Dryden Attributions and Texts from Harley Ms. 6054

DRYDEN ATTRIBUTIONS AND TEXTS FROM HARLEY MS. 6054

HILT ON KELLIHER

IN a footnote to the long and scholarly biography with which in 1800 Edmond Malone prefaced his edition of Dryden's prose he drew attention to a couplet preserved in a manuscript verse-miscellany in the British Museum Library.1 The text in its precise form differs slightly from the transcript that he gave, and runs2 Epitaph intended by Mr Dryden For His Wife. Here Lyes My Wife, here let Her Lye Now She's at Rest, and so am I. Malone continued : 'Though there is no evidence that these lines were written by [Dryden], they yet shew that the received opinion of the last age was, that little harmony subsisted between them. Whoever was the writer, the thought is not original, being evidently suggested by a well-known old French epitaph: C'y gist ma femme: 0, qu'elle est bien Pour son repos, ... et pour le mien! Malone's source for the text of the English epigram was an anthology of poems compiled apparently for Edward Harley, second Earl of Oxford, whose autograph annotations appear throughout at various points. His interest in verse is well attested both in the Harley collection and the Portland Papers. 3 The miscellany includes work by Pope, Prior and Swift, all members of his circle ofliterary friends, and seems to have been assembled during the 1720s : the latest datable item, which occurs among a short section of epitaphs (ff. 88v- 97v) where the above couplet figures, is the mock epitaph written for Gay by Pope in 1728. 4 As it happens, unremarked by Malone, the French epitaph reappears a few pages later (f. 94 v), preceded by a different English version reading : Here lies my Wife how well does She incline For Her repose, but O' much more for mine. The French couplet which Malone identified as the original of these English verses is generally attributed to the Norman poet Jacques du Lorens (d. 1655), author of some verse Satyres (1646). He is said to have composed it on the death of his own wife, though

----- Fig I. John Dryden by Sir Godfrey Kneller, engraved by J. Houbraken; Thomas Birch, Heads of Illustrious Persons ... (London, 1756), facing p. 173, C.6.e.8

Fig. 2 . Dryden's proxy for the receipt of his salary as Poet Laureate by his wife, 1687. Add. MS. 70949, f. 25 this cannot literally be true, for by the time that she died, in 1652, it had been current in England for some time. 5 The minor poet and dramatist Robert Baron translated it, without acknowledgment, as Epigram xxrv in his Pocu!a Castalia of 1650:

2 Epitaph, On a Scolding Woman, Sub persona mariti. Here lies my Wife interr'd; oh how Good is't for her quiet, and mine too.

Thereafter the conceit entered general circulation; another version survives on a grave in the Old Greyfriars burying ground in Edinburgh. 6 Not surprisingly, Malone's revelations led later editors of Dryden to suppress the English couplet from the canon: its very existence is nowadays virtually untraceable outside a few popular verse anthologies of the present century. 7 A further text has now come to light in another private verse-miscellany of the late seventeenth century in the Harley collection. Density of matter, untidy presentation and minuteness of hands have evidently discouraged serious investigation of British Library, Harley MS. 6054, on f. 20 of which occurs this jotting (fig. 3): A french Icy gist ma ffeme o que le bien Pur sop repose et pur la mien

Englishd by Dreyd-n from his own mouth

Here lies my wife ther lett her lie ffor she's att rest & so am I

Compared with the laboured attempts quoted above the English couplet certainly reads like an extempore version (although the abrupt shift of adverb from 'Here' to 'ther' in the first line, which partly contributes to this impression, was not necessarily an error based on mishearing). The blunders committed in the French original might also be explained by its having been taken down directly from speech, though this is not necessarily to imply that the lines were jotted down at first hand into the present notebook. But above all, the gloss offers an alternative explanation of the genesis of the piece. It challenges editorial rejection of the Dryden attribution by discounting, or at least modifying, the autobiographical interpretation on which it has hitherto been judged. Before we may properly assess the reliability of this and other Dryden attributions and texts surviving in the new source some fairly tedious groundwork is unavoidable. Although in essence a collection of verse, Harley MS. 6054 has none of the usual formalities of presentation shown in contemporary manuscript miscellanies. It is purely and simply a private memorandum book, to which the owner turned at odd times to jot down whatever had taken his fancy. As it now stands it is imperfect at several points. Moreover, the distribution of the contents and the presence of two separate series of apparently contemporary paginations suggest that it incorporates the remains of not one but two notebooks. These were duly distinguished in the printed catalogue of 1808,

3 Fig. 3. Page from the Killingworth notebook, showing the satirical distich on Dryden's change of religion and his translation of the du Lorens epitaph. BL, Harley MS. 6054, f. 20

4 though without any hint of the connection that is established between the two by a shared watermark and main hand.8 1. A fragment of a larger book beginning at p. 44, with collections on Roman Antiquities dated 1676. A rule to multiply any number above 5 on the fingers . p. 69, & a few miscellanies, top. 82. · Then follow many blank leaves.

2. A Miscellaneous collection of another kind, beginning at p. 27, and containing Poems Latin & English. As a burlesque parody on' Qui mihi.' p. 38, with a considerable number of Epigrams, Epitaphs, the Song of a Soldier & a Sailor in Latin, &c. it extends to p. 116. Written in several different hands.

The first notebook (now ff. 1-IIv, plus blanks), which now lacks twenty-four leaves from the numbered sequence and perhaps an unspecified quantity at the end, relates mostly to Roman history and law, and includes extracts (ff. 2-5), dated 1676, from Thomas Godwin's frequently-reissued study of Roman Antiquities, along with others (ff. 8v-<)v) from Edward Stillingfleet's Bonds of Resignation, published in 1695. This at once suggests that, though perhaps beginning life as a schoolbook, it remained in use until a much later period. The second notebook, from which at least fifteen leaves are now wanting, includes a few theological notes but is mostly given up to miscellaneous occasional verse, jotted down at various times and in several hands. While the initial section (ff. 12-13v, with intervening leaf now missing), copied in an idiosyncratic script, includes some Latin distichs of 1671 (f. 12v), the principal contents largely date from the reigns of James II and William III. The verse, which derives in part from printed sources, consists mostly of Latin, French, and occasionally Anglo- and Franco-Latin epigrams on topical subjects, many of them accompanied by versions in English. There are also some renderings of popular verse into Latin, an exercise that the seventeenth century particularly delighted in. O.verall, verse-translation forms the principal ingredient in the whole collection. The presence here of several items by Dryden, no less than some possibility of personal contact with the poet that may be implied by the heading of the du Lorens translation, makes identification of their copyist a matter of some concern. All these items fall within one section (ff. 20-27) of the manuscript, and may have been the work of a single scribe. They were jotted down over a period of time by a scribe labouring most of the time, as the frequent use of abbreviated forms of words shows, under some constriction from the double-column format. He was responsible for most of the material entered here, and the basic characteristics of his hand reappear in a more relaxed and rounded script that is seen at intervals throughout. All the same, the collection bears clear marks of multiple participation, presenting a considerable problem from the sheer variety of hands - some nine in all - that contributed to it. Distinguishing these with any certainty is difficult, but their distribution appears to be as follows. All or almost all of the first notebook was transcribed by a single copyist (A) whose hand is seen in probably its earliest form, dating from circa but after 1676, on ff. 2-5 passim. This script, in various 5 ~a) V)_ s r" ~

Nutt th .i t tlu. p/.ui:.r, /ilu C,•11 r t;, ,:11,/ 11vl '~ 0 F'-;lll1 'C./ ,1 .,. ;u~n:ht11tl".1 hL"T ty;J } ,..1 1 ·c'1·11.s, vr .Fl,u.·,:. ,.-,r,,.,,~~:.f11.ill ' ~ .., /f.:.:.Jltflt - .

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Fig. 4. Farringdon Ward Without, with corrections, 1720; surveyed by William Leyboume, Richard Blome and John Strype, circa 1676-1708. BL, Map Library, Crace Portfolio VIII - 24 (detail) 6

------forms, is everywhere apparent on ff. 13v- 29v, 35v-38 passim, 41v and 43v. In addition, there is some reason to think that the formal script found on ff. 1, 14v and 15 is also his. Two other hands (B and C) copied sections, respectively, on ff. 30--35 and ff. 39-47 passim, while occasional contributions in six others are found as follows : (D) on ff. 12-13v, (E) on ff. 13 and 13v, (F) on f. 18, (G) on f. 22, (H) on ff. 21, 22, 36v, 37, and (I) on ff. 48, 48v. The only clear indication of provenance that survives here is the text of a letter (f. 15) written in Latin by a youth called Edmund Killingworth to his brother. This was a purely formal exercise, intended as a demonstration of proficiency in the language, of a sort familiar in schoolboy and undergraduate correspondence of the time. Fortunately, one seventeenth-century branch of the Killingworth family includes an Edmund who seems to fit the bill. 9 He was born in London, entered Winchester School at the age of eleven, in 1685, and was recommended by King William in April 1690 to a vacancy at New College, Oxford, which he filled in July that year, at the age of eighteen.1° From 1690 to 1704 he lived as fellow of the College, his career being noteworthy only once, when he was censured for contumacy towards the Dean of Arts in 1695.11 In 1699 he acquired the living of Lilbourne in Northamptonshire, and married subsequently, though the date of his death has not been traced. Several entries in the manuscript derive from Winchester (see below) and New College (ff. 20- 22), with both of which Edmund, alone of his immediate family, is known to have had connections. However, the note 'Altera ab eodem secundo Idus ffeb: accepta' that is added at the head of Edmund's letter proves that he was himself neither its copyist nor, therefore, the earliest owner of the manuscript. Edmund was the youngest of three sons born to William Killingworth (circa 1640- 1704), a successful London barrister whose father, John, served as Minister of Boxworth, eight miles north east of Cambridge, between 1638 and 1667.12 William's mother was Mary, widow of James Infield (d. 1633) of West Hoathly in Sussex.13 Admitted as pensioner at Dryden's old college of Trinity in 1656, William enrolled after two years at the Middle Temple and was called to the bar in 1663. 14 During this period he lived in the parish of St Dunstan's-in-the-West, in the vicinity of Temple Bar and Chancery Lane (fig. 4).15 In April 1686, along with Milton's brother Christopher, he was sworn in as one of the serjeants-at-law, a class of pleaders from amongst whom judges were commonly appointed, his patrons being George Legge, recently created Earl of Dartmouth, and Henry Guy, Secretary to the Treasury.16 His recreations and interests are not otherwise known, though no doubt his social position, connections and place of residence could easily have put him in the way of just such scraps ofliterary material and gossip as the notebook contains. An interest in Dryden's verse might possibly be traced to their shared connection with Trinity, and there is even the merest possibility of an earlier acquaintance with the Dryden family, who by seventeenth-century reckoning would have counted as his father's neighbours. William's birthplace lay some twenty-five miles from Dryden's Northamptonshire home, a little way off the road the poet would have taken to the University: Another Killingworth of William's generation is his brother

------Newton, of whom nothing has been discovered beyond the fact that he married in 1671, when aged about twenty-four and living in St Giles-in-the-Fields.17 Links between the Killingworths and the contents of Harley MS. 6054 are readily established. Two items relate to men who were buried in their local church. 'On doctor Whit lecturer of St Dunstanes' (f. 12) commemorates Thomas White, D.D., founder of Sion College, who held the living from 1575 and was interred in 1624.18 He was succeeded there by John Donne, from whose curacy we may date the humorous Latin ' Epitaph upon Symon Wadloe Master of the Old Devill Taverne' (f. 17v), lamenting the death in 1627 of the landlord of the Fleet Street inn, where Ben Jonson had set up his Apollo room.19 Both this and the amateurish translation into Engli,sh that follows (' Apollo & the muses nine') are copied in the same hand as the du Lorens distich. Again, while the earlier sections often incorporate verses connected with Winchester School (ff. 13v, 18, 19, 21v, 30), it may be significant that Edmund's brother Thomas preceded him as Scholar there, from 1680 to 1685. What became of Thomas is uncertain, though he may conceivably have been the naval captain of that name who was killed on active service in 1694. 20 The formal script in which Edmund's Latin letter is transcribed - and which we have already suggested may be an early form of the main copyist's hand - was also used for the facing Latin verse-inscription (f. 14v) on the late mediaeval painting of the Judgement of Solomon then hanging on the west wall of the Middle Temple. These factors in their turn suggest another candidate, William's eldest son, John, who followed him to the Temple in 1680 and to the bar in 1686. 21 Little else has so far been found about him, beyond the fact of his serving as Steward of the annual Feast at St Paul's School in 1698, from which we may assume that he had been a pupil there.22 But the case for his ownership is surely strengthened by the superscription noted above of Edmund's juvenile letter. Precise identification of the individual copyists is not helped by the close similarity of the careers pursued by William and J oho. As lawyers practising at the Inns of Court they would have enjoyed much the same social standing and, despite the disparity in their ages, a common circle of acquaintances. William died in September 1704, leaving a house in Cornhill to his daughter Mary and leasehold property in Shoreditch to Edmund, both perhaps those formerly held by his own father: the residue of his goods was directed to be divided between his wife Mary and son John. 23 John, as it fell out, followed him closely, passing away by April of the very next year, apparently while visiting the Bath. In the administration granted to his wife he was described as esquire, 'lately' of the Middle Temple and thereafter of Hampton Wick. 24 It is entirely feasible to suppose that both men had a hand in the compilation of this anthology, and not impossible that the close relationship alleged above between the various scripts practised by the main scribe may in fact be shared characteristics of the sort that one finds among members of the same family. Sadly, no specimen of their penmanship has been traced for comparison. At the same time it seems fairly certain that other members of the family, or friends, also contributed to the collection. Although the contents of the manuscript mostly date from the mid-late 1680s, some 8

------items clearly belong to the last decade of the century. The only direct personal statement here occurs when an unidentified neo-Latin epigram beginning 'Lumin·e Aeon dextro capta est Leonilla sinistro' is said to be 'translated by me' as 'Jack Ketch & Moll wth single peepers both' (f. 35v), a topical allusion to the notorious executioner who had despatched both Russell (1683) and Monmouth (1685). A Latin epigram 'On ye fire at White Hall' (f. 35v), rendered as 'While lewd Whitehall burning in justest flames', may relate either to the limited damage done in 1691 or to the more extensive outbreak of 1698.25 The foolish epitaph (f. 17v), to which we shall return later, 'made by one Parson Garenson [i.e. Alenson] upon sr John Pettus & pinn'd upon his Hearse as itt was the Custome att Norwich', certainly belongs to the latter year. Again, a Latin distich (f. 27) 'On a Diall over ye door goeing into ye garden at Mr E velings of Wootton Surrey', one of a series put up by the diarist and Middle Templar, must belong to the period 1698-1706, during his retirement there after many decades spent at Sayes Court. Some satirical renderings (f. 43v) of the lemma ta added to the four elevations of Buckingham House, built for John Sheffield between 1702 and 170 5, are also of this period. 26 The well-known verses (ff. 39, 42v) on the medal celebrating Queen Anne and Marlborough that was minted in 1709 occur in a section (ff. 37-47) that was clearly added by another individual. Finally, the 'Dryden' hand appears again on the verso of two leaves formed from a printed Act of Parliament of 1701, copying Charles Cotton's translations (ff. 49, 50v) of poems by Hieronymus Amaltheus and Cornelius Gallus that had been published posthumously in 1689. 27 Nothing mentioned here postdates William's death in September 1704 or, of course, John's in 1705. Fortunately, the authority of the manuscript does not rest solely on the precise identity of the copyists: .as we shall see in due course, the pattern that emerges from the contents helps considerably to establish its credentials. Notable amongst them are items relating to various schools. Except for those connected with Winchester and, in the anonymous Latin burlesque of Lilly's famous 'Q.ii mihi discipulus' (ff. 15v-17), St Paul's, with both of which institutions the Killingworths had direct links, most might at first sight be dismissed as belonging to the common currency of verse-circulation at the time. They include some inscriptions (f. 27) from Sherborne School in Dorset, a Latin distich (f. 25) of about 1679 'On ye Death of Dr [Thomas] Croydon Mr ofye Charter house' - composed some two years before the admission of Dryden's third son, Erasmus Henry, there - a Latin translation by an Etonian of part of a popular ballad (f. 17), and several items from the poet's old school (ff. 14, 24, 27, 28). That Westminster in the seventeenth century was above all others the nurse of poets can hardly have been unconnected with a regime that, in addition to the universal practice of verse-composition in Latin and Greek, prescribed translation into English. 28 Late in life Dryden recalled a version of the third satire of Persius done' when I was a Kings-Scholar at Westminster School, for a Thursday Nights Exercise; and I believe that it, and many other of my Exercises of this nature, in English Verse, are still in the Hands of my Learned Master, the Reverend Doctor Busby'.29 Richard Busby died in 1695, but was still very much in control when the poet's first

9 Fig. 5. Page from the Killingworth notebook, showing the Latin couplet allegedly composed by Dryden for a Westminster School Election of circa 1680-5. BL, Harley MS. 6054, f. 27

----- two sons followed their father there, Charles being elected King's Scholar, as Captain of the School, in 1680, and John in 1682. In due course also they were elected to the universities, the elder matriculating from Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1683 while the younger declined to take the offered place at Christ Church two years later. The only sub stantial detail recorded of their early careers belongs to 1682, when Dryden wrote a letter to Busby in mitigation of a fault for which Charles had temporarily been sent away. 30 Both boys later translated satires of Juvenal, but it was Charles who gave the firmest indication of a talent for Latin verse, composing during the mid-168os some commend atory lines on Wentworth Dillon, Earl of Roscommon's Essay on Translated Verse, an eclogue on the death of Charles II, and a long hexameter poem entitled 'Horti Arlingtoniani'. 31 This may make it rather less probable that he was the youth referred to in the heading of the following entry on f. 27 (fig. 5) : By M' Dreyden spoke by his son w 0 a Westm' scholl' Juno tonat lingua sed fulmine Jupit' urget concutit ille polu sed quatit ilia Jovem. Ouno thunders with tongue, Jove with thunderbolt: he makes the pole shudder, but she shakes him.)

The likeliest occasion for such an epigram would have. been the annual elections to scholarships to College (that is, the School) and to the Universities. These took place on the Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday of Rogation Week, that is, generally in May. During the former, or 'minor election, King's Scholars of an earlier generation were invited to dinner and regaled by the boys with verses. On the Tuesday candidates for Oxford and Cambridge were required to declaim in School on pre-set themes before an audience that included the Deans of Westminster and Christ Church and the Master of Trinity, or their respective deputies. 'These verses were usually from the Master's pen, but occasionally a candidate wrote his own. ' 32 In May 1661 Evelyn had been impressed with both their 'themes and extempore verses'. 33 I heard, & saw such Exercises at the Election of Scholars at Westminster Sclzoole, to be sen.t to the Universitie, both in Lat : Gr: (5 Heb: A1·abic €5c in Theames & extemporary Verses, as wonderfully astonish'd me, in such young striplings, with that readiness, & witt, some of them not above 12 or 13 years of age: & pitty it is, that what they attaine here so ripely, they either not retaine, or improve more considerably, when they come to be men: though many of them do: & no less is to be blamed their odd pronouncing of Latine, so that out of England no nation were able to understand or endure it.

In 1724, the week's crop of some eighty-eight sets of verse was forwarded to the second Earl of Oxford, himself an Old Westminster, among them a series of distichs on Pindar's famous dictum ' 'A.pwTov µ.Ev vowp '. 34 It is not difficult to see how the notion of a scolding wife could have arisen from some phrase or verse-tag set for Election Week,

I I such as 'Jupiter Tonans ', 'sceptriferi Tonantes, Jupiter et Juno', 'vicem gerit ilia Tonantis', or something more oblique. 35 If we accept the testimony of the copyist, we may suppose that Dryden was present as a dinner-guest when one of his sons was standing for College, or perhaps University. Possibly he was stirred to contribute by the recollection of his own successes as King's Scholar and head of the Election to Cambridge. Personal or fatherly pride apart, a current interest in the literary traditions of Westminster is shown by his writing an epilogue in March 1681 for a drama composed there by a man then in his first year as an undergraduate at Trinity: it compliments the author by comparing him to an earlier Westminster poet and dramatist, Abraham Cowley.3 6 In short, there is every reason to believe that in May of some year between 1680 and 1685 Dryden might have made an even later contribution to the literary life of the School. Some degree of support for the attribution is offered by similar items occurring elsewhere in the notebook. The Dryden distich may derive from the same source as two recorded earlier (f. 14) that were composed 'By ye L'd Chancellour Jefferys 's son at Westminster upon the Serjeants Poesy upon their Rings' and by 'The same upon - tulit alter honorem '.3 7 These were almost certainly spoken at Election, though. the variant readings offered in both pieces seem more likely to indicate the copyist's desire for improvements than access to early drafts. John, later second Baron Jeffreys of Wern, was a King's Scholar during the Chancellorship (1685-8) of his father, the infamous Judge Jeffreys, who himself had been a pupil of Busby. He was elected to College in 1685 as Captain of his year, but is said to have thought it wise not to stand for election to a university, though in the event he matriculated from Christ Church in September 1688, some months before the Judge came to grief in the ruin of James 11. 38 For what it is worth, in May 1700 Jeffreys was among those who subscribed to remove Dryden's body 39 to Chaucer's grave in the Abbey. • The subject of the epigram 'upon the Serjeants Poesy upon their Rings' is the motto 'Deus. Rex. Lex.' taken in April 1686 for the gold rings that were, by long custom, to be presented to the sovereign and other officials by new serjeants at law. 40 Its preservation here may be connected with Killingworth's elevation in that very year - one of his patrons, the Earl of Dartmouth, being moreover an Old Westminster. But its presence may equally derive from a perception of irony in the authorship, given Judge Jeffreys's savagery during the 'bloody assize' that followed Monmouth's rebellion of June-July 1685.41 The distich turns on the notion that if these three fail to quell the multitude Crux will bring it about : possibly the cross of Christ was being interpreted here as the gallows. A reference to his partisan performance on the bench in Titus Oates's Plot of 1678 occurs seven leaves later (f. 20v) in the rendering of a Latin distich by Owen as 'Eve's sin o're souls gave ffather Peters power/ o're goods L'd Wern o're bodies or Lower'.4 2 Clearly someone with Westminster connections was taking the trouble to record verses spoken by sons of famous men that seemed to reflect on their fathers. At all events, the fact that William Killingworth was also a serjeant seems at once to draw the legal milieu of the Killingworths and the Westminster of the younger Drydens closer together.

12 The presence here of another anecdote (f. 28) may shed further light on the informant, as it does on the annual gathering. It confirms that Latin verse composition, already very much the currency of School life at Westminster, was not confined exclusively to the boys but might sometimes be practised by visiting seniors. or Newton came late to dinr at a Westr Election & y• Bp of Rr : seeing cry'd Evpr,Ka. Pythagoras merito te viso Evpr,Ka sonaret Des ipsi, & patriae jura mathematicus. (Seeing you, Pythagoras would rightly exclaim 'I've found him': may you set the rules for yourself, as you do for your country in mathematics.)

The author of this distich, who deftly turns Newton's social gaffe into a compliment, must have been Thomas Sprat: he held the Deanery of Westminster (1683-1713) jointly with the see of Rochester from 1684, and as such was required to be present at Elections. Newton - who never took the degree of Doctor - may have been deputizing for the Master of Trinity, and this witty epigram is a salute from one Fellow of the Royal Society to another. 'Des ipsi, & patriae jura mathematicus ', while implying a date after the publication of the Principia in 1687, does not certainly allude to his legislative duties as Member for Cambridge University in the Convention of 1689, though this would have set Newton conveniently on the spot for the Election dinner of early May that year. Even this does not exhaust the Westminster items in the notebook. There are renderings into Latin by 'M' Redman' of a couplet from Cleveland's 'Rebell Scot' (f. 24), in no fewer than six alternative versions, and of the famous passage beginning' Oh may I flow like thee ... ' from the 1655 text ofDenham's 'Cooper's Hill' (f. 24v). 43 A King's Scholar, Timothy Redman had been elected Head of his year to Christ Church in 1673. In the interval 'between taking his M.A. (1680) and obtaining a living in Somerset (1684) he was living at one time in Staffordshire and sending letters and verses of his own composition to his old Headmaster.44 Busby's retention of these was characteristic, recalling Dryden's remark in 1693, quoted above, that some of his early exercises in translation were still in the old man's hands. If.so, the loss of these papers may be measured against the survival of Boyer's 'Liber Aureus' from Christ's Hospital in the days of Lamb and Coleridge. Since, clearly, whoever supplied the Westminster material was well-informed about matters connected with the School during the 1680s, it seems not impossible that Busby himself may have been the source. For good measure, a copy of the Latin lapidary epitaph on him, the work of an unknown writer, is included in the notebook (ff. 40, 40v). These school verses form only a small part, however significant, of the contents of this notebook, and they are far removed from another area of particular interest to the compiler, contemporary European politics. The du Lorens distich is preceded immediately by a brief section of satires on Louis XIV that opens with a mock epitaph 13 in rhyming Latin couplets (f. 19v), the accompanying translation of which begins 'Wthin y5 place doth Lewis lie'. This is followed on the next page by a strange hybrid, a poem copied within a poem (f. 20). The first of these is a scurrilous epigram on the French king, beginning 'Lewis ye Great for all his glories past' and here attributed to Sir Fleetwood Sheppard ( 1634-g8), a member of the Rochester circle. 45 Its two couplets enclose a quite distinct satire on Dryden's changing his religion, and the oversight was immediately corrected by the transcriber in three stages. The line-numbers added on the left have been over-scored and are difficult to make out, but the sequence (as seen in fig. 3) appears to be as follows. First of all, the lines were numbered from I to 6, the couplet on Dryden being allotted pride of place: then, to emphasize the distinction, a box was drawn around it; and finally, the Sheppard verses were renumbered from I to 4. in eundem by ff: Shep.

1 : 3: Lewis y• Great for all his glories past 2: 4: by th' Netherlands is over come at last .

1 The Church of R-me on ours Reprisalls makes 2 ffor Turncoat Oates they it turncoat Dreyd-n takes 3 5 : ffor their such cuttings & such flashings are 4 6: The Monarch's bum is now y• seat of warr

It is probable, though not certain, that the Dryden couplet is complete in itself. As to dating, Sheppard's lampoon may have been inspired by the setback to Louis's ambitions represented by the Peace of Nimegen in January 1679 or by the Truce of Ratisbon of August 1684. Oates's conversion dated from his revelations of the Popish Plot in the summer of 1678, but his credibility steadily declined until he was whipped through the streets for perjury in May 1685. At this date the Drydens, father and sons, were already moving towards the Roman Church, a transition complete by the time that The Hind and the Panther was published in January 1687. 46 A feasible date for this section, as for the Westminster extracts, may therefore be the mid-168os. In this context attention may be drawn, among the items copied in what is probably the earliest and certainly the crudest hand, to the boastful distich (f. 12v) that celebrates Louis's occupation of Lorraine in August 1670, beginning 'Una dies Lotheros Burgundos hebdomas una .. . '. It precedes the couplet 'Lorrain you stole by fraud you got Burgundy / Holland you bought by God you'll pay for't one day', which translates a different Latin epigram on the same subject, and is generally accepted as being the work of Rochester. 47 Here it is, uniquely and unaccountably, said to be 'Englishd by philips of ye Bedchamber', that is, Robert Phelips or Phillips (d. 1707), Groom of the Bedchamber to Charles II from 1661 to 1685 .48 The Latin, which, as commentators have failed to observe, imitates Ovid's very different lament for the three hundred Fabii who died before Veii, 'Una dies Fahios ad helium miserat omnes / Ad helium missos perdidit una dies' (Fasti, II; 235-6), belongs to the same self-aggrandizing impulse that gave rise to 14 a further distich. Copied on the same page are the well known, and much parodied, Latin lines written by Lord Huntley in response to Colbert's appeal of 1671 for a lapidary inscription suitable for the pediment of the Louvre. 49 Given the political climate of England and Europe during and immediately after the reign of James II, it is hardly surprising that the main focus of the topical verse in Harley MS. 6054 should lie in the threat offered by France and Roman Catholicism to William Ill's peaceful succession. The next Dryden item seems to underline these concerns while cutting directly across the natural sympathies of the compiler. On f. 23 occurs his translation of a Jacobite lament written in Latin by the Edinburgh physician Archibald Pitcairne on John Grahame of Claverhouse, created Viscount Dundee, who had died fighting for James II at Killiecrankie on 27 July 1689. This occurs, without attribution, in a group that includes the original Latin text and another anonymous English version. The source is entirely unknown, and there is no evidence to link it with that of the other pieces discussed above. No fewer than nineteen contemporary or near-contemporary manuscript witnesses are recorded by Peter Beal for Dryden's translation, which first saw print only after his death, in 1704. It then appeared twice, in Poems on Affairs of State, which includes the Latin, and in Poetical Miscellanies: the Fifth Part, which does not.50 The Latin original was first printed, also posthumously, in Pitcairne's Selecta Poemata, 1727, from which apparently it was reprinted, with some additional punctuation, by Sir Walter Scott.51 An Elegy on ye Visel Dundee Ultime Scotorum, potuit quo sospite solo Libertas Patriae salva fuisse tuae. Te moriente, novos accepit Scotia cives, Accepitque novos (te moriente) Deos. Illa nequit superesse tibi, tu non potes illi, Ergo Caledoniae nomen inane Vale! Tuque vale Gentis priscae fortissime Ductor Ultime Scotorum! atque Ultime Grame Vale. · Translated Thou last of all that's brave, to whom alone Whilst liveing, Scotland did her freedom own. But since thy fall, to fforreigners betrayd, New Gods are worshipp'd, & new Lords obeyd. In vain you strove to prop a falling state, She cannot thee, nor thou outlive her fate Scotland farewell, £farewell thou Valiant Grame Whom naught survives but thy eternall £fame. aliter 0 last & best of Scotts, w0 didst maintain Thy Country's £freedom from a £foreign Reign. rs New people fill y• land now thou art gone, New Gods y• Temples, & new Kings y• throne Scotland & thou did. each in other live, Nor wouldst thou Her nor could she thee survive Farewell w0 liveing didst support y• state Nor couldst thou fall but wth thy country's ffate.

For their text of Dryden's translation the most recent editors collated ten manuscripts, just half of the number now known. 52 The present version underlines the potential significance of some variants from State Poems; the copy-text that they settled on: 'Thou wouldst not her' (l. 6) becomes 'Nor wouldst thou her' in Poetical Miscellanies and in the Harley and all other manuscripts examined, while 'And couldst not fall' (l. 8) survives as 'Nor couldst thou fall' in Harley and Bodleian MS. Rawl. poet. 181. Quite possibly these readings may represent the poet's first and second drafts. Although the omission here of any attribution is puzzling we can feel certain that had the copyist been aware of the translator's identity he would have recorded it, as so often elsewhere. The author of the preceding English version, also unnamed, remains unknown: his departures from the original in the last two couplets are more marked than Dryden's and culminate in the unwarranted promise of eternal fame (reminding us that the name Grahame was pronounced as a monosyllable). For this reason, despite the normal implication of aliter, an alternative version by Dryden seems highly unlikely. Possibly the copyist was setting a version of his own against an unascribed attempt that he had chanced upon, though it was an uncharacteristic choice in such a solidly anti-Jacobite context. On the other hand, might not Dryden's version have originated in just such a literary competition? There is little to suggest that any great care was taken over the disposition of material in this collection: the contents are arranged neither serially, chronologically nor thematically. However, two sets of Latin elegiacs copied vertically in the margin beside the Dundee epitaph may have been intended to· replace deleted texts of the same epigrams that are found a little later (f. 25v) in the manuscript, although they may merely have been copied twice by oversight. One of these deleted texts is preceded, though with four over-scored lines intervening, by the last of the Dryden items so far traced in the manuscript. Two verses from Thebaid, VI, 400-1, carry the heading' Statius on y• Race horse that Dryden said would cost him so many hours to translate'. The reference is to Dryden's remark, in the preface to his translation of Dufresnoy's Latin poem De Arte Pictoria (1695), that it 'would cost me an hour\ and tempting as it may be to suspect an independent source, the shared misreading 'nescit' for 'miserum est' in the first line of the quotation points to the printed text. 53 The date receives support, a few items earlier (f. 25), from a Latin epigram with English translation that compares Judas and George Porter, the Jacobite conspirator involved in the attempt to assassinate William III in 1696, but who turned against his fellows and 'by a pious Treachery / preservd his K-g & set his country free'. 16 The Statius item is far from the only one here to be taken from printed sources, though it is not always certain where the line of demarcation falls. For example, two pages (ff. 17, 17v) incorporate a small cache of material of Norwich interest. A translated couplet from the epitaph for a former organist of the Cathedral there is preceded by an exasperated response made in verse by Sir Thomas Browne (d. 1682) to a frivolous enquiry. 54 It is followed on f. 17v by the doggerel pinned on the hearse of his friend Sir John Pettus (d. 1698). 55 Browne's distich, which occurs in an undated letter 'Of Ropalic ·or Gradual Verses, &c.' that he wrote to an unnamed correspondent, was published in Tenison's posthumous edition of his Miscellany Tracts (1683): an autograph fair copy survives in BL, MS. Sloane 1827, ff. 57v-58v. There is nothing to suggest that the recipient may have been Killingworth, but considering that the notebook includes verses by or on several other medical practitioners (ff. 25v, 27), it is not impossible that the intermediate source for all three items was Browne's son Edward, the London physician. In such a miscellaneous compilation as this, it is more than likely that at least some material will -derive from hearsay: statements regarding authorship therefore cannot simply be taken at face value. The Dryden and related items make up only a small part of the contents, and while the remaining attributions· on the who!~ seem fairly reliable, two erroneous and two novel ones deserve mention. The ascription mentioned above of Rochester's 'Lorrain you stole ... ' to Sir Robert Philips is unlikely to gain acceptance, and some lines from Georges De Brebeuf's French version of Lucan (f. 21v) are mistakenly headed 'Boileau' - though the facing English version is correctly credited to Sir Philip Meadows. 56 These are rare lapses. Credible enough, perhaps, is the quotation (f. 19v) from 'Ned Howards Isle and Princess', presumably an allusion to the 1669 adaptation for the King's Company of Fletcher's Island Princess, here assigned to Dryden's brother-in-law and collaborator. Again, immediately preceding an extract headed 'E: of Rochesr ', which comprises 11. 40-43 of the 'Letter from Artemisa ', comes an extempore 'Epit: on H: Sa vile by ye Lord Buckhurst, over a bottle upon Savils bragging of his mighty performances wth ye Ladys' (f. 35v). Henry Sa vile, who died in 1687, was Rochester's closest friend, but the attribution seems to be otherwise unrecorded. 57 Other verses jotted into the middle section of the manuscript give further indication of the affiliations of the compiler. In 1687 Dryden published some verses 'To my ingenious friend, Mr Henry Higden esq' on his translation of the tenth satire of Juvenal. 58 Shared membership of the Middle Temple may lie behind the compiler's inclusion ofHigden's alleged rendering (f. 18v) of some rhymed Latin satirical verses on bishops, taken 'Out off an old Chronicle in the Life off R: ye: 2. '. 59 It is clear enough that he was all too familiar with Higden's personal shortcomings from the version of the Martial epigram (I, 7 5) that is preserved on f. 28v: · Bettr give Higden .5: y" lend him : ro: ffor honest Harry pay's y• L'd knows when.

Another Middle Templar, Thomas Shadwell (d. 1692), who supplanted Dryden in the

17 Laureateship after the Glorious Revolution, is lampooned in a Latin distich (f. 23v) that recalls what Dryden had written about him in Mac Flecknoe as 'A Tun of Man ... but a Kilderkin of wit'. 60 Its author was the satirist Tom Brown (1663- 1704), and it was published in November 1693 as one in a series of seven 'In Obi tum Tho. Shadwell, pinguis memoriae '. 61 The two Latin pieces between which it stands here, copied at the same sitting, are equally significant as an indication of milieu. An epigram 'On Dr: S:' reflects on William Sherlock's taking the oaths to William and Mary in August 1690, and some satirical verses relate to a pastoral letter by Gilbert Burnet that was ordered to be burnt by the hangman in September of that year. It can hardly be coincidence that in 1685 Sherlock, while lecturer at St Dunstan's, had been appointed Master of the Temple, just after Burnet had unsuccessfully canvassed for the post. Further examination of this extraordinarily rich anthology may reveal more details regarding its precise origin. While the proposed identification of the main copyist with William or John Killingworth must remain at present conjectural, the contents point fairly clearly to London legal circles, and more particularly the Middle Temple, during the 1680s and 1690s. The presence of the Westminster items is evidently not to be explained by any direct family connection, but there seems every reason to trace them to a source inside the School. In much the same way, the inscriptions from Sherborne mentioned above may have come through a former pupil in that School, Thomas Creech, friend of Dryden and - more significantly in the present context - translator of Lucretius (1682), Horace and Theocritus (1684). This would sit well with the overriding concern shown here with the art of translation, and tends to confirm that the copyist lived on the fringe of a circle of dedicated practitioners, such as the 'Academy' that formed around the Earl of Roscommon (d. 1685). 62 Clearly, it was primarily in this role, and not as vernacular poet or popular playwright, that Dryden was known to him. Although not quite established as the leading translator of his age until some time after the Examen poeticum duplex of 1693, Dryden's active interest in the medium had already been shown in the first two collections of Miscellany Poems (1684, 1685). In this connection it is interesting to note that the present anthology is primarily dedicated to contemporary verse, translation from the classics being represented almost uniquely by a version (f. 25) of the sixth ode of Horace's Third Book 'Englishd by Lord Roscommon', to whose critical Essay on Translated Verse (1684) Dryden himself had contributed some commendatory verses. The Dryden attributions prompt some final thoughts. What were dismissed at the beginning of this piece as Killingworth's blunders in copying the original du Lorens distich may not be so entirely. Given his training in law French, a Templar jotting down a spoken text would quite naturally have written 'gist' for 'git', 'feme' for 'femme' and 'pur' for 'pour'.63 The claim that the translation came 'from [Dryden's] own mouth' seems unchallengeable, even if the relationship it seems to imply between poet and copyist was no more than a shared dinner, or an evening spent in some such favourite haunt as Wills Coffee House in Covent Garden. There is little difficulty in seeing how such a casual exercise could have worked itself into the mythology surrounding his life 18

------the more so because the original itself apparently traced the same course - and how, under these circumstances, it came to be rejected by editors. Yet, while an autobiographical reading is far from indispensable to the case for authorship, the significance of 'these two couplets does not reside wholly in concern for the Dryden canon. On the question of whether Lady Elizabeth Dryden may have been in his thoughts when he translated the French epigram or threw off the Latin distich one contemporary, at least, was in no doubt. Their conjunction here indicates that an unflattering view of the state of his marriage was current in his own lifetime. Until now there seems to have been little, if any, real evidence of serious domestic tensions in the Gerard Street household. While Dryden's openly taking as his mistress in 1671 the actress Anne Reeves hardly speaks of marital devotion, a recent authority was right to point out that of' the personal feelings between Dryden and Elizabeth we know nothing'. 64 Earlier writers who thought otherwise had little to support them. Scott boldly stated that 'Lady Elizabeth Dryden's temper had long disturbed her husband's domestic happiness', quoting Malone's assertion that the poet's 'invectives against the married state are frequent and bitter, and were continued to the latest period of his life '.65 Both may have been influenced by the plays, which provide evidence of a misogynistic streak. So, more recently, was Winn when he remarked of The State of Innocence (1677) that' I believe we may hear in Dryden's version distant echoes of similar squabbles between John and Elizabeth Dryden, whose relations were undergoing the strain of Dryden's tightened finances and public infidelity'. 66 Similarly, the ill repute that attached to the poet's marriage by the eighteenth century is reflected in an anecdote gathered by Malone from Horace Walpole. This takes the form of an exchange in which Lady Elizabeth, seeing her husband poring over his books, wished she were one too so that he might pay her more attention, his rejoinder being 'pray, let it be an Almanack; for then, at the end of the year, I shall lay you quietly on the shelf. .. '. 67 It is precisely that 'quietly' which defines the essence of the two Harley attributions,

1 The Critical a11d Miscellaneous Prose Works of 278, whence it was copied by the antiquary John Dryden, vol. i, part I (London, 1800), p. William Cole in 1774 on f. 179v of the notebook 395 . that is now BL, Add. MS. 5847. See also Henry 2 BL, Harley MS. 7316, p. 189 (f. 93). Malone Le Court, M ' Jacques de Lorens (Caen, 1897), quotes them as 'Here lies my wife; here let her p. 17 . lie: / She's now at rest, -- and so am I. ' 6 Thomas Joseph Pettigrew, Chronicles of the 3 Cf. the collections of verse in BL, Add. MSS. Tombs (London, 1875), p. 189, and Ernest R. 70454, 70095, and Harley MSS. 7316--7318, the Suffiing, Epitaphia (London, 1909), p. 179. latter probably commissioned by Edward . 7 Granger's Index to Poetry, 8th edn., ed. W. F. Harley. MS. 7317 comprises material from the Bernhardt (New York, 1986), p. 286, sub period before 1700 and MS. 7318 from 1727 to 'Epitaph intended for His Wife'. 1729. 8 A Catalogue of the Harleian Manuscripts i11 the 4 'Well then! poor Gay lies under Ground', in British Museum (London, 1808), vol. iii, p. 314. Harley MS. 7316, f. 90. The manuscript has been made available com 5 Qpoted by Antoine Sabatier, Les Trois siecles de mercially in Harvester Microform's British Lit 11otre litterature ... (Amsterdam, 1772), vol. ii, p. erary Manuscripts from the British Library, 19 London, Series One : T/ze Eng/isl, Renaissance, 1636), p. 143. Wadlow was landlord from at least c. 1500-1700 (1987). 1608 to his death in 1627, and his son John still 9 For another branch, perhaps related to this, see presided there in 1661-5 : see Rober.t Latham the Visitation of Northumberland, 1615, printed and William Matthews (eds.), Tlie Diary of in The Genealogist, ii (1878), pp. 146---7, 256---7. Samuel Pepys (London, 1970-83), vols. ii, p. 82, ro T . F. Kirby, Winchester Scholars (London, and vi, p. 44 and n. However, Kenneth Rogers, 1888), p. 206; Calendar of State Papers: The Mermaid and lvlitre Taverns in Old London Domestic, Feb . 168g-Apr. 1690, p. 60; and (London, 1928), pp. 145-8, lists Jonathan Joseph Foster, Alumni Oxonienses, 1500-1714 Barford in 1662-8 and Richard Taylor from (Oxford, 1891), vol. ii, p. 849. 1668 to 1681. II F . W. Steer, Arc/zives of New College, O.tford 20 T. F . Kirby, op. cit., p. 203, and John Charnock, (Oxford, 1974), p. 49, and BL, Add. MS. 5832, Biograpl,ia Nava/is (London, 1794-8), vol. ii, f. 187. pp. 425-6. 12 Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses, Part I (Cam 21 Sturgess, Register of Admissions to ... the Middle bridge, 1922-7), vol. iii, p. 16, mb 'Killingworth, Temple, vol. i, p. 202 (27 Nov. 1680). The verses William'. Will, 3 July 1665, in Ely Diocesan are printed, with translation, in Bruce Probate Registers, vol. 31, f. 25, with probate Williamson, Catalogue of Paintings and Engrav granted to his wife Mary, as sole executor, on 24 ings in tl,e Possessio11 of the Hon. Society of t/ze Oct. 1667. Mentions sons William, Thomas and Middle Temple (London, 1931), pp. 15-16, and Newton, and bequeaths land in Thaxted and see frontispiece. Horning-on-the-Hill, Essex, a tenement in St 22 Sir Michael McDonnell, T/ze Registers of St Peter, Cornhill (for which, see Add. MS. 5072, Paufs S cl,ool 15og-1748 (London: privately ff. 196--219), and another in St Leonard's, printed, 1977), p. 335. Shoreditch. See also Mill Stephenson, A List of 23 P.R.O., Prob. u/478, 185 . Will dated 4, proved /t1Iomm1ental Brasses in the British Isles (London, 12 Sept. 1704. 1926), p. 56 (Boxworth). 24 P.R.O., Prob. 6/81. Administration granted 30 13 Notes f.S Queries, ser. II, iii, 13 June 1857, p. 487; April 1705. but see V.C.H., Sussex, vol. vii, p. 168 and n. 14. 25 Edgar Sheppard, The Old Royal Palace at 14 Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses, loc. cit.; and W/zitehall (London, 1902), pp. 383-7. H. A. C. Sturgess (ed.), Register of Admissions 26 Howard Colvin, A Biographical Dictionary of to ... tl,e Middle Temple (London, 1949), vol. i, British Arc/zitects 1600-1840, 3rd edn. (New p. 160. Haven and London, 1995), p. 1067. 15 This _parish is named in the records of entry of 27 Poems on Several Occasions (London, 1689), pp. his sons to Winchester College in 1680 and 1685 : 548 and 621-3. The printed fragments are torn see T . F. Kirby, op . cit., nn . 8, 14. from a Parliamentary Bill providing for the 16 See J. H. Baker, The Order of Serjeants at Law children of Stephen Jermyn out of his estate : see (Selden Society, Supplementary Series, v) (Lon Commons Journals, xiii, pp. 463, 466 (31 Mar., 3 don, 1984), pp. 449, and further 200, 417, 443, Apr. 1701). and 552. Charles Cooke was the 'sewer' or 'colt' 28 See, for example, James Anderson Winn, Jol,11 who delivered the rings (for which see below, n. Dryde11 and /zis World (New Haven, 1987), 40) . Appendix 8, 'Three Documents on the West 17 J. L. Chester, London Marriage Licences 1521- minster School Curriculum', pp. 521- 4. 1869, ed. by Joseph Foster (London, 1887), col. 29 The Satires of Juvenalis, translated into E11glisl, 793 . verse by Mr. Dryden ... ; togetl,er with the Satires 18 It opens with the charge of 'Usury' that was of Persius (London, 1693): headnote to Persius's rejected in 1662 in Thomas Fuller's History of third satire. the Worthies of England (see edn. by P. Austin 30 Charles E. Ward (ed.), T/ze Letters of Jol,11 Nuttall (London, 1840), vol. iii, p. 120). Dryden, wit!, Letters Addressed to Him (Durham, 19 'Apollo, Cohors, f.S musarum', quoted in Ben NC, 1942), pp. 18-20, letter 9. Jonson, ed. by C. H. Herford, Percy and Evelyn 31 Essay on Translated Verse (London, 1684), sigs. Simpson (Oxford, 1950), vol. x, p. 272, from A3v-A4v; Cambridge University, Mrestissi1ntE et Camden's Remaines concerning Britaine (London, l

20 dente Jacobo II.. . (Cambridge, 1684/ 5), sigs. Edward Harley, 2nd Earl of Oxford (BL, Add. K2-[K3]; and Sylva:, or the Second Part ofPoeti MS. 70454, f. 25v). cal Miscellanies (London, 1685), pp. 457-64. 43 Brian Morris and Eleanor Withington (eds.), 32 John Sargeaunt, A11nals of West111i11ster School The Poems ofJoh11 Cleveland (Oxford, 1967), p. (London, 1898), pp. 21-32 (esp. p. 30). 30, 'The Rebell Scot', II. 63, 64, the Latin 33 E. S. de Beer (ed.), The Diary of Joh11 Evelyn version differing from that published in J. (Oxford, 1955), vol. iii, pp. 287-8 (13 May Clevela11d Revived (London, 1660), pp. 24-3 r; 1661 ). and Theodore Howard Banks (ed .), The Poetical 34 BL, Add. MS. 70095, ff. 66-'75v. Harley was a Works of Sir Joh11 Denham, 2nd edn. (Hamden, Busby Trustee from 1726 and Steward of the Conn., 1969), p. 77, 'Cooper's Hill', II. 189-<)2. Anniversary Dinner in that year : see G. F. 44 Letter of 17 June 1682 in Burney MS. 520, f. 23, Russell Barker and Alan H. Stenning, '{he and undated Gunpowder Plot verses at f. 32. Record of Old West111insters (London, 1928), vol. 45 Margaret Crum (ed.), First-Li11e Index ofEnglish ii, pp. II II, II2J. Poetry, 1500-1800, i11 Ma11uscripts ofthe Bodleian 35 Jupiter To11a11s was a common classical epithet Library, Oxford (Oxford, 1969), L785, without for Jove : 'sceptriferi To11a11tes, Jupiter et Juno' attribution but as a translation from the Latin. occurs in Seneca, M edea, I. 59, and the epigraph For a brief notice of Sheppard see John Wilmot, ' Vicem gerit Illa Tonantis' heads some English Earl of Rochester, The Complete Works, ed. verses on Queen Anne, beg. 'Next to the Frank H. Ellis (Harmondsworth, 1994), pp. Thunderer O Anna stand', preserved in Lans 274- 5. This useful account omits the fact that, downe MS. 852, f. 21v, a collection that includes as Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod to some Westminster School items. William III, he was knighted at Whitehall on 36 Charles Saunders, Tamerlane the Great. A 22 April 1694. 46 MacDonald, op. cit., p. 44, outlines the chron Trngedy (London, 1681). Hugh MacDonald, ology. John D,yden : A Bibliography of Early Edit.ions 47 A. S. G. Edwards, Notes €5 Queries, ccxix (Nov. and of D1J1denia11a (Oxford, 1939), p. 157n, says 1974), pp. 418- 19; and John Wilmot, Earl of that 'Dryden was in touch with his old school at Rochester, The Complete Works, pp. 18 and 316. any rate, a little after this time'. 48 For Phelips see The History of Parliament, Tlze 37 'Hos ego versiculos feci, tu/it alter honorem' is a House of Commons 1660-1690 (London, 1983), verse that Virgil is said to have written under a pp. 237-8. couplet of his own composition that had been 49 See, for example, H. M. Margoliouth (ed.), The appropriated by a rival. Poems a11d letters of A11drew Marvell, 3rd edn., 38 Sargeaunt, Annals, p. 97; and G. F. Russell rev. by Pierre Legouis and E. E. Duncan-Jones Barker and Alan H. Stenning, op. cit., 1928, vol. (Oxford, 1972), vol. i, pp. 273- 4. i, p. 512. 50 Index ofEnglish Literary Manuscripts, Volume II, 39 hose Works ofJo/111 D,yden, loc. cit., pp. 356-67. 1625-1700, ed. Peter Beal, part r (London, 40 See J. H. Baker, op. cit., p. 467, and, for further 1987), pp. 421-2. Of these, ten were collated for details, pp. 94-

21 living didst H, POAS : Farewel, who dying did London, 1979), and Index of English Literary P Ms; I. 8 Nor couldst thou Hand ro MSS : And Manuscripts, Volume II, 1625-1700, Part I, pp. couldst not POAS, PM5. 347- 81. In the Harley MS. 'drunken' (I. 5) was 53 Auguste Charles Dufresnoy, De arte graplzica miscopied as 'drunkett '. (London, 1695) (see California edn. of Dryden, 58 A Modem Essay on the Tenth Satire of Juvenal vol. xx, 1989, p. 74). D. E. Hill (ed.), ·P. Papini (London, 1687). Stati Tlzebaidos Libri XII (Leiden, 1996), does 59 In the chronicle of Henry de Blaneforde (BL, not record 'nescit' from any manuscript source. Cotton MS. Claudius D. VI), printed in Henry 54 The verses on William Inglott are printed in Thomas Riley (ed.), Chronica Monasterii S . Francis Blomefield, An Essay towards a Topo Albani, Rolls Series (London, 1866), p. 142. The graphical History of the County ofNorfolk, vol. iv period concerned is the reign of Edward II and (London, 1806), pt. I, p. 29. The response, in the Harley text is not entirely accurate. 60 Mac Flecknoe (London, 1682), II. 195- 6. verse, runs 'Why sayth the Italians Seignour Se: 61 Albert S. Borgman, Thomas Shadwell, his Life & the Spaniards Se Seigniour / Because the one and Comedies (New York, 1928), p. 99, citing The putts that behind that the other putts before'. Works of Thomas Brown [sic] (London, 1719), 55 The subject of 'Come hither death & see what vol. iv, pp. 104- 5. thou hast don_e' died on 29 Oct. 1698 in the 62 Carl Niemeyer, 'The Earl of Roscommon's parish of SS Simon and Jude, Norwich, where Academy', Modern Language Notes, xlix (1934), the minister was Joseph Alanson (not Garenson) : pp. 43 2 -'7- see Blomefield, op. cit., vol. iv, pt. II, pp. 63 J. H . Baker, Manual of law French (Amersham, 353- 61. Pettus is mentioned in Browne's letter 1979). to his son Edward of 14 May [1681], printed in 64 Paul Hammond, John Dryden : a Literary Life Geoffrey Keynes (ed.), The Works of Sir Thomas (London, 1991), p. 22. Browne (London, 1928; repr. 1964), vol. iv, p. 65 Works of John Dryden, vol. i, p. 386 (but see 191. See also Margaret Toynbee, 'Some Friends footnote for Saintsbury's objection). of Sir Thomas Browne', Norfolk Archaeology, 66 James Anderson Winn, op . cit., p. 268. xxxi (1957), pp. 377-94. 67 Prose Works ofJolm Dryden, p. 499. Saintsbury, 56 Cf. The Poems and Letters of Andrew Marvell, ed. cit., vol. i, pp. 382-3, n., remarks vol. i, pp. 56-7. that a similar anecdote occurs in the Historiettes · 57 Cf. Brice Harris (ed.), The Poems of Charles of Tallemant de Reaux (though these remained Sackville, Sixth Earl of Dorset (New York and in manuscript until 1843).