Massive U.S. War Fleet Attacks Libyan People
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Reflections on Peace Education and the Philippines," the Journal of Social Encounters: Vol
The Journal of Social Encounters Volume 4 Issue 2 Article 7 2020 Reflections on eaceP Education and the Philippines Patricia M. Mische Lloyd Professor of Peace Studies and World Law, Antioch College (retired) Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.csbsju.edu/social_encounters Part of the Anthropology Commons, Catholic Studies Commons, Christianity Commons, Ethics in Religion Commons, International Relations Commons, Islamic Studies Commons, Peace and Conflict Studies Commons, Politics and Social Change Commons, Race and Ethnicity Commons, Religious Thought, Theology and Philosophy of Religion Commons, Social Psychology and Interaction Commons, and the South and Southeast Asian Languages and Societies Commons Recommended Citation Mische, Patricia M. (2020) "Reflections on Peace Education and the Philippines," The Journal of Social Encounters: Vol. 4: Iss. 2, 78-89. Available at: https://digitalcommons.csbsju.edu/social_encounters/vol4/iss2/7 This Additional Essay is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@CSB/SJU. It has been accepted for inclusion in The Journal of Social Encounters by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@CSB/SJU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Journal of Social Encounters Introduction to Special Section on Peace Education in the Philippines Note from the editors: Dr. Joseph Okumu and I are very pleased and honored to have Dr. Patricia Mische on the editorial board of the JSE, and we want to thank her very much for organizing this special section on Peace Education in the Philippines. We also thank Drs. Castro and Nario Galace for their contributions to this issue. Dr. Mische is a globally respected pioneer in peace and global education who has educated and inspired many. -
Revolutionary Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War: A
Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Darlington, RR http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2012.731834 Title Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Authors Darlington, RR Type Article URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/19226/ Published Date 2012 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Re-evaluating Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War Abstract It has been argued that support for the First World War by the important French syndicalist organisation, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) has tended to obscure the fact that other national syndicalist organisations remained faithful to their professed workers’ internationalism: on this basis syndicalists beyond France, more than any other ideological persuasion within the organised trade union movement in immediate pre-war and wartime Europe, can be seen to have constituted an authentic movement of opposition to the war in their refusal to subordinate class interests to those of the state, to endorse policies of ‘defencism’ of the ‘national interest’ and to abandon the rhetoric of class conflict. This article, which attempts to contribute to a much neglected comparative historiography of the international syndicalist movement, re-evaluates the syndicalist response across a broad geographical field of canvas (embracing France, Italy, Spain, Ireland, Britain and America) to reveal a rather more nuanced, ambiguous and uneven picture. -
Right to Freedom of Association in the Workplace: Australia's Compliance with International Human Rights Law
UCLA UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal Title The Right to Freedom of Association in the Workplace: Australia's Compliance with International Human Rights Law Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/98v0c0jj Journal UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal, 27(2) Author Hutchinson, Zoé Publication Date 2010 DOI 10.5070/P8272022218 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California ARTICLES THE RIGHT TO FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION IN THE WORKPLACE: AUSTRALIA'S COMPLIANCE WITH INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS LAW Zoe Hutchinson BA LLB (Hons, 1st Class)* ABSTRACT The right to freedom of association in the workplace is a well- established norm of internationalhuman rights law. However, it has traditionally received insubstantial attention within human rights scholarship. This article situates the right to freedom of as- sociation at work within human rights discourses. It looks at the status, scope and importance of the right as it has evolved in inter- nationalhuman rights law. In so doing, a case is put that there are strong reasons for states to comply with the right to freedom of association not only in terms of internationalhuman rights obliga- tions but also from the perspective of human dignity in the context of an interconnected world. A detailed case study is offered that examines the right to free- dom of association in the Australian context. There has been a series of significant changes to Australian labor law in recent years. The Rudd-Gillard Labor government claimed that recent changes were to bring Australia into greater compliance with its obligations under internationallaw. This policy was presented to electors as in sharp contrast to the Work Choices legislation of the Howard Liberal-Nationalparty coalitiongovernment. -
Malacañang Says China Missiles Deployed in Disputed Seas Do Not
Warriors move on to face Rockets in West WEEKLY ISSUE 70 CITIES IN 11 STATES ONLINE SPORTS NEWS | A5 Vol. IX Issue 474 1028 Mission Street, 2/F, San Francisco, CA 94103 Email: [email protected] Tel. (415) 593-5955 or (650) 278-0692 May 10 - 16, 2018 White House, some PH solons oppose China installing missiles Malacañang says China missiles deployed in Spratly By Macon Araneta in disputed seas do not target PH FilAm Star Correspondent By Daniel Llanto | FilAm Star Correspondent Malacañang’s reaction to the expressions of concern over the recent Chinese deploy- ment of missiles in the Spratly islands is one of nonchalance supposedly because Beijing said it would not use these against the Philippines and that China is a better source of assistance than America. Presidential spokesperson Harry Roque said the improving ties between the Philippines and U.S. Press Sec. Sarah Sanders China is assurance enough that China will not use (Photo: www.newsx.com) its missiles against the Philippines. This echoed President Duterte’s earlier remarks when security The White House warned that China would experts warned that China’s installation of mis- face “consequences” for their leaders militarizing siles in the Spratly islands threatens the Philip- the illegally-reclaimed islands in the West Philip- pines’ international access in the disputed South pine Sea (WPS). China Sea. The installation of Chinese missiles were Duterte said China has not asked for any- reported on Fiery Reef, Subi Reef and Mischief thing in return for its assistance to the Philip- Reef in the Spratly archipelago that Manila claims pines as he allayed concerns of some groups over as its territory. -
Report of the Commission of Inquiry Appointed to Inquire And
REPORT OF THE COMMISSION OF INQUIRY APPOINTED TO ENQUIRE AND REPORT ON THE CIRCUMSTANCES SURROUNDING THE DEATH IN AN EXPLOSION OF THE LATE DR. WALTER RODNEY ON THIRTEENTH DAY OF JUNE, ONE THOUSAND NINE HUNDRED AND EIGHTY AT GEORETOWN VOLUME 1: REPORT AND APPENDICES FEBRUARY 2016 Transmittal Letter Chapter 6 Contents Chapter 7 Table of Contents Chapter 8 Chapter 1 Chapter 9 Chapter 2 Tendered Exhibits Chapter 3 Procedural Rules Chapter 4 Correspondence Chapter 5 Editorial Note 1 2 Transmittal of Report of the Commission of Inquiry to enquire into and report on the circumstances surrounding the death in an explosion of the late Dr. Walter Rodney on the thirteenth day of June one thousand nine hundred and eighty at Georgetown To His Excellency David A. Granger President of the Co-operative Republic of Guyana Your Excellency, In my capacity as Chairman of the Walter Rodney Commission of Inquiry, I have the honour to submit the Report of the Inquiry to which the President appointed us by Instrument dated 8th February, 2014. The Commissioners were, in the Instrument of Appointment, expected to submit their Report within ten (10) weeks from the start of the Commission. The Commission started its work on 28th April, 2014. As we understand it, the premise informing the early submission date was that the Commission coming thirty-four (34) years after the death of Dr. Walter Rodney and the events surrounding that event, would, in all probability, be supported by only a few persons volunteering to give evidence and/or having an interest in this matter. -
2CO 06 Organising 03-10
2CO/E/6.6 (final) INTERNATIONAL TRADE UNION CONFEDERATION nd 2 WORLD CONGRESS Vancouver, 21 - 25 June 2010 RESOLUTION ON ORGANISING 1. Congress affirms that the purpose of trade unions is to defend and advance the interests of workers, that this cannot be realised without the organisation of workers and that only through their own organisation can workers change the world of work, create a more just society, and fully realise decent work. By organising workers, trade unions enable them to be defended and represented and to have their views expressed in public affairs and collective bargaining. Equally, the ability of trade unions to serve their purpose depends on the strength, ability to mobilise and legitimacy that comes only from their membership. 2. Congress declares that there can be no substitute for genuine trade unions which are formed as freely chosen associations of workers through democratic participation. They cannot be replaced by advocacy groups, by employer or government dominated labour organisations, or by management driven Corporate Social Responsibility programmes. 3. Workers seeking to form or join unions face daunting challenges and obstacles. Union organising is opposed through dismissals, harassment, intimidation, threats, surveillance, anti-union campaigns and even through physical violence. In many countries governments fail to protect the rights of workers seeking to unionise through inadequate legal protections, insufficient and delayed enforcement, biased judicial proceedings or weak, meaningless legal remedies. Some governments actively suppress trade unions through various means including encouragement of precarious employment relationships. 4. The falling level of trade union density in many countries is directly linked to the structural changes that have taken place in the global economy in recent years. -
Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines (September 1972-February 1986): with a Case in the Province of Batangas
Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 29, No.2, September 1991 Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines (September 1972-February 1986): With a Case in the Province of Batangas Masataka KIMURA* The imposition of martial lawS) by President Marcos In September 1972 I Introduction shattered Philippine democracy. The Since its independence, the Philippines country was placed under Marcos' au had been called the showcase of democracy thoritarian control until the revolution of in Asia, having acquired American political February 1986 which restored democracy. institutions. Similar to the United States, At the same time, the two-party system it had a two-party system. The two collapsed. The traditional political forces major parties, namely, the N acionalista lay dormant in the early years of martial Party (NP) and the Liberal Party (LP),1) rule when no elections were held. When had alternately captured state power elections were resumed in 1978, a single through elections, while other political dominant party called Kilusang Bagong parties had hardly played significant roles Lipunan (KBL) emerged as an admin in shaping the political course of the istration party under Marcos, while the country. 2) traditional opposition was fragmented which saw the proliferation of regional parties. * *MI§;q:, Asian Center, University of the Meantime, different non-traditional forces Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City, Metro Manila, such as those that operated underground the Philippines 1) The leadership of the two parties was composed and those that joined the protest movement, mainly of wealthy politicians from traditional which later snowballed after the Aquino elite families that had been entrenched in assassination in August 1983, emerged as provinces. -
The Hobo Anomalous: Class, Minorities and Political Invention in the Industrial Workers of the World
Social Movement Studies, Vol. 2, No. 1, 2003 The Hobo Anomalous: class, minorities and political invention in the Industrial Workers of the World Nicholas Thoburn Department of Sociology, Goldsmiths College, University of London, New Cross, London SE14 6NW, UK This article is an analysis of minority political invention in the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). Against the tendency in recent social and cultural theory to dichotomize class and difference, it argues that it was in and through the IWW’s formulation of class that minority political and cultural invention occurred. Using the framework of Deleuze and Guattari’s minor politics, the article shows how the IWW’s composition in the simultaneously diffuse and cramped plane of work operated against the major political identities and subjects of worker, immigrant, American, citizen and ‘people’, and towards the creation of minority political knowledges, tactics and cultural styles premised on the condition that ‘the people are missing’. Seeking to understand the IWW’s modes and techniques of invention, the article explores the general plane of IWW composition, its particular political and cultural expressions (in songs, manifestos, cartoons and tactics), and its minor mode of authorship. The article focuses in particular on two aspects of IWW minority composition, the itinerant worker, or hobo, and the politics of sabotage. Keywords: Class, hobo, Industrial Workers of the World, minor politics, sabotage. Shall we still be slaves and work for wages? It is outrageous—has been for ages. (‘Workingmen, Unite!’, IWW 1989: 64) The wobbly movement has never been more than a radical fungus on the labor movement. -
SANCHEZ Final Defense Draft May 8
LET THE PEOPLE SPEAK: SOLIDARITY CULTURE AND THE MAKING OF A TRANSNATIONAL OPPOSITION TO THE MARCOS DICTATORSHIP, 1972-1986 BY MARK JOHN SANCHEZ DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History with a minor in Asian American Studies in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2018 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Associate Professor Augusto Espiritu, Chair Professor Antoinette Burton Associate Professor Jose Bernard Capino Professor Kristin Hoganson Abstract This dissertation attempts to understand pro-democratic activism in ways that do not solely revolve around public protest. In the case of anti-authoritarian mobilizations in the Philippines, the conversation is often dominated by the EDSA "People Power" protests of 1986. This project discusses the longer histories of protest that made such a remarkable mobilization possible. A focus on these often-sidelined histories allows a focus on unacknowledged labor within social movement building, the confrontation between transnational and local impulses in political organizing, and also the democratic dreams that some groups dared to pursue when it was most dangerous to do so. Overall, this project is a history of the transnational opposition to the Marcos dictatorship in the Philippines. It specifically examines the interactions among Asian American, European solidarity, and Filipino grassroots activists. I argue that these collaborations, which had grassroots activists and political detainees at their center, produced a movement culture that guided how participating activists approached their engagements with international institutions. Anti-Marcos activists understood that their material realities necessitated an engagement with institutions more known to them for their colonial and Cold War legacies such as the press, education, human rights, international law, and religion. -
I MINA'bente NUEBE NA LIHESLATURAN GUAHAN 2007 (First) Regular Session
I MINA'BENTE NUEBE NA LIHESLATURAN GUAHAN 2007 (First) Regular Session Executive Committee Resolution No. S(e Introduced by: J. V. Esp al don A. R. Unpingc Mark Forbes Relative to and observing the Batangas & Southern Tagalog Association's (BASTA) Thirtieth (30th) Anniversary Induction Ball Celebration and to recognizing and thanking the association for its contributions to the island community and the "old country" of the Philippines and to commending and congratulating the Associations incoming officers and Board Members for 2007. BE IT RESOLVED BY THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF I MINA'BENTE NUEBE NA LIHESLATURAN GuAHAN: BE IT RESOLVED BY THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF I MINA 'BENTE NUEBE NA LIHESLATURAN GuAHAN: WHEREAS, the Batangas and Southern Tagalog Association (BASTA), Guam Chapter, originally the Batangas Association, was organized and formally chartered 29 years ago on July 16, 1977, by founding fathers Eddie Espina, Rey Gonzalves, Marcy Manipol and Ronnie Saludo in a meeting at the ITC Building in Tamuning; and WHEREAS, from its inception, the Association embraced and conveyed a spirit of community engagement and inclusion by incorporating the Southern Tagalog Association to accommodate members from the Southern Tagalog provinces; and WHEREAS, BASTA has earned the distinction of helping in community projects by donating to various charitable institutions and in reaching out to victims of calamities; and WHEREAS, today, BASTA boasts a membei::~hip of over two hundred members, natives of Batangas, and the Southern Tagalog with some 11 -
Mots. Les Langages Du Politique, 110 | 2016, « Le Geste, Emblème Politique » [En Ligne], Mis En Ligne Le 09 Mai 2019, Consulté Le 23 Septembre 2020
Mots. Les langages du politique 110 | 2016 Le geste, emblème politique The gesture, political symbol Denis Barbet (dir.) Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/mots/22179 DOI : 10.4000/mots.22179 ISSN : 1960-6001 Éditeur ENS Éditions Édition imprimée Date de publication : 9 mai 2016 ISBN : 978-2-84788-793-8 ISSN : 0243-6450 Référence électronique Denis Barbet (dir.), Mots. Les langages du politique, 110 | 2016, « Le geste, emblème politique » [En ligne], mis en ligne le 09 mai 2019, consulté le 23 septembre 2020. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/mots/22179 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/mots.22179 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 23 septembre 2020. © ENS Éditions 1 Élément non discursif de langage, d’expression et de communication, le geste peut être défini comme un « mouvement du corps […] visant à exprimer quelque chose » (Le Petit Robert). Le geste politique visé dans ce dossier n’est pas celui des études sur la « gestuelle » des personnalités politiques ni celui, coverbal, qui accompagne le discours ou encore celui qui se substitue au message verbal dans une interaction, dit « emblématique » ou « quasi-linguistique » parce qu’il est compréhensible sans la parole. Ce sont plutôt les gestes « militants » eux-mêmes, leurs usages, leurs variations, leurs interprétations et les commentaires qu’ils suscitent, qui font l’objet de ce dossier, et non les actes individuels, éphémères, isolés, de tel acteur politique, quand bien même ces derniers ont pu devenir « symboliques ». La gestualité qui retient ici notre attention s’apparente davantage à ce que les auteurs de l’ouvrage Des gestes en histoire. -
Title Martial Law and Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines
Martial Law and Realignment of Political Parties in the Title Philippines(September 1972-February 1986): With a Case in the Province of Batangas Author(s) Kimura, Masataka Citation 東南アジア研究 (1991), 29(2): 205-226 Issue Date 1991-09 URL http://hdl.handle.net/2433/56443 Right Type Departmental Bulletin Paper Textversion publisher Kyoto University Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 29, No.2, September 1991 Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines (September 1972-February 1986): With a Case in the Province of Batangas Masataka KIMURA* The imposition of martial lawS) by President Marcos In September 1972 I Introduction shattered Philippine democracy. The Since its independence, the Philippines country was placed under Marcos' au had been called the showcase of democracy thoritarian control until the revolution of in Asia, having acquired American political February 1986 which restored democracy. institutions. Similar to the United States, At the same time, the two-party system it had a two-party system. The two collapsed. The traditional political forces major parties, namely, the N acionalista lay dormant in the early years of martial Party (NP) and the Liberal Party (LP),1) rule when no elections were held. When had alternately captured state power elections were resumed in 1978, a single through elections, while other political dominant party called Kilusang Bagong parties had hardly played significant roles Lipunan (KBL) emerged as an admin in shaping the political course of the istration party under Marcos,