupil in relation to other local surrounding countries.

Diagram 5: Expenditure per pupil in relation to UNRWA and local host government expenditure (Universalia, 2010).

In terms of learning achievements in UNRWA’s curriculum system, the results of international exams for evaluation of the learning skills of pupils showed that Palestinian schools ranked amongst the lowest in comparison to other countries. In 2007, The Trends in

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) showed that 133 Palestinian 8th graders in Science scored 133 below the global average, and 96 Mathematics pupils. In 2003, the results were 38 and 76 below, respectively, showing a relative improvement in pupil scores, however this could also have reduced because of a decrease in attendance rates. The national matriculation exam, The Tawjihi, which can be compared to the international baccalaureate standards, revealed downward trends in both sciences and literature. In the West Bank, results in literature dropped by 13 percent, and in Gaza Tawjihi results in science dropped by 10 percent between the years 2008 and 2009 (MoEHE, 2010). “In 2007- 2008, only one in five of 16,000 Gazan sixth graders passed standardized tests in math, science, English and Arabic, as did about half of their peers in Nablus and ” (UNICEF, 2010, p16). Hours of instruction, class size, school facilities, and prevalence of double shifts can be described as UNRWA inputs which analyse how UNRWA is providing relief against strain in relation to education quality. Interestingly, the only available data on hours of instruction is that of the European Commission review. The review found, that per annum, students spend between 800 and 1200 hours of contact time, averaging about 1000 hours. However, schools on double shifts had about 20% less contact time than single shift schools. Further, it is important to mention that this data does not take into account school closures as a result of conflict, which is a large factor in reducing education quality and contact time in Gaza and the West Bank (Universalia, 2010).

It is important that teachers are not overlooked when it comes to analysing how UNRWA provides relief to the Palestinian Child refugee’s strain. Often research conducted on the quality of UNRWA education focuses on analysing the children, the curriculum and local government policies. The actions of teachers are sometimes addressed, however on a very critical level (Al-Zaroo, 2005). It is important to point out that the strain on teachers is also very high in relation to student to teacher ratio and higher levels of risk, especially in Gaza. UNRWA teachers are well-educated overall, however, many new teachers are lacking in pre- service training. There is an “Emergency training” model used to qualify these teachers, however, there report provided by Universalia (2010) argues that the quality of this training is overlooked in order to rush teachers into the classroom. Educators in the UNRWA system are better educated, selected and trained, and in general, better paid that host government teachers. However, as detailed in the report on teacher education “new teachers are still entering UNRWA classrooms without sufficient relevant teacher training. They are comparatively well educated in the subjects they teach, but lack practical training and do not get it before they have adopted survival strategies that do not support student cantered active learning” (Ibid, p26).

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

Further, some UNRWA schools accept male teachers with lower qualifications than female teachers as a result of a shortage of male applicants. Alternatively, Gaza is the only area that has stopped this practice and is accepting female teachers for boy’s classes; and example of UNRWA willingness to adapt to such problems (Universalia, 2010). “UNRWA is praised for its efficiency of staff utilization. Classes tend to be considerably larger, and there are relatively fewer outside class administrators. The dedication and commitment of UNRWA staff has enabled UNRWA to do more with fewer numbers, a testament to the advantages of quality rather than quantity” (Ibid. p26).

There is an abundance of strain on Palestinian child refugees, and UNRWA comes under a lot of scrutiny, pressure and blame relating to how it is relieving this strain in accordance with international laws, and its own mandates. However, one must acknowledge that the hindrance of regional conflict is one factor that is outstanding in terms of the negative effects on UNRWA’s provision of education. All relevant international treaties, including the CRC, are in agreement that education must be available for all without discrimination and without disturbance to access, and within safe physical distance (EAPPI, 2013). In recent years, the Ecumenical Accompaniment Programme in Palestine and Israel (EAPPI) has guaranteed protection to Palestinian children who must pass through military checkpoints, or experience the risks of harassments and/or violence from Israeli settlers and soldiers. The unexpected level of danger, and irregularity of safety increases strain on children. According to Agnew (2010) strains can refer to conditions or events that are disliked or unwanted by individuals, in this case blockages from accessing education such as fighting violence, road blocks, soldier harassment, settler harassment and more. Negative or aversive treatment by others (e.g. receiving something bad), and the EAPPI has played a crucial role in protecting children to deal with and expectantly conquer fear; a fear that would prevent them from enjoying the fundamental right to education.

Protecting education for Palestinian refugee children is a critical humanitarian concern throughout the Palestinian territories, especially because there has been an alarming increase in attacks on schools (EAPPI, 2013). The UN Monitoring and Reporting Mechanism (MRM) noted that in 2010, 24 attacks were recorded on schools in oPt, directly affecting 7,071 students. In 2011, 46 attacks on schools. In 2012, between January and August, there were 17 documented attacks on schools causing damages to facilities and disruption of schooling affecting 9,357 students (MRM, 2015). The most serious type of attacks for all types of schools, including UNRWA schools, is the demolition of educational facilities. In 2010 the main school

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

in Khirbet Tana, near Nablus was demolished twice and In 2011, part of a school in a village called Dkaika, in south Hebron was also demolished. “Currently at least 38 schools serving approximately 3,000 children in Area C of the West Bank and in have been issued either verbal and/or written stop work or demolition orders by the ICA, meaning they are under a constant threat of demolition” (EAPPI, 2013, p6). Also, staff and children in many school’s experience repeated intimidation visits from the Israeli military and many experience violence and harassment from nearby settlers (Ibid.). Not only do Palestinian children, and refugee children, face regular threats and insecurity on a regular basis within schools, however they also lack protected access to education and face unnecessary obstacles on their way to and from school. They must travel long distances and experience long delays as well as being confronted with harassment during military searches at checkpoints, specifically along the Israeli barrier, within the West Bank and East Jerusalem. For example, Shu’fat camp, located on the eastern outskirts of Jerusalem, contains three UNRWA schools with 1,500 students in total, and Aida refugee camp, located just south of Eastern Jerusalem, only has one UNRWA school with 1,600. Both of the camp’s refugee student populations struggle with access and maintenance of UNRWA education as a result of the Israeli occupation (UNRWA, 2014a), (UNRWA, 2014b). According to the EAPPI (2013) in 2011, 39 incidents of denial of access to education were documented in oPt, directly affecting more than 30,000 students, and in 2012 there were 24 incidents, directly affecting more than 4,000. As a result of these violations of the rights of the child, and strain conditions or events that are disliked or unwanted by individuals (Agnew, 2010), there is an increase of general strain on Palestinian children to achieve positively valued goals, safety and stability through UNRWA provided education.

The accounts of volunteers working for the EAPPI rather puts into perspective the everyday struggle of Palestinian children in accessing education, and outlines the kind of struggles that UNRWA is faced with in assuring the safety and protection of these children. One volunteer expresses that:

“As we listen to teachers and parents, they provide insight into the unseen impact of the military presence on the children. The boys’ school counsellor explains that children are stressed and afraid when the army is outside the school, which affects their concentration. They keep looking out the window to see if the soldiers are there. Their grades drop and some leave the school early” (EAPPI, 2013, p6).

Further, a teacher explains that:

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

“It is very difficult to be a teacher here. They (soldiers) throw tear gas into the classrooms. We have to be always ready with onions [which mitigates the harmful effect of tear gas]. Last year they did this and the Principal went out to the entrance of the school to talk to them but they did not care. Two years ago, a colleague was pregnant and had to be rushed to hospital after inhaling tear gas. We put the children inside the classrooms, but we can’t protect them from the soldiers” (Ibid, p10).

Lastly, as a result of the Israeli occupation, curriculums and opportunities for further education in higher institutions and academia are limited for Palestinian refugee youth, in turn effecting their hope and motivations for the future (World Bank, 2001). In order to tackle curriculum marginalization and student marginalization in the academic system integration, information sharing, and inclusion are key to relieving strain. Abdulrahman Nairat, a Palestinian student in Nablus, argued that a fair debate is essential for a peaceful and productive future for the Palestinian conflict and the Palestinian youth, therefore it is imperative for Israeli and Palestinian education to be relatively balanced, free and unbiased. One way to abolish educational bias, and make it more free and productive, is to integrate. Integration by improving Israeli and Palestinian access would greatly benefit the region while opening up the local systems to youth effected by conflict or poverty elsewhere. The Inter Agency Task Force on Israeli-Arab Issues (IATF), a coalition of North American organizations raising awareness about Israel’s Arab citizens, works on social cohesion, inclusion and integration. “Arab citizens make up nearly 21% of Israel’s population. While diverse in its own right, this sizable minority is a significant component of Israel’s diversity. The particular historic, social and economic realities of Israel’s Arab citizens pose challenges to the country’s economic development and raise issues related to inclusion, equality and social cohesion, but also offer important opportunity for growth and social development” (Hai, 2014, p3). The IATF has outlined major system-wide initiatives put in place, called The Shared Society for Integration of Arabs Into Israeli Education. There are three main initiatives:

I. ‘The Other is Me’ Multi-Year Theme events: focused on human dignity, equality, tolerance, democracy, identity and belonging, acceptance of the other, democratic discourse.

II. 500 Arab Teachers in Jewish Schools: This school year implementation began on an initiative to integrate 500 excelling Arab teachers into Jewish schools.

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

III. The Council for Higher Education’s Six Year Plan: In 2012 the Council for Higher Education launched an $80 Million, Six Year Plan to Enhance Access to Higher Education for Israel’s Arab Citizens to both improve socioeconomic conditions of Arab citizens and the country as a whole, and to “promote better relations between Arabs and Jews” with the “hope that this program will begin a shift towards a more pluralistic and egalitarian society.”

Education is valued for the opportunities it can offer, and state parties, NGO’s and international organizations must abide by the CRC in order to provide the highest quality and best access to education for children. Under-privileged populations or individuals, such as Palestinian refugee children, are especially in need of quality education as a means of achieving positively valued goals, in turn, relieving strain. This chapter brought to light certain straggles in achieving quality and accessible education for Palestinian refugee children in Gaza and the West bank, realizing that educational opportunities can further hope and motivation amongst the young population. Financial struggles, issues of quality, such as teacher and pupil abuse, and threats of security to regular schooling schedules were abundant and increased strain on children. UNRWA can seek to tackle these strains by balancing educational funding and creating safe schools with regular classroom sizes and contact hours. Again, as a result of the Israeli occupation, regular schooling was hard to rely on and children’s prospects for the future were lacking, creating a sense of hopelessness and increase pf strain. Also, with an increase in motivation of all the systems players, including teachers, then the quality levels can be reached. Finally, it was seen that the analysis of education was a crucial factor in how UNRWA could relieve strain for Palestinian refugee children.

2.3. Psychosocial In order to fully understand such a crucial aspect in the field of protection of Palestinian Refugee Children, it is important to define the term psychosocial, and how UNRWA protects children by relieving psychosocial strain. According to Simpson & Wiener (1991) the term psychosocial is defined as pertaining to the influence of social factors on an individual’s mind or behaviour, and to the interrelation of behavioural and social factors. Psychosocial wellbeing, or simply wellness, can be defined as a state of being where one is achieving an adequate lifestyle in which they are happy, healthy, or in a prosperous condition; the moral or physical welfare of a person or a community. It is important to point out that

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Relieving Strain for Palestinian Refugee Children Under Occupation Master Thesis J. Robson

psychosocial factors lie under the category of health, however in the case of Palestinian refugee children this is such an important area for research because of its extreme effects on strain, and therefore it needs its own section in this paper. The term was popularized by the World Health Organization in 1996 and defined it as part of the general definition of health (Ahearn, 2000). One definition that is important, defines psychosocial wellbeing in terms of a person’s ability to do valuable acts or reach valuable states of being (Sen, 1993). Further, in order to be able to act in a purposeful manner, one needs to have urgency, independence, and self-determination, and in order to reach this positive state of being one requires the necessities of life to be satisfied and happy (Dasgupta, 1994). Crucially, refugee well-being would consist of the independence, freedom and ability to act, and the possession of the requisite goods and services in order to psychologically content (Ahearn, 2000).

People affected by crisis and conflict are often exposed to high levels of strain, and distressing experiences such as loss of home, loss of loved one, loss of dignity, loss of livelihoods, sexual and gender based violence, was atrocities, or torture. After such events people will most likely experience anxiety, hopelessness, the lack of support, or a loss of control (AISC, 2015). The effects of psychosocial damage can extend beyond the individual into the social community if it is not properly treated. Individuals need to recover first in order to rebuild society in fragile and disorganized settings. The integration of mental health and psychosocial support is critical to restoring day-to-day functioning on all levels of an individual and his/her community and inter-agency collaboration is crucial. Although the awareness of mental health and psychosocial support has increased in the humanitarian sector, local and international actors do not always follow the best practices and evidence based principles. “Interventions should be implemented according to the IASC Guidelines on Mental Health and Psychosocial Support in emergency settings in order to protect and improve people’s mental health and psychosocial well-being” (AISC, 2015, p1). These guidelines are important because they relate to the CRC in outlining humanitarian needs, however they are more specific to MHPSS. The AISC guidelines for mental health and psychosocial support prioritize effectiveness, risk management, innovation, serving needs of vulnerable people (AISC, 2015); also, important guidelines for the work of UNRWA in relieving psychosocial strain for Palestinian refugee children.

In recent years, UNRWA has been mainstreaming and finalizing a personalized mental health and psychosocial support framework (MHPSS) as a cross cutting issue. UNRWA is striving to advocate for a holistic and multidisciplinary approach to address the needs of

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Palestinian refugees by developing the capacities of frontline staff from all core departments. By introducing a shared approach to identify the needs of MHPSS, provide basic support and basic referrals (UNRWA, 2015a). It is clear that refugee girls and boys growing up in the agency’s field of operation are in dire need of additional psychosocial support because of challenging strains as a result of the context in which they live. MHPSS has been developed to provide a layered system of complementary support that meets diverse needs. Every individual may feel psychosocial strains in different ways, some may continue adequately living life without professional help, while others may struggle excessively on a daily basis. “Children’s return to happiness and well-being is linked to a safe and supportive environment with different layers of support made available if needed” (Ibid. p.4). In partnership with UNRWA, the European Union has played a significant role in funding and promoting psychosocial programmes. The EU is the largest multilateral provider of international assistance to Palestinian refugees, providing support since 1971. Between 2007 and 2014, the European Union contributed over EUR 1 billion (US$ 1.44) in support of UNRWA, including US$ 906 million to the General Fund. Also, the EU has contributed generously to UNRWA humanitarian calls in emergencies. With the support of the EU, in 2015 UNRWA hired an additional 82 psychological counsellors in UNRWA shelters, camps and schools in order to provide individual or group counselling to Palestine refugee children from Gaza and Syria, mainly suffering from Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). In the oPt only, the 365 UNRWA counsellors will provide counselling to 18,700 children in 2015, through individual or group programmes (Europa, 2015). Also, the fighting that took place in Gaza in the summer of 2014 is still reflecting scars on the territory’s refugee youth population. In order to help these children, relieve psychosocial strain as a result of conflict, UNRWA counsellors are providing psychological first aid, orientation and advice to parents and children in distress. Counsellors also engage is psychosocial activities, which include the simplest methods of strain relief such as the provision of happiness, relaxation, mediation, drawing, playing and storytelling.

Bassema Ghanem, an UNRWA counsellors, working to help in MHPSS says that their “main goal is to provide them (refugee children) with a sense of safety and security so that they feel protected… Even small children know there is nowhere safe to go in the entire Gaza Strip, and nobody can leave… As counsellors, we have noticed serious behavioural changes in children, such as aggression, anger, nervousness and restlessness. Children cannot sleep or fall asleep only to wake up screaming in the middle of the night, clinging to their

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parents… I noticed that many of the children tend to draw houses, trees and flowers, reflecting their hope to return to a home and to have a future” (Ibid.).

Alternatively, psychosocial needs of the Palestinian refugee child must also be approached through a grassroots perspective. Large International declarations, donor funds, and regional promises to aid in tackling children’s psychosocial wellness have been prevalent in recent years, and many major projects have in fact addressed the MHPSS needs of vast numbers of refugees. However, in order to address psychosocial needs of Palestinian refugee children on a local and personalized level, the simplest grassroots methods are extremely effective in the provision of happiness, relaxation, safety and general strain relief. In March 2017, a humanitarian magician, working with UNRWA to put ‘a smile’ on the faces of Palestinian refugee children, entertained 140 UNRWA students with magic tricks and magic shows. The “Magic for Smiles” shows are a grassroots initiative by UNRWA to support psychosocial strain relief activities for Palestinian refugee children (UNRWA, 2015b). “Through individual support and recreational activities, UNRWA schools strive to respond to their students’ psychological needs, allowing them to play and participate in learning and behavioural group activities. This show is the second of its kind following the one that took place at the Agency’s Tantoura school in Tyre” (Ibid.). The shows provide the children with 45 minutes of stimulation, excitement and enthusiasm, and after the show, the magicians sit with the children and discussed tricks and other fun topics. One magician, Jamie Jibberish stated:

“It was a wonderful privilege to perform for and with the Palestinian children of Caesaria School from both Lebanon and Syria,” said Jamie. “As always, their smiles and laughter motivate me to further expand this humanitarian project, as the impact of magic can go beyond entertainment alone. I give my sincere thanks to UNRWA and all the school staff for making this opportunity happen, with such deserving Palestinian children.” (Ibid.).

Further, in terms of smaller grassroots projects, UNRWA launched small art projects called “Drawing for Peace”. These projects provide relief to refugee children with psychosocial strain by taking the children on field trips to the UNRWA Gaza field office (GFO) where children could engage in individual painting and mural painting. UNRWA partnered with two local artists from Gaza who spoke with the girls and boys about the murals meaning of peace, equality and humanity (Ibid.). Also, summer camps and ceremonies help provide safe and fun spaces for refugee children. In 2016, UNRWA launched the Summer Fun Weeks

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(SFW’s) where 165, 000 registered refugee children participated in a three-week camp in Gaza, covering 108 schools, 9 special needs locations and 3 local staff union location. Including activities such as football, handicrafts, drawing and more, children had the chance to play, learn and express themselves in a local push to promote the social values of leadership, respect and cooperation. Such summer programmes do not only provide Palestinian refugee children with the chance to alleviate life strains, but they also offer Gazan youth temporary employment opportunities. The SFW’s provided Gaza youth with 2,200 short-term jobs (Ibid.).

“The SFWs are one of the Agency’s responses and interventions to help alleviate the psychological effects of frequent conflict and the hard-living conditions resulting from the blockade, which is now in its tenth year. It is also a chance to contribute positively to physical and mental health, supplementing the Agency’s Community Mental Health Programme interventions, allowing for a free and equal playing environment for boys and girls, and helping them develop positive coping mechanisms to stress” (Ibid.).

Children who suffer psychologically often have complicated and hidden issues that require substantial understanding of the inner concerns of the child. However, to date, studies have shown that children worry mostly about predetermined events centred around family, social relationships, school, academic school work, money, and social efficacy (Millar & Gallager, 1996), similarly to what are expressed as major strains in the General Strain Theory. Over the last ten to fifteen years, The Gaza strip has produced a very important body of psychosocial research. It is clear that much of the psychosocial support needed by Gazan refugee children is a result of the occupation and the intifada, however this officially ended in 1992, so one must question whether children of Gaza are still traumatized? Are they still worried by nightmares and concerned for the physical safety of their families and themselves? And, what are children in Gaza currently worried about? A study conducted in two UNRWA schools in Beach Camp in 1998, by two Palestinian research assistants, aimed to answer these questions (Ahearn, 2000). The research consisted of 287 UNRWA school children (141 boys and 146 girls) aged 11-16 years with a mean age of 13.5. It is important to include this research as it is unique in style and exactly related to the focus group in question for this paper. The research also highlights the personal, and first hand opinions of the strains of UNRWA school children. The children were told that the responses would be confidential and MacMullin & Odeh (1999) argued that the presence of foreign researchers may influence the responses of the children, hence, there was a use of local researchers. Overall, the children were worried about a variety of issues, from macro to the micro level. Political corruption, dirty streets in the

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camps, and personal futures dominated the lists of children’s concerns. Also, high on the lists of concerns, was the plight of fellow refugee children from Iraq, as well as anxiety about safe playing areas, and deteriorating health services in Gaza. Interestingly, sleeping, nightmares, loneliness, helplessness and depression, all possible indicators of trauma, were recorded as being very low in levels of worry. The worries between gender and age differences were significant. Diagram six below, shows the frequency of children’s worries according to the study in Gaza by Ahearn (2000). Further, diagram seven, highlights the significant differences in boys’ and girls’ worries.

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Diagram six: The frequency of children’s worries (Ahearn, 2000).

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Diagram seven: Significant differences in girls and boy’s worries (Ahearn, 2000).

UNRWA aims to provide protection, in accordance with the CRC, through psychosocial protection to Palestinian refugee children. However, many refugee children, especially Gazan school children who live in a more overcrowded and conflict prone area, are still feeling high levels of psychosocial strain in some of the most basic rights. Overcrowding, stands out as one important, but relatively basic, child right. The CRC states that “Parties recognize the right of the child to rest and leisure, to engage in play and recreational activities appropriate to the age of the child and to participate freely in cultural life and the arts” (UN General Assembly, 1989). Overcrowding and the lack of areas to play in are reoccurring worries for Gazan refugee children attending UNRWA programmes and schooling. Often, housing and family issues can force the children to go outside to relax and seek recreational activities. However, on the one hand children can go outside to play as a coping mechanism against their strain at home, however, on the other hand this inevitably leads to the issues of danger on the streets. One child commented that “playing outside is a good solution for our

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problems. But, the PA is destroying the playgrounds to build houses. We play in the streets because we don’t have playgrounds” (Ahearn, 2000, p200). Further, another child explained that “if we have big playgrounds, we can solve all of our problems” (Ibid.). It is important to acknowledge that the strain experienced by the child, as a result of not having a safe-haven at home or outdoors, is extremely high. This situation may lead to children being in a constant state of stress, and state of alarm while they try to handle social, political, and mental stability in everyday life. Therefore, UNRWA centres that provide psychosocial relaxation and protection, are essential for the child’s well-being as well as the communities relief of strain. Similarly, concerns about overcrowding and safe playing zones were matched with concerns about the environment within the camps (Ahearn, 2000). One particular important worry, that increased the Palestinian child’s strain on their every-day psychosocial wellbeing, was the dirty state of the streets and the beaches in Gaza. One child expressed his anxiety for this issue by stating that “I don’t like to go to the beach, its dirty… why don’t we keep out beach and sea clean? why don’t we keep our country clean? we should clean up Gaza, I dream to see my country clean and free” (Ibid. p2001).

Due to personal field research, while volunteering with Palestinian refugee children in Nablus, West Bank, it became clear that overcrowding and lack of recreation was an obvious problem for children living within the camps. This was particularly prevalent in Balata refugee camp, located within the city of Nablus. Because of the lack of regulation for infrastructure, the camp is overbuilt and the average street can be as small as half a metre wide. The consequences of the lack of space is devastating. Children roam the dark and claustrophobic streets in search of playing materials and spaces big enough to play something as basic as football. The streets in the camps are often flooded with sewage or other waste and small construction sites seem to churn up dust on almost every street. Below, one can see photographs taken during a field research visit to Balata refugee camp (Robson, 2015).

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Picture 1: The bottom half on the photo shows the density of Balata Refugee Camp, compared to the rest of Nablus (Robson, 2015).

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Picture two: Children show volunteers their play area, and the narrow streets covered in trash and waste (Robson, 2015).

Picture Three: Overlooked by concrete separation walls, a constant, overbearing reminder of the occupation for Palestinian children (Robson, 2015).

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According to Tawfiq Abdalrahim (2017) (appendix A), a refugee and the current head of IT for a Palestinian NGO called Project Hope, provided a personal account of psychosocial strain on refugees in Nablus. It is important to refer to his interview because it contains the perspective of a local refugee who has experienced the UNRWA educational, health and psychosocial programmes. Local perspectives are extremely important in order to collect reliable and holistic data on how UNRWA is providing psychosocial protection and relieving strain for Palestinian refugee children. Tawfiq (2017) stated that children are under a lot of pressure and strain because of overcrowding, limited privacy, monetary issues, lack of playing areas, weak education from UNRWA, and the occupation. “The occupation, which is the worst thing that we’ve ever had, the army attacks most of the nights, 2 different invasions, making the camps like their fighting game” (Ibid.). Further, Tawfiq (2017) stated that growing up as an UNRWA refugee child in Nablus there is limited choice for the future, specifically in education, which decreases motivation and increases strain. Also, negative relationships are a major cause of strain. “Negative relationships with others are, quite simply, relationships in which others are not treating the individual as he or she would like to be treated” (Agnew, 1992). Therefore, it was crucial to highlight the strain of negative relationships in the interview with Tawfiq Abdalrahim (2017) where he stated that by being a refugee he feels that they are excluded from the local citizens, and therefore those negative relationships teach the children that they are second class citizens who have no options for the future. This is a form of the GST “goal blockage” in which an individual cannot escape from his/her stressors or damaging surroundings (Agnew, 2010), which can have disastrous psychosocial effects on youth.

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Picture Four: An elderly man standing in front of his house which was attacked and burnt down by Israeli settlers (Robson, 2015).

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Picture Five: A Palestinian child wears a shirt campaigning for the remembrance of his dead baby cousin who was killed in a attack by settlers, and burnt to death (Robson, 2015).

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Picture Six: Daunting Israeli Defence Force towers and fences overlooked by a minaret in Hebron, showing the proximity of the occupation with the everyday lives of local Palestinians in Hebron (Robson, 2015).

It is crucial to focus on the correlation between violence and psychosocial issues. So far, the analysis on how UNRWA is relieving psychosocial strain for Palestinian refugee children has revealed that on a daily basis UNRWA programmes and participant struggle with strain as a result of the Israeli occupation and past conflict. Therefore, it is also necessary focus specifically on strain as a result of experiences of violence. The experience of violence is pervasive amongst Palestinian children in The West Bank and Gaza (Miller & El-Masri, 1999). The prevalence of exposure rates amongst children to tear gassing, house searches, and physical injury by Israeli soldiers has been well documented in a variety of reports. Further, more recent studies have investigated the prevalence of child emotional and behavioural problems (Ibid.). In Gaza, the active role of children and adolescents in the intifada (uprising), which was a significant destabilizing event, highlights the personal experiences and involvement of Palestinian youth in contexts of violent surroundings. It is therefore important to understand how that participation increases strain on child psychosocial well-being. Palestinian children

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and youth participated in the Intifada by organizing demonstrations, spraying graffiti, and throwing stones at The Israeli Defence Forces (IDF). Confrontations between the soldiers and the youth were common and resulted in extensive curfews, physical injuries, home demolitions, psychosocial damage and even death of Palestinian children and youth (Graff, 1991). In terms of psychosocial strain as a result of the Intifada, according to research conducted by Miller & El-Masri (1999), prevalence rates, of 669 school-aged children attending UNRWA schools and private schools, for Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) were 11.9% for boys and 8.5% for girls, with no significant difference between genders. Further, the prevalence rates for Emotional Disorder (ED) were very high for boys and girls (49.0% and 44.8%, respectively). Overall, 55.7% and 46.8% of children aged 6-11 were found to have one or more emotional or behavioural disorders (Ibid.). Further, parents reported that children and youth were exposed to a variety of types of trauma. The most common type of trauma experienced by the children was being attacked by tear gass (69.5%), damaging house searches (61.4%), seeing shooting, fighting of explosions (54.4%) and arrested family members (36.9%) (Ibid.). Interestingly, it is also important to investigate, according to the youth, who or what was responsible for their trauma and /or strain. Those who chose damaging house searches as their main trauma overwhelmingly blamed the Israeli Authorities (84.6%). Those who decided Family members being killed or injured was their worst experience, was also blamed mainly on the Israeli authorities (72.2%) but also 5.5% to the Palestinian Authority and 16.7 to ‘others’. Females were found to have higher rates of moderate and severe PTSD (35.7% and 11.6%, respectively) than males who had (26.0% and 4.0%, respectively). Only 9.0% of males and 16.1% of females were categorized as having no or doubtful PTSD, that is, 91.0% of males and 83.9% of females were scored as mild to severe PTSD (Ibid.). As a result, it can be seen that this evidence demonstrates that school age Palestinian children living in Gaza have significantly high prevalence rates of emotional and behavioural problems, all effecting their psychosocial well-being. According to the Gaza Child Health Survey, mental health outcomes were found to be correlated with high exposure to trauma. The Israeli Authorities were heavily blamed for a majority of exposure to traumatic events.

Basak (2012) acknowledges the direct correlation between violence and the increase in psychosocial strain on Palestinian refugee children, specifically in the West Bank refugee camp of , which is important to include because of its active role in the second intifada. Again, in 2008, as well as the second intifada, The Gaza War, which took place at the same time, in December was a significant marker of violence, increasing psychosocial strain for

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Palestinian Refugee Children. The Gaza War resulted in the deaths of 1,380 Palestinians including 431 children and 112 women (Basak, 2012). In interviews, carried out with thirty different parents in Dheisheh refugee camp, to determine their perceptions of their children’s health, “70% of interviewees deemed that their children were not in good health… this finding accelerated to 100% after the Gaza War… showing the negative effects war has on health perceptions” (Basak, 2012, p423). Findings proved that perceptions of physical health are very much interlinked with psychosocial well-being and parents’ perceptions of their children’s health, they are also closely related to their state of mental health. Although the West Bank was not directly involved in the Gaza war, many residents of Dheisheh refugee camp had family or friends in the Gaza Strip, resulting in outburst of intifada related, anti-Israeli violence (Ibid.). “This caused a shift in mood in Dheisheh as with Palestinians globally. Furthermore, the televised broadcast of the Gaza War was watched by all interviewees, impacting negatively on perceptions of their children’s health as well as their own health” (Ibid. p424). The fact that conflict and violence (events or conditions disliked by others) which was effecting loved ones, friends or “close others” in Gaza, also directly instigated negative strain on children in Deisheh refugee camp. This correlation is directly referred to as a cause of strain in the General Strain Theory. GST states that “strain may also be related to vicarious strains or strains experienced by others. This is especially the case when the strains are experienced by close others, the individual feels some responsibility for protecting these others, and the strains have those characteristics conducive to crime” (Agnew, 2009, p170). Despite not being directly involved in the Gaza war in 2008, residents of the Dheisheh refugee camp displayed similar psychosocial symptoms to those directly exposed to war (Thabet, Salloum & Tawahina, 2009), such as anxiety, and negative thoughts. It is likely that children’s mental health was related to their own parent’s mental anxieties and PTSD (Basak, 2012).

Therefore, there is a clear correlation between violence as a result of the occupation and its detrimental effects on mental health. Therapeutic and preventive psychosocial programmes, for example, the ones provided by UNRWA, have already been implemented by the Gaza Community Mental Health Programme and would be highly beneficial to both children and adults in the West Bank as well (Ibid).

It is hoped that with the lessening of direct violence towards Palestinian refugee children, the prevalence of psychosocial problems will decrease over time. However, the long- term impacts of past violent experiences such as the intifada, which many of these children have lived through, and continued general strains will probably continue to impair the

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psychosocial well-being of Palestinian refugee children, as well as the work of UNRWA. “Support and development by the international community, the state of Israel, the Palestinian National Authority and Palestinian NGOs of co-ordinated and community-based culturally relevant prevention and treatment programmes for the children and families of Gaza are required in order to begin to meet the significant emotional health and social needs of the children of Gaza” (Ibid. p376).

3. Conclusion and Recommendations 3.1. Recommendations This paper has sought to analyse how UNRWA relieves strain by providing protection, outlined by the General Strain Theory (Agnew, 1992), to Palestinian children through health, educational, and psychosocial programmes. Palestinian refugee children are one of the most vulnerable people of society, the strain they face can have profound consequences on their future security and development in a community that is already strife with violence under an occupation. Therefore, this research was crucial in order to focus on UNRWA’s role in relieving strain, outlined by The General Strain Theory, for Palestinian refugee children. The General Strain theory has little been analysed with Middle Eastern conflict, especially the Israeli-Palestinian conflict (Agnew, 1999). The focus was on Health, educational and psychosocial programmes because these were the main sectors of protection provided by UNRWA, and the core, major categories of the types of strain in GST. In order to highlight the relevance of this research, and how it can be improved and implemented on a practical level, based on the research conducted for this paper, this chapter will propose certain recommendations for improvement of the work of UNRWA, and their role in relieving strain for Palestinian refugee children, within health, education, and psychosocial programmes.

3.1.1. Health First, providing relief from the strain of health issues, is of utmost importance in the protection of Palestinian refugee children. Under the Convention of the Rights of The Child, it is declared that a child’s rights under the convention are the right to psycho-social wellbeing, the right to health and the right to education (UN General Assembly, 1989). Therefore, UNRWA must abide by international law in protecting Palestinian children and in this case, it is important to analyse and provide recommendations for improvement in order for them to further their goal in protecting these children. As well as analysing the work of UNRWA and the general strains that are effecting Palestinian refugee children, in order to further the research in this area, it is important to outline some general recommendations. The GST states that that

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the strains most likely to increase conflict within a community are associated with low social control which is related to personal physical health of an individual, his family, and his friends (Agnew, 2010). In the Palestinian Territories levels of health varied between region, and despite major boosts in funding infant mortality rates have still proven to be rather high. Issues of access and affordability have proven to be substantial problems for the refugee population, however this cannot be fully blamed on UNRWA because of other damaging external factors such as “continuing occupation and subsequent measures of closures, extended curfews, roadblocks and security checkpoints” (BADIL, 2007). Disturbing and violent attacks by The Israeli Defence Forces on hospitals have marred peace talks and disturbed the medical processes in both Gaza and The West Bank. Geographical access to education is also important, and with a lack of UNRWA resources, it has been important for UNRWA to operate in the most disparate areas. One major UNRWA hospital resides in Qalqilya, with other centres focused on strategic and populated areas, however many rural areas are rather isolated from health facilities (Health Inforum, 2005). Also, UNRWA recognized the need for a family orientated approach in order to promote the health of children. The GST suggests that adolescents are rarely very concerned with long term goals and future healthcare planning (Agnew, 1992), therefore, a family based approach where parents have a large responsibility too is crucial. In response, UNRWA launched a health reform package named the Family Health Team (FHT) approach (UNRWA, 2015). Other new initiatives such as the Healthy Camps initiative, the E-Health medical records system, and the School Health Programmes have all been promoted by UNRWA in order to tackle strains of the growing population of Palestinian refugee children.

In order to fulfil international laws for the protection of the rights of the child, through relieving strain in the provision of health programmes, UNRWA must consider certain recommendations and improvements. The feasibility of steps to improve the UNRWA’s provision of health programmes will depend on future political and geographic developments in the region, and the effort of the Palestinian Authority to effect change (Mataria & Khatib, 2009). A best case-scenario would include the establishment of the sovereign Palestinian state, in accordance with UN resolution 242 (UN Security Council, 1967). Alternatively, a worst- case scenario, would include a deterioration of the political situation, failed peace talks, and the lacking management of the Palestinian Authority. The commitment to cooperation between all the relevant players in the healthcare system is key to creating a dynamic, holistic and effective healthcare system for Palestinian refugee children. “The most important feature of

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any successful initiative toward building an effective, efficient, and equitable health-care system will be effective stewardship, by which the Palestinian Ministry of Health becomes empowered and has the capacity to oversee and steer the entire system… Commitment from stakeholder’s other than the ministry is also important— stewardship after all is about collective rather than individual responsibility” (Mataria & Khatib, 2009, p1213). UNRWA’s commitment to protection of refugee children through healthcare programmes is crucial, however this overarching issue is not the sole responsibility of UNRWA, and in order for improvements to be implemented it must be understood that a balanced and accountable approach in the cooperation between relevant stakeholders is an efficient way forward. Clear, core policy goals for human resources and health is needed to promote efficiency and accountability. Efforts to upgrade, integrate and form new individual capacities would help future plans succeed, but also help build experience and confidence to build a momentum of change (Adjibolosoo, 1998). One observer of the situation in the occupied Palestinian territory expressed that there are “strong individual capacities against severe institutional weaknesses” (Mataria & Khatib, 2009, p1213). Further, steps should be taken to remedy the malfunctioning schemes of health-care financing. The research in this paper outlined that because of severe population impoverishment, extensions of insurance coverage, and pressure from UNRWA and the international community, the Ministry of Health has taken on a larger share of overall service delivery. Concrete plans are needed towards the institutionalization of a genuine social insurance scheme. Mataria & Khatib (2009) argue that the health insurance scheme should become an independent and accountable legal entity with control of its own revenues, and functioning under collective ministerial supervision. Some recommendations for reform of health programmes could suggest that payment capitation, based on economic and social condition, per admission and for primary care might improve cost effectiveness and increase equity (Gottret, Schieber & Health, 2006). “In the local context, evidence suggests that patients are willing to pay to benefit from improved essential quality attributes, with amounts varying according to the extent of improvement and patients’ abilities to pay” (Mataria & Khatib, 2009, p1213). Overall, three main systematic goals can be focused on, first, improving refugee health quality and access, responding to expectations, and enhancing risk protection for the most vulnerable Palestinian refugee children, all this must be done in the most cost-effective way with quality at the core of any endeavour.

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3.1.2. Educational Education proves to be a key tool to achieving positively valued goals in the future of Palestinian refugee children, and it is valued for the opportunities it can offer, especially in relieving strain outlined by Agnew’s (1992) General Strain Theory. One of the core strains that are most likely to increase conflict with an individual and within a community is the lack of access to quality education. Therefore, the analysis of how UNRWA is relieving strain through educational project is essential in furthering recommendation for improvements. Maintenance of quality education and improvements are necessary for UNRWA in order to fulfil the international mandate for the convention of the rights of the child. The CRC clearly expresses that “States Parties shall take all appropriate legislative, administrative, social and educational measures to protect the child (UN General Assembly, 1989). Further, it outlines that “primary education should be compulsory and available for free to all. The right to education also involves the provision of quality education on the basis of equal opportunity to all children, including non-formal education (e.g. sports and recreational, cultural and artistic activities)” (Badil, 2007, p20).

Overall, research conducted in this paper suggested that many refugee children in the oPt were pessimistic about their academic futures. This pessimism was partly caused by the lack of quality in education and the lack of secondary and higher education (Arafat, 2003). However, statistical analysis did provide evidence that on a worldwide scale, Palestinian refugee actually fair rather well (UNHCR, 1994). Parents still insisted that the quality of education could be increased, and teachers argued that there is a need for more extra-curricular activities and opportunities (Badil, 2007). Further, Agnew’s General strain theory highlights that schools should act as safety zones, away from strains of peer abuse and violence (Agnew, 2010). However, even though UNRWA prohibits any form of corporal punishment in its schools, there have been reports of violence and brutality conducted by teachers towards students (Al-Zaroo, 2005). Also, as a result of growing numbers of child refugee populations, adequate funding has struggled to maintain UNRWA educational quality and distribution. Classroom overpopulations have increased, and teacher-student contact hours has been limited, all reducing the quality and quantity of education (Badil, 2007). The dedication and enthusiasm of UNRWA school staff is key to quality and accessible education, often, new teachers are entering classrooms without sufficient teacher training, or emergency training, and some schools in the West Bank are bias towards female teachers (Universalia, 2010). Lastly, and most significantly, the Israeli occupation is a major cause of the troubles faced by UNRWA in

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the provision and access of education. All relevant international treaties, including the CRC, are in agreement that education must be available for all without discrimination and without disturbance to access, and within safe physical distance (EAPPI, 2013). According to Agnew (2010) strains can refer to conditions or events that are disliked or unwanted by individuals, and in the case of education for Palestinian refugee children, these strains can be related to blockages in access to education such as violence from the occupation, road blocks, soldier harassment, settler harassment and more.

Certain recommendations and improvements must be addressed in order for the quality and access of education for Palestinian refugee children to be maintained and improved. As a result of growing demand, and lack of funding, adaptations and improvements are crucial. There is a growing understanding amongst donors that a solely technical approach to programming in education is insufficient in the political environments present in the situation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which has led to an emphasis on the need for political economy analysis of the educational sector. Financial management and planning is decisive for educational quality and access (Smith, 2010). “There is increasing recognition that blockages for effective reform at the sectoral level (including for delivery planning and procurement) can be political and that technical solutions alone may not be enough. Governance of a sector, and the way in which politics and institutions interact within that sector, will in practice have a critical impact on sector policies and services” (Foresti & Wild, 2009). Further research in the analysis of political and economic reform in the educational sector can boost conflict-sensitive programming within the educational sector. Importantly, there has been a recognition of the need to develop alternative service delivery mechanisms in the most difficult conflict environments, such as Gaza, where the government is not always able or willing to provide education for all and where the most vulnerable groups of the population suffer, such as Palestinian refugee children (Smith, 2010). A research based, sectoral approach has the potential to effect systematic change in the Palestinian educational system, and improve gaps of inefficiency to promote protection. A grassroots approach is important, which allows individual schools and classrooms to manage and support their independent issues, however this may also encourage isolation between schools and regions. Therefore, once again, similarly to the health sector recommendations, communication, cooperation and collaboration is key to UNRWA educational sector reform. Identity factors such as citizenship, language and faith must be promoted within school grounds in order to further a sense of community and safety amongst Palestinian refugee children, in turn relieving strain. In response to violence as a result

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of the occupation, which proves to be extremely damaging for Palestinian refugee children, education constitutes one of the most important methods for promoting reconciliation. This can mainly involve using the school system to promote peace education, since the system is often the only institution of which the society can make formal, intentional and extensive effort to improve the fundamental cores of community (Nets-Zehngut & Bar-Tal, 2007). “Peace education aims at constructing the students’ world view (eg: their values, beliefs, attitudes, motivations, skills, and patterns of behaviour) in a way that reflects the reality of the peace process and prepares them to live in an era of peace and reconciliation” (Ibid. p8). Also, community engagement in the name of promoting future opportunities is essential in order to counter arguments about lacking opportunities. These community engagement projects can help give advice and guidance to refugee children who have hopeless and pessimistic attitudes about their academic futures. In order to improve the quality of education, there must be a focus on the staff and teachers who are under a high level of strain in their everyday implementation of schooling. These players are key in the schooling system and must be given the highest level of attention in order to pass on their enthusiasm to students and the community. Research and funding should also take into consideration that the student is not the sole focus in the educational sector, but staff and teachers must also be assessed and aided. Another major strain for Palestinian children in the schooling system in the oPt was the amount of violence and abuse because of bullying or punishment by students and teachers. The issue of abuse and bullying on schoolgrounds can be tackled using monitoring and evaluation techniques, by outside monitors, in order to avoid any form of bias. Teachers must be trained and held accountable for any misconduct under international standards. Finally, there needs to be more time and space for extra-curricular activities, which is a simple request that was central to many student’s complaints of strains (Badil, 2007). A small amount of extra time, as well as extra playing spaces is essential for the development of Palestinian refugee children and the UNRWA schooling system.

3.1.3. Psychosocial The psychosocial dynamics of the individual societies and the conflict itself have been formed gradually over time. The collective emotional orientation is defined as shared emotions by the members of society, in this case, vulnerable Palestinian refugee children. Palestinian refugee societies can be seen as being dominated by fear on a collective level (Bar- Tal, 2001). This fear further stimulates strain, and emotions of anger and hatred directed inwardly as well as towards each other (Nets-Zehngut & Bar-Tal, 2007). UNRWA acts as the

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only UN organization that provides aid to solely Palestinian refugees, and its mandate, in line with the Convention of the Rights of the Child, strives to relive strain for Palestinian Refugee children by providing psychosocial programmes. The research presented in this paper has analyse the psychosocial programmes provided by UNRWA in order to reduce the collective fear, anger, frustration and strain within refugee communities as well as individual children. However, for improvement to be made, the evolution of collective trust, and mutual acceptance of hope and peace must prevail (Bar-Tal, 2001).

According to the research conducted in this paper, there was an abundance of psychosocial strain on Palestinian refugee children, in turn putting more pressure on UNRWA to address this growing issue. Further the General Strain theory focusses on psychosocial strains as Negative relationships within the community, (politically, socially, economically) which are a major cause of strain. “Negative relationships with others are, quite simply, relationships in which others are not treating the individual as he or she would like to be treated” (Agnew, 1992). This is also a form of “goal blockage” in which the GST states that an individual cannot escape from his/her stressors or damaging surroundings (Agnew, 2010), which can have disastrous psychosocial effects on youth. A major psychosocial issue that stood out for Palestinian refugee children was the lack of “safe spaces” and spaces of relaxation and happiness. Something as simple as putting a smile on a child’s face, and giving a distraction away from outside violence, is a step in the right direction. It is crucial that grassroots initiatives such as the “Magic for Smiles” and “Drawing for Peace” projects greatly enhanced strain relief and provided refugee children with a daily distraction and relaxation (UNRWA, 2015b). Grassroots projects such as these are easy to organize, implement and fund as they are usually rather small events, such as the “Magic for Smiles” shows which consisted of one magician and his props (Ibid.). Therefore, it is essential that daily, or even weekly, schedules of strain relieving, psychosocial events and activities, where children can be entertained, distracted and build positive relationships, should be implemented. Gazan children experienced a high level of psychosocial strain and trauma relating to The Gaza War and Intifada which ended in 1992. In order to tackle this issue, extensive research must be conducted on the main fears and strains of Palestinian children in Gaza in order to highlight their top strains and focus specifically on those areas. Overcrowding was a real concern of many Palestinian refugee children, which the CRC outlines as a crucial and basic right in a child’s development. This issue is strife in refugee camps as they are cramped and overbuilt as a result of overpopulation and under-regulation (Ahearn, 2000, p200). The Palestinian Authority (PA) must designate zones for leisure, such

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as parks and playgrounds, which cannot be built on under any circumstances. UNRWA must ensure the maintenance and development of these parks in collaboration with local authorities. In the case of Balata refugee camp, which is situation in the middle of Nablus and surrounded by buildings and roads, there is a need for recreational spaces however there are limited options on the ground because of urban location. One recommendation for improvement in Balata could be the consideration of gardens and greenery on top of houses, and rather than large parks, many small parks dotted around and within the camp could effectively ease the psychosocial strain for some of the children (Ibid.). The high rates of trauma and emotional disorders as a result of experiencing violence first in in areas such as Gaza has proven to be a huge issue in the psychical sector. The long-term effects of the children experiencing violence first hand, such as killings, fighting, explosions, tear gas attacks and attacks on family members have very damaging effects on the child’s psychosocial wellbeing. Attacks on family members and violent house searches proved to be the most stressful for the refugee children, and this was blamed mainly on the Israeli Authorities and the Israeli Defence Forces (Miller & El- Masri, 1999). With the Israeli forces being the main culprit, it is clear that potential peace talks, or at least a cessation of refugee camp attacks could be implemented in order to improve the sense of security and protection for Palestinian Refugee children. However, Israel’s generals blame the anarchy and rise in extremism of the camps on the weakening grip of the PA within the camps, resulting in the necessity for IDF to intervene (Economist, 2013). In this case, constructive communication between the IDF, the PA and UNRWA can protect children by making sure that there are no children in the vicinity where the raids will take place. An increase in UNRWA funding and programming for therapeutic and preventative psychosocial projects which focus in the needs of individual and their communities can increase awareness and the feeling of protection, lessening strain for Palestinian refugee children.

3.2. Final Conclusion Overall, The United National Relief and Works Agency has strived to provide protection to Palestinian refugee children with limited child rights and state protection (Source UNRWA). One of the most vulnerable populations of Palestinian society, refugee children aged 5-18, struggle to deal with everyday pressures which can be defined as strains. These strains are outlined by The General Strain Theory, in which, the most prominent scholar of the theory, Robert Agnew, explains that certain stressors or strains on an individual or a community, can put stability, productivity, protection and durable solutions for a sustainable future at risk. Strains refer to events or conditions that are unwanted and disliked by individuals.

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Aversive or negative treatment by others (e.g. receiving something bad), the loss of a valued possession (e.g. loss of something good), and/or the inability to achieve goals (e.g. failure to get what is wanted) are all involved in general strain (Agnew, 2010). As a result of these strains, adolescents may react in highly negative and destructive ways, in turn, effecting their community and their prospects for a peaceful and productive future. Therefore, research in the analysis of General Strain, and how it is being relieved in order to prevent negative outcomes for individuals and a community, is essential. This thesis has directly taken a new perspective on the General Strain Theory by focusing on children in a conflict zone and under occupation (the Occupied Palestinian Territories), and analysing how UNRWA, the only organization that focuses solely on Palestinian refugees, relieves strain by providing protection through health, educational and psychosocial programmes. International agreements such as the 1989 Convention on The Rights of The Child, which contains forty-two articles, clearly outlines the rights of the child, and the responsibility of the accountable government or organizations to abide by these international rules (UNICEF, 1989). UNRWA does not have a protection mandate, however it is considered that humanitarian assistance could act as a type of protection through basic relief, where refugees can be able to realize economic and social rights, and as the largest organization to aid in the protection of Palestinian refugee children its analysis in collaboration with the General Strain Theory and the Convention of The Rights of the Child was essential.

The main sectors of strain relief which were focused on in this thesis, were the main categories of types of strain, as well as the main programmes implemented by UNRWA. Health, educational, and psychosocial programmes and strains were central to the protection of Palestinian refugee children. First, an introduction outlined key aspects of the thesis including the relevance and a description of the General Strain Theory, followed by a historical background in the second chapter which is crucial to provide a foundation to the Israeli- Palestinian refugee crisis. The third chapter described the general strain theory in detail highlighting causes of strain, and different debates. Fourth, there was an in-depth analysis of the causes of strain for Palestinian Children and how UNRWA’s provision of health, psychosocial, and educational protection to Palestinian refugee children relieved this strain. And finally, a review of each sections key aspects and strains, and their proposed recommendations and improvements, based on the detailed research provided. The recommendations provide a rather detailed overview of the health, educational and psychosocial issues and improvements and in order to conclude it is important to highlight the

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main recommendations for the improvement of UNRWA’s work in relieving strain for Palestinian refugee children.

Based on the analysis and data collection, between each of the three selected sectors of health, educational and psychosocial programmes, to some extent, UNRWA provides basic protection to a large number of Palestinian refugee children through a variety of grassroots projects, schools, and medical centres. The strains outlined in The General Strain Theory correspond rather harmoniously with the relief of strain provided by UNRWA’s programmes. However, there were some rather large obstacles effecting UNRWA’s work and how they were relieving strain in The Occupied Palestinian Territories. Some key categories that stood out as issues that needed to be focused on across all three sectors were, funding commitment by donors, grassroots family orientated approaches, community engagement projects, cooperation between stakeholders, cost effectiveness and management, clear future planning and communication, professional training for UNRWA staff, online organizational systems, physical space in refugee camps, an individual approach (on a case by case basis), and most importantly the Israeli occupation which hindered accessibility to UNRWA services in the West Bank and Gaza, effected camp stability because of raids, and negatively affected the children’s hopes of a productive and positively valued future.

Finally, in order to pursue the protection of Palestinian refugee children, by relieving strain outlined by the General Strain theory, in accordance with the CRC, further research in this sector is needed. There is a lack of research in relating the General Strain Theory to the Palestinian conflict and adolescents and therefore this must be pursued. Also, it is important to highlight certain limitations to this thesis in order to clarify the research. As much in-depth analysis was looked at in order to sufficiently analyse how UNRWA was relieving strain for Palestinian refugee children, however because of certain conflicts within the West Bank at the time it was slow to integrate more interviews from members of NGO’s. Also, one must acknowledge any bias in statistical research as a result of the conflict (this will always be slightly prominent in a conflict), however overall, limitations were minimal and research was successful.

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5. Appendix: Interview transcription with Tawfiq Abdulrahim Abdulrahim, T. (2017, April 15). Personal Interview [skype].

Question 1: What is your name, occupation, and brief description of your history?

Answer: My Name is Tawfiq Abdalrahim, I am and ITC specialist, and I am doing a master’s in method of teaching and curricula – I am focussing about using technology in education.

I am a Palestinian refugee, I am living and working and studying at Nablus city in the west bank, my family forced to leave Hiafa city at 1948, and now we are living at one of UNRWA refugee camps in Nablus, my camp called camp number one, because it was the first refugee camp at the west bank.

Question 2: Have you ever heard about the General Strain Theory? Or any other theories related to societal pressure?

Answer: Actually no, maybe because of my studying fields, or because of the less mount of researchers in this field.

Question 3: What was your relation to UNRWA?

Answer: I am a refugee use to live in a camp, refugee camp, so all of the refugee camps have some support from the UNRWA, like primary schools, health and hygiene, plus supporting some of youth centers.

Question 4: Did you ever experience any of their educational, health, or psychosocial programmes?

Answer: Sure, I’ve studied at our camp primary schools (1st grade to 9th grade), and we have one health center at our camp it gives people the basics medical issues.

Question 5: What are some of the key issues in relation to children under the age of 18?

Answer: Primary schools, plus supporting the youth centers for some of summer activities, like summer camps.

Question 6: In your opinion what kinds of societal pressures or strains do children experience?

Answer: If I understand your question well, they under lots of pressures, small and crowdy houses, less privacy, unemployment then less money, no play spaces like what it should be, weak education, finally the occupation which is the worst thing that we’ve ever had, army most of the nights, 2 different invasions, making the camps like their fighting goals.

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Question 7: What kind of pressures did you experience as a child?

Answer: All of the points from the last question, plus I wanted to study something different, we couldn’t

Find centers to teach us something more than we have at the school.

Question 8: What is your opinion on the presence of UNRWA in the Palestinian Territories?

Answer: In the past UNRWA was stronger, maybe because of the good funding, but now they are doing less work.

Question 9: What kinds of educational Programmes/assistance does UNRWA provide?

Answer: Primary education. And kindergartens, and in Ramallah they have one collage to teach the refugee students a BA degree in Educational science.

Question 10: What kinds of health programmes/assistance does UNRWA provide?

Answer: Initial treatments, and they cover a percent of treatments costs for some issues if they went to a local hospital.

Question 11: What kinds of Psychosocial (eg: mental health) programmes/assistance does UNRWA provide?

Answer: I don’t know if they have kind of a psychosocial unit at the camps, even the health center,

Question 12: Is UNRWA doing enough to relieve this strain? If not, what can be improved?

Answer: Not as what should be, maybe as I said before because of less founding and occupation pressures, they should focus more on educational system, health, training programs for parents, older brothers (if we’re talking about children), and working for some programs to decrease the employment.

Question 13: Negative relationships are a major cause of strain. “Negative relationships with others are, quite simply, relationships in which others are not treating the individual as he or she would like to be treated” (Agnew, 1992). What is your opinion on this in relation to Palestinian refugee children?

Answer: Somehow the refugee feel that they are different that the others, like me I just waked up to find that I am refugee, now it’s your destiny to be in here, the society keep consider us as refugee, which is mean that we’re different than the cities citizens, somehow you live in your country but you mess home, what I mean of my answers even those children they don’t have a better chance to live a better life, and all of those negative relations with the others, somehow treat children to learn lots of bad things, like what’s happening in Balata camp these days.

Question 14: The Convention on The Rights of The Child states that “State Parties shall take all appropriate legislative, administrative, social and educational measures to protect the child from all forms of physical or mental violence, injury or abuse, neglect or negligent treatment, maltreatment or exploitation, including sexual abuse, while in the care of parent(s), legal guardian(s) or any other person who has the care of the child” (UN General Assembly, 1989). The CRC is the international agreement for the protection of the child? In your opinion, is this protection being fulfilled?

Answer: There are lot of cases you see the thing and the opposite, so you can’t say yes and you can’t say no.

Question 15: Some critics describe the involvement of UNRWA as an organization promoting a bias and terrorist curriculum, to what extent do you agree with this?

Answer: They teach same PA curriculum, and the PA curriculum under the united nation laws, so I don’t think so.

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Question 16: Does UNRWA need to improve in the protection of the Palestinian refugee child? If so, what can be improved?

Answer: Sure, UNRWA don’t have a lot of control over the occupation side, don’t have the power to do anything to protect children in here.

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