Ornament and Order

Essays on Viking and Northern Medieval Art for Signe Fuglesang

Edited by Margrethe C. Stang and Kristin B. Aavitsland © Tapir Academic Press, Trondheim 2008

ISBN 978-82-519-2320-0

This publication may not be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means; electronic, electrostatic, magnetic tape, mechanical, photo-copying, recording or otherwise, without permission.

Layout: Tapir Academic Press Font: 10,5 pkt Adobe Garamond Pro Paper: 115 g Multiart Silk Printed and binded by 07-gruppen as

This book has been published with founding from: Professor Lorentz Dietrichson og hustrus legat til fremme av kunsthistorisk forskning Department of Culture Studies and Oriental Languages, University of Oslo Fritt Ord – The Freedom of Expression Foundation, Oslo

Tapir Academic Press NO–7005 TRONDHEIM Tel.: + 47 73 59 32 10 Fax: + 47 73 59 84 94 E-mail: [email protected] www.tapir.no Table of Contents

Preface ...... 7

Tabula Gratulatoria ...... 9

Erla Bergendahl Hohler Signe Horn Fuglesang – an Intellectual Portrait ...... 13

Eloquent Objects from the Early

David M. Wilson Jellinge-style Sculpture in Northern England ...... 21

Anne Pedersen and Else Roesdahl A Ringerike-style Animal’s Head from Aggersborg, Denmark ...... 31

James Graham-Campbell An Eleventh-century Irish Drinking-horn Terminal ...... 39

Ornament and Interpretation

Ulla Haastrup The Introduction of the Meander Ornament in Eleventh-century Danish Wall Paintings. Thoughts on the Symbolic Meaning of the Ornament and its Role in Promoting the Roman Church ...... 55

Kristin B. Aavitsland Ornament and Iconography. Visual Orders in the Golden Altar from Lisbjerg, Denmark ...... 73

Margrete Syrstad Andås The Octogon Doorway: A Question of Purity and Danger? ...... 97 Iconography in Context

Nigel Morgan The Iconography of the Sculpted Wooden Altar Frontals and Altarpieces of Norway and Sweden, c. 1250–1375 ...... 139

Margrethe C. Stang Body and Soul: The Legend of St Margaret in Torpo Stave Church ...... 161

Lena Liepe The Knight and the Dragon Slayer. Illuminations in a Fourteenth-century Saga Manuscript ...... 179

Lars Olof Larsson St Eligius in Öja. Some Notes on a Puzzling Sculpture by Egypticus ...... 201

The Middle Ages Transformed

Mona Bramer Solhaug Modern Enthusiasm about Medieval Art. The Transformation of Limoges Crucifixes ...... 211

Notes on the Contributors ...... 227

Signe Horn Fuglesang’s Bibliography ...... 231

 An Eleventh-century Irish Drinking-horn Terminal

James Graham-Campbell

The ornamental mount which forms the subject of this paper was acquired by Mr Laird Landmann, of California, from a London-based dealer (in 2005), but with no information available as to its provenance. It will, however, be argued below that, wherever this object was lost or deposited, it is a drinking-horn terminal of Irish manufacture, dating from the second half of the eleventh century AD (fig. 1). It is currently on loan to the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

Description Although a single casting, this copper-alloy mount can be described in two parts: the tubular lugged socket, for attachment to the horn; and its animal-head terminal. It is generally in good condition, although the snout is damaged and many of its small glass settings are missing, as well as some of its wire inlay. Length: 8.5cm (fig. 1). The socket terminates in three lugs, with one on top and the other two forming a pair on either side; the latter still contain a transverse rivet. The opening (external diameter: 1.7cm) has a billeted border. There are three oblong fields of ornament extending along both sides, and a plain silver strip runs the length of the top, link- ing two anthropomorphic/animal masks; the underside is plain, except for a mask at either end. The central longitudinal fields are wider than those above and below, with their borders inlaid with a wavy silver wire (set in niello); they all contain foli- ate interlace, with lobed terminals, in relief. In addition, there is a mask at either end of the two main fields, of which the inner ones are the mostly clearly human, with their “necks” likewise inlaid with a wavy silver wire. There is thus a total of eight masks on the socket, some of which are notably more human in appearance than the others which are somewhat elongated; a few of their sixteen eye-sockets still contain blue glass settings.

39 James Graham-Campbell An Eleventh-century Irish Drinking-horn Terminal

The terminal head has a raised snout, partly executed in openwork, the upper end of which is missing. It has a pair of large circular eyes, centrally placed, beneath a raised crest the top of which is embellished with an oval silver plate. Immediately below this crest is a subsidiary pair of small eyes staring at a further pair at the other end of the snout, across which is a moulding. Looping around the main eyes, and running along the sides of the snout, is the ribbon-shaped body of a snake (inlaid with a wavy silver wire); at the end, the body turns back on itself and terminates

Fig. 1 Unprovenanced drinking-horn terminal decorated in the Irish/Ringerike style of Viking art. © Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

40 41 James Graham-Campbell An Eleventh-century Irish Drinking-horn Terminal

in a moulded head resting on (or biting) its own body. The remaining ornament is foliate interlace, with its main lines inlaid with wavy silver wire. On the underside is a rectangular opening, in the form of a slot (measuring 2.2 x 0.3cm), which termi- nates in a moulded animal-mask.

Discussion Technical Any detailed technical discussion of this terminal mount would require its scientific examination. On the other hand, its essential characteristics may be summarised as follows: an accomplished copper-alloy casting, in one piece, with elaborate decora- tion, some of which is inlaid with silver wire, set in niello, with the addition of two areas of silver plating and small settings in the form of blue glass studs. As described by Françoise Henry, these manufacturing and decorative techniques are amongst those that are particularly characteristic of the finest eleventh- and twelfth-century Irish metalwork.1 It may be that the terminal was originally gilt, given her observa- tion that the particular combination of “silver tracery edged with black outlined on a background” would doubtless have been “very pleasing”.2 On the other hand, there are no traces of gilding currently visible on this mount, although it appears to have been given a coating of some substance since its discovery; this remains, therefore, a matter for investigation.

Stylistic and chronological The fact that this socketed mount takes the form of a stylised animal-head places it in a tradition of Irish zoomorphic mounts for the terminals of drinking-horns, dating from the eighth century onwards, although with Germanic antecedents (as discussed below). The animal-head itself is decorated with interlaced foliate orna- ment in relief, comprising lobed tendrils, but incorporating a total of eleven anthro- pomorphic/animal masks, together with a pair of interlacing snakes on its snout. In establishing his “Schools of metalworking in eleventh- and twelfth-century Ireland”, Raghnall Ó Floinn has written, of the so-called “Cathach group”, that “the primary design feature … is the use of panels or friezes of foliage or zoomorphic motifs in relief casting, the lines of which are rectilinear in cross-section … Foliate patterns predominate … and interlace often tends to cluster in knots”, with lobed tendrils being “commonly found”.3 These patterns are in the tradition of the elev- enth-century Ringerike style of late Viking-age art, as modified in Irish workshops.4 What is unusual about the decoration of the Landmann mount, however, is the incorporation of so many anthropomorphic/animal masks into the design, although such are not completely unknown in the Ringerike style.5 Although there would ap-

40 41 James Graham-Campbell An Eleventh-century Irish Drinking-horn Terminal pear to be no direct relationship with the Landmann mount, it is worth noting that human masks are used to terminate zoomorphic foliate interlace on a grave-slab from Bibury, Gloucestershire, England, which Signe Fuglesang has suggested dis- plays “partial Ringerike style influence”.6 This decorative feature of the Landmann mount remains therefore, for the time being at least, an idiosyncratic element in its design, for even in Irish manuscript art of the period the use of “semi-humans” for decorative initials seems to have been rare.7 On both technical and stylistic grounds, however, it seems beyond reasonable doubt that, wherever it was found, the Landmann horn-mount is of Irish manufac- ture, belonging to the well-defined workshop tradition responsible for the Cathach book-shrine, dated by its inscription to between 1062 and 1098.8 Ó Floinn has recently restated the case,9 following an earlier suggestion by the late Françoise Henry,10 for the central workshop of this school having been located in the major monastery of Kells, Co. Meath, “serving the needs of the Columban paruchia in the later eleventh century” – rather than in metropolitan Dublin, where finds of both “motif-pieces” and ornamental wood-carving indicate that the Irish version of the Ringerike style was flourishing during this period.11 On the other hand, it is impor- tant to remember that monastic craftsmen are well known to have produced work for secular patrons.12

Background Archaeological evidence for the use of drinking-horns decorated with bronze mounts is known from Ireland, from the eighth century onwards,13 although most examples of such horn-mounts have in fact been found in ninth/tenth-century Viking graves in Norway,14 as well as in the Northern and Western Isles of .15 In form, these terminal-mounts are normally either zoomorphic (when they are animal- or bird-headed), or globular, although a pair found in a rich female grave at Gausel, in Rogaland, Norway, take the form of a simple loop.16 The zoomorphic terminals more often take the form of a stylised bird’s head than that of a beast, although Petersen illustrates three of each,17 whereas the globular ones are generally plain.18 There is no archaeological evidence for the use of such mounted horns in North- ern Britain, at this period, as recently confirmed by Leslie Alcock.19 Indeed, the earliest such evidence for their use in Scotland, outside the areas of Scandinavian settlement, appears to be the depiction of an equestrian warrior drinking from a horn, with a fine bird-headed terminal, on the carved stone from Bullion, Inver- gowrie, Angus, which is conventionally dated to the first half of the tenth century.20 It is generally agreed that the introduction into Ireland of the zoomorphic form of terminal-mount, with which we are concerned here, was the result of Anglo-Sax- on influence.21 Its Anglo-Saxon precursors, with their characteristic bird-headed ter-

42 43 James Graham-Campbell An Eleventh-century Irish Drinking-horn Terminal

minals, from such early seventh-century, high-status, burials as Taplow and , have conveniently been reviewed by Katherine East,22 but of further relevance is the recent discovery of a silver-gilt animal-headed mount from Grantham in Lin- colnshire.23 This has the slight curvature to be expected of a drinking-horn terminal, and the style of its decoration identifies it as being of eighth-century Anglo-Saxon workmanship. The problem is therefore not the origins of Irish zoomorphic horn-terminals, but their continuity, given that tenth- and early eleventh-century examples have yet to be identified to create a link between those mentioned above and the few early twelfth-century mounts which provide the comparanda for the late eleventh-century example under discussion. As an aside, attention may also be drawn to the elaborate silver horn-mount, decorated in the characteristic “Trewhiddle style” of ninth-century Anglo-Saxon art, from Burghead, Morayshire, in Scotland (where it had presumably been taken as a result of Viking activity), but this is in the form of a rim-mounting with an integral suspension-loop. It has been suggested that this may derive from a blast-horn, of the type depicted in late Anglo-Saxon manuscript art in use for signalling in battle, for hunting, and for summoning men to feasts.24 As such, some blast-horns are to be regarded as forming part of a warrior’s equipment and might therefore have been as lavishly decorated as his festive drinking-horn. The failure of decorated drinking-horns to survive from the tenth and early eleventh centuries in Ireland is, in fact, a phenomenon common to North-West Europe. On the other hand, near the beginning of the Bayeux Tapestry, which was embroidered during the 1070s, in the scene where Earl Harold is shown feasting (in 1064) at Bosham, on the south coast of England, one of a pair of large drinking- horns is clearly depicted in use, with both rim-mount and animal-head terminal.25 In commenting on this representation, David Wilson has observed that: “The only surviving horn of anything like this date comes from Holland and is much restored but must belong to the late tenth century”.26 For present purposes, it is only neces- sary to note that this particular horn is missing its original terminal mount.27 The Irish annals record the existence of lavishly ornamented horns in Ireland during the twelfth century, quite separately from the references to them in the literary and legal texts so far reviewed in print by Carol Neuman de Vegvar.28 These have been brought together (in part, at any rate) by Raghnall Ó Floinn, and his examples will suffice here to illustrate the point.29 In 1115, the king of Connacht, Turlough O’Connor, presented a horn ornamented with gold to the monastery of Clonmacnoise, from which such a horn is recorded as having been stolen in 1129, along with the horn of Ua Riada, king of Araid. On an occasion in 1197, “the four best horns in Ireland” were stolen from the church of Doire Choluim Cille, and

42 43 James Graham-Campbell An Eleventh-century Irish Drinking-horn Terminal their jewelled mounts torn off.30 “A reference to a horn in a secular context occurs in the Annals of the Four Masters for the year 1189 when, as part of a settlement, Donnell O’Brien was given a horn ornamented with gold”.31

Comparanda The published literature refers only to the remains of two Irish horns, both dating from the early twelfth century, which can be used as comparanda for the Land- mann mount, although the existence of four other related mounts has kindly been brought to my attention by Carol Neuman de Vegvar.32 It is, however, a matter of regret that the one extant horn of Irish workmanship from this period, which still has its rim-mounts, is lacking its original terminal. The first mount for consideration is an unprovenanced terminal in the National Museum of Ireland (reg. no: W.8). This is much simpler in design and execution than the Landmann mount, but is likewise in the form of a stylised animal-head, with a lugged socket (fig. 2).33 It is, however, somewhat later in date, belonging stylistically to what Ó Floinn calls “the St Lachtin’s arm-shrine group”,34 a workshop tradition utilising the Irish version of the Scandinavian Urnes style of late Viking art,35 in production during the early twelfth century (see further below). Of the three unpublished comparable mounts from Ireland, as known to Neu- man de Vegvar, that closest to the Landmann mount, in its elaboration, forms part of the Jackson Collection (no. 25), in the Town Hall, Carlow. Neuman de Vegvar describes its upper surfaces as being “covered with very fine Urnes-style zoomorphic interlace”,36 stylistically comparable to the decoration of the Shrine of St Patrick’s Bell, dated by Ó Floinn to “around 1100”.37 The two other lugged mounts from Ireland, both unprovenanced,38 are plainer, as is the fourth mount identified by her as belonging to this group. The latter, found in England, has previously been published as a possible “helmet-crest fragment”; it is from Rempstone, Nottinghamshire, and is now in the Brewhouse Yard Museum, Nottingham (NCM 1989–953).39 This group of (now) six drinking-horn mounts, with zoomorphic terminals, is formally characterised by their sockets being furnished with lugs which are normally used to rivet the mount to its horn. In addition, they are both longer and heavier than earlier examples (see below), with only a slight curvature and a flat underside. Before considering the possible significance of this group as a whole, it is worth drawing attention to one further Irish terminal-mount or ferrule of this period, even if not itself animal-headed, because its cultural affiliations (and thus chrono- logical context) have previously been mistakenly identified. This mount was found near Brading, on the Isle of Wight, and it must be that this somewhat unlikely provenance for a twelfth-century Irish object is why it has so far been considered to

44 45 James Graham-Campbell An Eleventh-century Irish Drinking-horn Terminal

Fig. 2 Unprovenanced drinking-horn terminal from Ireland. After Ó Floinn 1987.

44 45 James Graham-Campbell An Eleventh-century Irish Drinking-horn Terminal be “a hitherto unrecorded type of object from the Middle Saxon Period”, tentatively identified as a small “crozier fitting”.40 It is described as “a heavy bronze casting, once thickly gilt”, with a “tapering tubular socket”, which is now incomplete, but which has “three cast panels of interlace inside plain raised borders”; “at the nar- row end the socket extends into a hollow globular terminal with a biconical profile decorated with four panels of interlace inside raised borders”.41 This “loosely looped” interlace has been interpreted as having “leafy terminals” which are considered to indicate “that this is an Anglo-Saxon piece dating to the late eighth century”,42 but these trefoil-like terminals are more readily recognis- able as open-jawed animal-heads in profile, with the upper jaw being elongated, together with a prominent ear or head-lappet. When the interlaced bodies of these “snakes” are followed through, it can be seen that each does in fact end in a plain terminal or “tail”.43 This characteristic “snake-head” and open style of interlace (in cast panels) is readily paralleled in Ó Floinn’s “Lismore crozier group” of metal- work ornamented in the twelfth-century Irish/Urnes style, e.g. the tau crozier, pos- sibly from Co. Kilkenny, about which he has commented: “Of varying quality, the panels contain interlaced thread-like snakes or quadrupeds, many with no defined limbs but having elongated jaws and head lappets”.44 Finally, the most substantial example of a twelfth-century Irish horn to have survived remains to be introduced into this discussion, although (as previously remarked) it lacks its original terminal, having a replacement of thirteenth/four- teenth-century (Flemish?) workmanship. This horn survived because of its use as a reliquary in the convent of the Béguines, in the city of Tongres/Tongeren (Bel- gium); it is now in the Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire, Brussels (no. 2958). Michael Ryan’s definitive description and discussion of this remarkable object highlights the quality of its rim decoration, together with an associated strip with animal-head terminal.45 Ó Floinn dates it to about 1100 and links its ornament “stylistically to Irish objects of Munster provenance, such as the Shrine of St Lach- tin’s Arm [from c.1120] and the Lismore Crozier”, in the so-called Irish/Urnes style,46 as noted above. Although suspended by a chain when first illustrated,47 Ryan has suggested that the Tongres/Tongeren horn might originally have been furnished with legs,48 in the manner that became popular in the later Middle Ages, especially in the fifteenth century (cf. the Kavanagh “Charter” horn).49 However, it seems to have been usual in the earlier period for horns to have been suspended when not in use, as is indicated by the presence of a stout ring in the openwork jaws of a horn-terminal excavated at Carraig Aille, Co. Limerick,50 suggesting that the openwork jaws/beaks of other examples were likewise intended for suspension- straps.

46 47 James Graham-Campbell An Eleventh-century Irish Drinking-horn Terminal

In the case of the Landmann mount, however, a different arrangement is sug- gested by the presence of the slot on its underside, which is integral to the design (cf. the published illustration of the Rampstone mount).51 It is possible that this was intended for use with some form of wooden stand, into which the end would have been fitted, if not necessarily for use at table, then at least for display pur- poses. On the other hand, Neuman de Vegvar has proposed that these lugged terminals may well have formed part of what would then be the earliest known examples of standing footed horns, the antecedents of such as the Kavanagh horn mentioned above.52

Significance Ó Floinn has recently lamented that “artefact types of eleventh- and twelfth-cen- tury date such as censers, aquamaniles, flabella, brooches, and finger-rings are so far either unknown or unrecognized in the Irish repertoire”.53 As has been dem- onstrated above, there is at least some extant artefactual evidence for ornamented Irish drinking-horns from the end of the eleventh and the early twelfth centuries, even if not embellished with actual gold, as the annals would have us believe (but maybe, in reality, such were heavily gilded in the manner of the mount from the Isle of Wight). On the other hand, the previous tenth- to eleventh-century gap in our knowledge of this artefact type has now been shortened by the identification of the Landmann mount as one such example, of excellent workmanship, with its elaborate and partially unique decorative features, dating from the later eleventh century. With regard to its stylistic attributes, it constitutes an outstanding addition to the so-called “Cathach group” of ornamental metalwork, displaying high-quality decoration in the Irish/Ringerike style of Hiberno-Scandinavian art.

Acknowledgements I am grateful to Mr Laird Landmann for having made his important horn-mount available to me for study at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, and to Dr Charles Little for his assistance in its examination there, during my visit in October 2005 (as well as for the provision of fig. 1). I also owe particular debts of gratitude to Mr Raghnall Ó Floinn (National Museum of Ireland), for discussing its stylistic attributes with me (and those of the Brading mount), and to Professor Carol Neu- man de Vegvar (Ohio Wesleyan University), for allowing me to make use of her unpublished (1997) paper on this otherwise little-known group of horn-mounts, although they are in no way responsible for the manner in which I have chosen to make use of their advice. I am furthermore grateful to Mrs Leslie Webster (British

46 47 James Graham-Campbell An Eleventh-century Irish Drinking-horn Terminal

Museum) who also gave me the benefit of her advice in connection with the re-at- tribution of the Brading mount, and to Sir David Wilson for his helpful comments on a preliminary draft of this paper.

Bibliography Alcock, Leslie. Kings and Warriors, Craftsmen and Priests in Northern Britain AD 550–850. Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, Monograph Series 24. Edinburgh 2003. Close-Brooks, Joanna. Dark Age Sculpture. Her Majesty’s Stationery Office. Edin- burgh 1980. East, Katherine. “Review of the evidence for drinking-horns and wooden cups from Anglo-Saxon sites.” In The Sutton Hoo Ship-Burial, Vol. 3. Rupert Bruce-Mitford (Ed. Angela Care Evans). . London 1983: 385–95. Fuglesang, Signe Horn. Some Aspects of the Ringerike Style: A Phase of 11th Century Scandinavian Art. Odense University Press. Odense 1980. Fuglesang, Signe Horn. “Stylistic groups in late Viking and early Romanesque art.” Acta ad Archaeologiam et Artium Historiam Pertinentia, Serie Altera in 8° (Institu- tum Romanum Norvegiae) 1 (1981): 79–125. Graham-Campbell, James. “The ninth-century Anglo-Saxon horn-mount from Burghead, Morayshire, Scotland.” Medieval Archaeology 17 (1973): 43–51. Graham-Campbell, James and Batey, Colleen E. in Scotland: An Archaeologi- cal Survey. Edinburgh University Press. Edinburgh 1998. Henry, Françoise. “On some Early Christian objects in the Ulster Museum.” Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 95 (1965): 51–63. Henry, Françoise. Irish Art in the Romanesque Period, 1020–1170 A.D. Methuen. London 1970. Henry, Françoise and Marsh-Micheli, G. L. “A century of Irish illumination (1070–1170).” Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 62C (1962): 101–65. Hougen, Bjørn. “Et anglo-nordisk drikkehorn fra Holland.” Viking 3 (1939): 115–28. Lang, James T. Viking-Age Decorated Wood: A Study of its Ornament and Style. Medi- eval Dublin Excavations 1962–81, Ser. B, Vol. 1, Royal Irish Academy. Dublin 1988. Mahr, Adolf (Ed.) Christian Art in Ancient Ireland, Vol. I. Stationery Office. Dublin 1932. Neuman de Vegvar, Carol. “Drinking horns in Ireland and Wales: the documentary sources.” In From the Isles of the North: Early Medieval Art in Ireland and Britain. Ed. Cormac Bourke. Her Majesty’s Stationery Office. Belfast 1995: 81–87.

48 49 James Graham-Campbell An Eleventh-century Irish Drinking-horn Terminal

Neuman de Vegvar, Carol. “Four flanged terminals and the politics of conspicuous display.” Unpublished paper delivered to the 11th Irish Confer- ence of Medievalists, Maynooth 1997; publication forthcoming. Ó Floinn, Raghnall. “The Kavanagh ‘charter’ horn”. InIrish Antiquity: Essays and Studies presented to Professor M.J. O’Kelly. Ed. Donncha Ó Corráin. Tower Books. Cork 1981: 269–78. Ó Floinn, Raghnall. “Schools of metalworking in eleventh- and twelfth-century Ireland.” In Ireland and Insular Art, A.D. 500–1200. Ed. Michael Ryan. Royal Irish Academy. Dublin 1987: 179–87. Ó Floinn, Raghnall. “Innovation and conservatism in Irish metalwork of the Ro- manesque period.” In The Insular Tradition. Eds. Catherine E. Karkov, Robert T. Farrell and Michael Ryan. State University of New York Press. Albany 1997: 259–81. O’Meadhra, Uaininn. Early Christian, Viking and Romanesque Art: Motif-Pieces from Ireland 2: A Discussion. Theses and Papers in North-European Archaeology 17. Stockholm 1987. Petersen, Jan. “British antiquities of the Viking period, found in Norway.” In Viking Antiquities in Great Britain and Ireland, Part V. Ed. Haakon Shetelig. Asche- houg. Oslo 1940. Raftery, Joseph. “Descriptive and chronological notes.” In Ed. Raftery 1941: 91–168. Raftery, Joseph (Ed.). Christian Art in Ancient Ireland, Vol. II. Stationery Office. Dublin 1941. Ryan, Michael. “The Irish horn-reliquary of Tongres/Tongeren, Belgium.” InKeime - lia: Studies in Medieval Archaeology and History in Memory of Tom Delaney. Eds. Gearóid Mac Niocaill and Patrick F. Wallace. Galway University Press. Galway 1988: 127–42. Tweddle, Dominic. The Anglian Helmet from Coppergate. The Archaeology of York: The Small Finds 17/8. London 1992. Wilson, David M. The Bayeux Tapestry. Thames & Hudson. London 1985. Youngs, Susan (Ed.). ‘The Work of Angels’: Masterpieces of Celtic Metalwork, th6 –9th Centuries AD. British Museum. London 1989. Youngs, Susan. “Appendix: an Anglo-Saxon staff fitting from near Brading.” In Ulmschneider, Katherine. “Archaeology, history and the Isle of Wight in the Middle Saxon Period.” Medieval Archaeology 43 (1999): 19–44, at pp. 40–44. Youngs, Susan. “Grantham, Lincolnshire: Anglo-Saxon silver-gilt hollow terminal”. In Treasure Annual Report 2003. Department for Culture, Media and Sport: Cultural Property Unit. London 2004, no. 85.

48 49 James Graham-Campbell An Eleventh-century Irish Drinking-horn Terminal

Notes 1 Henry 1970: 79–81. 2 Henry 1970: 81. 3 Ó Floinn 1987: 180–81. 4 Fuglesang 1980: 54. 5 Cf. Fuglesang 1980: nos. 68 and 76 (both carved stones from Sweden). 6 Fuglesang 1980: 64, no. 90, pl. 55a. 7 Henry and Marsh-Micheli 1962: 141 and note 2. 8 Ó Floinn 1987: 180–81; 1997: 268–69. 9 Ó Floinn 1997: 268–69. 10 Henry 1970: 88. 11 O’Meadhra 1987; Lang 1988. 12 Ó Floinn 1987: 179. 13 Henry 1965: 59–61; Youngs (Ed.) 1989: nos. 53 and 54. 14 Mahr (Ed.) 1932: pl. 32, 8–11; Petersen 1940: passim (cf. notes 16–18); Raftery 1941: 149–50. 15 Graham-Campbell and Batey 1998: passim. 16 Petersen 1940: 169, no. 4, fig. 137. 17 Petersen 1940: figs. 16, 41, 56, 63, 79 and 81. 18 Petersen 1940: figs. 136–38. 19 Alcock 2003: 402. 20 Close-Brooks 1980, 11. 21 E.g. Henry 1965: 59–61; Youngs in Youngs (Ed.) 1989: no. 53. 22 East 1983. 23 Youngs 2004. 24 Graham-Campbell 1973. 25 Wilson 1985: pls. 3 and 4. 26 Wilson 1985: 174–75. 27 Hougen 1939. 28 Neuman de Vegvar 1995. 29 Ó Floinn 1981: 271–72. 30 Ó Floinn 1981: 271. 31 Ó Floinn 1981: 272. 32 Neuman de Vegvar 1997 (forthcoming); and personal communication. 33 Ó Floinn 1987: fig. 2e (mistakenly identified as W.7). 34 Ó Floinn 1987: 181–83. 35 Fuglesang 1981: 112–14. 36 Neuman de Vegvar 1997 (forthcoming). 37 Ó Floinn 1997: 266. 38 National Museum of Ireland: reg. nos. W.7 and P.779. 39 Tweddle 1992: 1083, fig. 522. 40 Youngs 1999: 40 and 44. 41 Youngs 1999: 41. 42 Loc. cit. in note 36. 43 Youngs 1999: fig. 7.

50 51 James Graham-Campbell An Eleventh-century Irish Drinking-horn Terminal

44 Ó Floinn 1987: 185, pl. IIa. 45 Ryan 1988. 46 Ó Floinn 1997: 261 and 266; 1987: 181–86. 47 Ryan 1988: fig. 1. 48 Ryan 1988: 139. 49 Ó Floinn 1981. 50 Henry 1965: fig. 2b. 51 Tweddle 1992: fig. 522. 52 Neuman de Vegvar 1997 (forthcoming). 53 Ó Floinn 1997: 275.

50 51