The Aztec Trickster on Display: the Darkest Side
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Aztec Mythology
Aztec Mythology One of the main things that must be appreciated about Aztec mythology is that it has both similarities and differences to European polytheistic religions. The idea of what a god was, and how they acted, was not the same between the two cultures. Along with all other native American religions, the Aztec faith developed from the Shamanism brought by the first migrants over the Bering Strait, and developed independently of influences from across the Atlantic (and Pacific). The concept of dualism is one that students of Chinese religions should be aware of; the idea of balance was primary in this belief system. Gods were not entirely good or entirely bad, being complex characters with many different aspects and their own desires and motivations. This is highlighted by the relation between Quetzalcoatl and Tezcatlipoca. When the Spanish arrived with their European sensibilities, they were quick to name one good and one evil, identifying Quetzalcoatl with Christ and Tezcatlipoca with Satan during their attempts to integrate the Nahua peoples into Christianity. But to the Aztecs neither god would have been “better” than the other; they are just different and opposing sides of the same duality. Indeed, their identities are rather nebulous, with Quetzalcoatl often being referred to as “White Tezcatlipoca” and Tezcatlipoca as “Black Quetzalcoatl”. The Mexica, as is explained in the history section, came from North of Mexico in a location they named “Aztlan” (from which Europeans developed the term Aztec). During their migration south they were exposed to and assimilated elements of several native religions, including those of the Toltecs, Mayans, and Zapotecs. -
Hierarchy in the Representation of Death in Pre- and Post-Conquest Aztec Codices
1 Multilingual Discourses Vol. 1.2 Spring 2014 Tanya Ball The Power of Death: Hierarchy in the Representation of Death in Pre- and Post-Conquest Aztec Codices hrough an examination of Aztec death iconography in pre- and post-Conquest codices of the central valley of Mexico T (Borgia, Mendoza, Florentine, and Telleriano-Remensis), this paper will explore how attitudes towards the Aztec afterlife were linked to questions of hierarchical structure, ritual performance and the preservation of Aztec cosmovision. Particular attention will be paid to the representation of mummy bundles, sacrificial debt- payment and god-impersonator (ixiptla) sacrificial rituals. The scholarship of Alfredo López-Austin on Aztec world preservation through sacrifice will serve as a framework in this analysis of Aztec iconography on death. The transformation of pre-Hispanic traditions of representing death will be traced from these pre- to post-Conquest Mexican codices, in light of processes of guided syncretism as defined by Hugo G. Nutini and Diana Taylor’s work on the performative role that codices play in re-activating the past. These practices will help to reflect on the creation of the modern-day Mexican holiday of Día de los Muertos. Introduction An exploration of the representation of death in Mexica (popularly known as Aztec) pre- and post-Conquest Central Mexican codices is fascinating because it may reveal to us the persistence and transformation of Aztec attitudes towards death and the after-life, which in some cases still persist today in the Mexican holiday Día de Tanya Ball 2 los Muertos, or Day of the Dead. This tradition, which hails back to pre-Columbian times, occurs every November 1st and 2nd to coincide with All Saints’ Day and All Souls’ day in the Christian calendar, and honours the spirits of the deceased. -
God of the Month: Tlaloc
God of the Month: Tlaloc Tlaloc, lord of celestial waters, lightning flashes and hail, patron of land workers, was one of the oldest and most important deities in the Aztec pantheon. Archaeological evidence indicates that he was worshipped in Mesoamerica before the Aztecs even settled in Mexico's central highlands in the 13th century AD. Ceramics depicting a water deity accompanied by serpentine lightning bolts date back to the 1st Tlaloc shown with a jaguar helm. Codex Vaticanus B. century BC in Veracruz, Eastern Mexico. Tlaloc's antiquity as a god is only rivalled by Xiuhtecuhtli the fire lord (also Huehueteotl, old god) whose appearance in history is marked around the last few centuries BC. Tlaloc's main purpose was to send rain to nourish the growing corn and crops. He was able to delay rains or send forth harmful hail, therefore it was very important for the Aztecs to pray to him, and secure his favour for the following agricultural cycle. Read on and discover how crying children, lepers, drowned people, moun- taintops and caves were all important parts of the symbolism surrounding this powerful ancient god... Starting at the very beginning: Tlaloc in Watery Deaths Tamoanchan. Right at the beginning of the world, before the gods were sent down to live on Earth as mortal beings, they Aztecs who died from one of a list of the fol- lived in Tamoanchan, a paradise created by the divine lowing illnesses or incidents were thought to Tlaloc vase. being Ometeotl for his deity children. be sent to the 'earthly paradise' of Tlalocan. -
The Myths of Mexico and Peru
THE MYTHS OF MEXICO AND PERU by Lewis Spence (1913) This material has been reconstructed from various unverified sources of very poor quality and reproduction by Campbell M Gold CMG Archives http://campbellmgold.com --()-- 1 Contents Contents .................................................................................................................................................. 2 Illustrations .............................................................................................................................................. 3 Map of the Valley of Mexico ................................................................................................................ 3 Ethnographic Map of Mexico ............................................................................................................... 4 Detail of Ethnographic Map of Mexico ................................................................................................. 5 Empire of the Incas .............................................................................................................................. 6 Preface .................................................................................................................................................... 7 Chapter 1 - The Civilisation of Mexico .................................................................................................... 9 Chapter 2 - Mexican Mythology ........................................................................................................... -
Hindi English Glossary
Hindi - English Glossary A glossary of commonly appearing words in murlis and clarifications Sr. No. Hindi word Transcription English meaning 1 vk/;kfRed Aadhyaatmik Adhi -inside, aatmik -of the soul; that which is inside the soul 2 vkfn nso Aadi dev The first deity 3 vkfn nsoh Aadi devi The first female deity 4 vkdkjh Aakaari Subtle 5 vkj.;d Aaranyak The name of a class of vedic literature closely connected with the Brahmins 6 vkRefu"B Aatmanishth The one who has realized the self / the one who is in the soul conscious stage 7 vHkksxrk Abhogta The one who doesn't experience pleasure 8 v/kj dqekj Adhar kumar Married man who leads a pure life 9 v/kj dqekjh Adhar kumari Married woman who leads a pure life 10 vk/kkjewrZ Adharmurt Supporting soul / root form soul 11 vf/kdkjh Adhikaari Ruler, officer Myth. wife of Sage Gautam who was cursed to become 12 vfgY;k Ahilya a stone; here it means, the one with a stone like intellect 13 vtUek Ajanma The one who isn’t born 14 vdkyewrZ Akaalmuurt The one whose body can't be devoured by death; the imperishable personality 15 vdeZ Akarma neutral actions; actions that have no karmic return 16 vdrkZ Akarta The one who doesn’t perform actions 17 v{kj Akshar The one who doesn't fall/doesn't get discharged 18 vyQ Alaf First letter in the Urdu language; vertical line 19 vykSfdd Alaukik not from this world / unworldly 20 veu Aman The one who doesn't have a mind, peaceful 21 vejdFkk Amarkatha The story of immortality 22 vejyksd Amarlok The abode of immortality 23 vejukFk Amarnaath The lord of the immortals 24 -
A Mat of Serpents: Aztec Strategies of Control from an Empire in Decline
A Mat of Serpents: Aztec Strategies of Control from an Empire in Decline Jerónimo Reyes On my honor, Professors Andrea Lepage and Elliot King mark the only aid to this thesis. “… the ruler sits on the serpent mat, and the crown and the skull in front of him indicate… that if he maintained his place on the mat, the reward was rulership, and if he lost control, the result was death.” - Aztec rulership metaphor1 1 Emily Umberger, " The Metaphorical Underpinnings of Aztec History: The Case of the 1473 Civil War," Ancient Mesoamerica 18, 1 (2007): 18. I dedicate this thesis to my mom, my sister, and my brother for teaching me what family is, to Professor Andrea Lepage for helping me learn about my people, to Professors George Bent, and Melissa Kerin for giving me the words necessary to find my voice, and to everyone and anyone finding their identity within the self and the other. Table of Contents List of Illustrations ………………………………………………………………… page 5 Introduction: Threads Become Tapestry ………………………………………… page 6 Chapter I: The Sum of its Parts ………………………………………………… page 15 Chapter II: Commodification ………………………………………………… page 25 Commodification of History ………………………………………… page 28 Commodification of Religion ………………………………………… page 34 Commodification of the People ………………………………………… page 44 Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………... page 53 Illustrations ……………………………………………………………………... page 54 Appendices ……………………………………………………………………... page 58 Bibliography ……………………………………………………………………... page 60 …. List of Illustrations Figure 1: Statue of Coatlicue, Late Period, 1439 (disputed) Figure 2: Peasant Ritual Figurines, Date Unknown Figure 3: Tula Warrior Figure Figure 4: Mexica copy of Tula Warrior Figure, Late Aztec Period Figure 5: Coyolxauhqui Stone, Late Aztec Period, 1473 Figure 6: Male Coyolxauhqui, carving on greenstone pendant, found in cache beneath the Coyolxauhqui Stone, Date Unknown Figure 7: Vessel with Tezcatlipoca Relief, Late Aztec Period, ca. -
12 CEMETERY SUPERSTITIONS by Cathy Wallace
12 CEMETERY SUPERSTITIONS By Cathy Wallace, Cemetery superstitions from the last century or two may have more influence over how you behave when it comes to family funerals and burials than you might realize. Have you ever worn black to a funeral? Did you travel from a funeral home to the cemetery in an unbroken procession of cars? Have you ever sent flowers to the family of the deceased? Why did you do those things? Tradition? Where did those traditions come from? Many of them came from century-old cemetery superstitions. Cemetery Superstitions #1: Wearing Black The custom of wearing black at funerals is an ancient one, but it became more popular during the Victorian era. Black was believed to make the living less visible to the spirits that came to accompany the deceased into the afterlife. After all, they didn’t want the spirits to make any mistakes and take them along too! If a family could not afford black clothing, it was acceptable to wear a black armband. Widows were expected to wear black for two years after their spouse died. But during the last six months of this period, they could add some trim in grey, white, or lavender. Cemetery Superstitions #2: Stop the Clock When someone died, clocks were stopped at the moment of death. For practical reasons, this would allow for an accurate doctor’s report and death certificate. But it was also said to be out of respect for the dead. Time had stopped for their mortal life and so their spirit must not be rushed into leaving too quickly by allowing them to notice the passage of time. -
Magic: a Theory from the South
MAGIC Hau BOOKS Executive Editor Giovanni da Col Managing Editor Sean M. Dowdy Editorial Board Anne-Christine Taylor Carlos Fausto Danilyn Rutherford Ilana Gershon Jason Throop Joel Robbins Jonathan Parry Michael Lempert Stephan Palmié www.haubooks.com Magic A THEORY FROM THE SOUTH Ernesto de Martino Translated and Annotated by Dorothy Louise Zinn Hau Books Chicago © 2001 Giangiacomo Feltrinelli Editore Milano (First Edition, 1959). English translation © 2015 Hau Books and Dorothy Louise Zinn. All rights reserved. Cover and layout design: Sheehan Moore Typesetting: Prepress Plus (www.prepressplus.in) ISBN: 978-0-9905050-9-9 LCCN: 2014953636 Hau Books Chicago Distribution Center 11030 S. Langley Chicago, IL 60628 www.haubooks.com Hau Books is marketed and distributed by The University of Chicago Press. www.press.uchicago.edu Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper. Contents Translator’s Note vii Preface xi PART ONE: LUcanian Magic 1. Binding 3 2. Binding and eros 9 3. The magical representation of illness 15 4. Childhood and binding 29 5. Binding and mother’s milk 43 6. Storms 51 7. Magical life in Albano 55 PART TWO: Magic, CATHOliciSM, AND HIGH CUltUre 8. The crisis of presence and magical protection 85 9. The horizon of the crisis 97 vi MAGIC: A THEORY FROM THE SOUTH 10. De-historifying the negative 103 11. Lucanian magic and magic in general 109 12. Lucanian magic and Southern Italian Catholicism 119 13. Magic and the Neapolitan Enlightenment: The phenomenon of jettatura 133 14. Romantic sensibility, Protestant polemic, and jettatura 161 15. The Kingdom of Naples and jettatura 175 Epilogue 185 Appendix: On Apulian tarantism 189 References 195 Index 201 Translator’s Note Magic: A theory from the South is the second work in Ernesto de Martino’s great “Southern trilogy” of ethnographic monographs, and following my previous translation of The land of remorse ([1961] 2005), I am pleased to make it available in an English edition. -
An Examination of Intention-Based Contagion
Judgment and Decision Making, Vol. 11, No. 6, November 2016, pp. 554–571 Contamination without contact: An examination of intention-based contagion Olga Stavrova∗ George E. Newman† Anna Kulemann‡ Detlef Fetchenhauer § Abstract Contagion refers to the belief that individuals or objects can acquire the essence of a particular source, such as a disgusting product or an immoral person, through physical contact. This paper documents beliefs in a "contact-free" form of contagion whereby an object is thought to inherit the essence of a person when it was designed, but never actually physically touched, by the individual. We refer to this phenomenon as contagion through creative intent or "intention-based contagion" and distinguish it from more traditional forms of contact-based contagion (Studies 1 and 2), as well as alternative mechanisms such as mere association (Studies 2 and 3a). We demonstrate that, like contact-based contagion, intention-based contagion results from beliefs in transferred essence (Study 1) and involves beliefs in transfer of actual properties (Study 4). However, unlike contact-based contagion, intention-based contagion does not appear to be as strongly related to the emotion of disgust (Study 1) and can influence evaluations in auditory as well as visual modalities (Studies 3a–3c). Keywords: sympathetic magic, music, contagion, morality. 1 Introduction Wolf, 2008); and even the choice of organ transplant donors (Hood, Gjersoe, Donnelly, Byers & Itajkura, 2011; Meyer, People are averse to objects that were once in contact with Leslie, Gelman & Stilwell, 2013). disliked or disgusting sources such as a sweater worn by a Historically, researchers have emphasized the importance serial killer, or a hat that belonged to a Nazi officer (Hood, of physical contact in motivating contagion effects. -
The Temple of Quetzalcoatl and the Cult of Sacred War at Teotihuacan
The Temple of Quetzalcoatl and the cult of sacred war at Teotihuacan KARLA. TAUBE The Temple of Quetzalcoatl at Teotihuacan has been warrior elements found in the Maya region also appear the source of startling archaeological discoveries since among the Classic Zapotee of Oaxaca. Finally, using the early portion of this century. Beginning in 1918, ethnohistoric data pertaining to the Aztec, Iwill discuss excavations by Manuel Gamio revealed an elaborate the possible ethos surrounding the Teotihuacan cult and beautifully preserved facade underlying later of war. construction. Although excavations were performed intermittently during the subsequent decades, some of The Temple of Quetzalcoatl and the Tezcacoac the most important discoveries have occurred during the last several years. Recent investigations have Located in the rear center of the great Ciudadela revealed mass dedicatory burials in the foundations of compound, the Temple of Quetzalcoatl is one of the the Temple of Quetzalcoatl (Sugiyama 1989; Cabrera, largest pyramidal structures at Teotihuacan. In volume, Sugiyama, and Cowgill 1988); at the time of this it ranks only third after the Pyramid of the Moon and writing, more than eighty individuals have been the Pyramid of the Sun (Cowgill 1983: 322). As a result discovered interred in the foundations of the pyramid. of the Teotihuacan Mapping Project, it is now known Sugiyama (1989) persuasively argues that many of the that the Temple of Quetzalcoatl and the enclosing individuals appear to be either warriors or dressed in Ciudadela are located in the center of the ancient city the office of war. (Mill?n 1976: 236). The Ciudadela iswidely considered The archaeological investigations by Cabrera, to have been the seat of Teotihuacan rulership, and Sugiyama, and Cowgill are ongoing, and to comment held the palaces of the principal Teotihuacan lords extensively on the implications of their work would be (e.g., Armillas 1964: 307; Mill?n 1973: 55; Coe 1981: both premature and presumptuous. -
Aztec Festivals of the Rain Gods
Michael Graulich Aztec Festivals of the Rain Gods Aunque contiene ritos indiscutiblemente agrícolas, el antiguo calendario festivo de veintenas (o 'meses') de la época azteca resulta totalmente desplazado en cuanto a las temporadas, puesto que carece de intercalados que adaptan el año solar de 365 días a la duración efectiva del año tropical. Creo haber demostrado en diversas pu- blicaciones que las fiestas pueden ser interpretadas en rigor sólo en relación con su posición original, no corrida aún. El presente trabajo muestra cómo los rituales y la re- partición absolutamente regular y lógica de las vein- tenas, dedicadas esencialmente a las deidades de la llu- via - tres en la temporada de lluvias y una en la tempo- rada de sequía - confirman el fenómeno del desplaza- miento. The Central Mexican festivals of the solar year are described with consi- derable detail in XVIth century sources and some of them have even been stu- died by modern investigators (Paso y Troncoso 1898; Seler 1899; Margain Araujo 1945; Acosta Saignes 1950; Nowotny 1968; Broda 1970, 1971; Kirchhoff 1971). New interpretations are nevertheless still possible, especially since the festivals have never been studied as a whole, with reference to the myths they reenacted, and therefore, could not be put in a proper perspective. Until now, the rituals of the 18 veintenas {twenty-day 'months') have always been interpreted according to their position in the solar year at the time they were first described to the Spaniards. Such festivals with agricultural rites have been interpreted, for example, as sowing or harvest festivals on the sole ground that in the 16th century they more or less coincided with those seasonal events. -
Late Classic Religious Movements
THE EMERGENCE OF THE MAYA TLALOC: A LATE CLASSIC RELIGIOUS ICON by AMANDA TOYIE GROFF B.A. University of Central Florida, 2003 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Anthropology in the College of Sciences at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Fall Term 2007 © 2007 Amanda Toyie Groff ii ABSTRACT Iconography has the capability to memorialize and guarantee one’s place in history; iconography can also provide powerful insight into human culture, and explore social and cultural values in a visual manner. Iconography can incorporate information about group identities, allegiances, religious affiliations, propaganda, and acceptance within both modern and ancient societies. By studying a specific iconographic figure, the Central Mexican god Tlaloc, as a visual representation of a belief or identity, we can glean a greater understanding of the cultural transmission of iconographic symbols. The substantial use of this icon, in both Central Mexico and the Maya region, reveals iconography as capable of being catalogued and traced over space and time to interpret meaning. With these goals in mind, this research project focuses on the iconographic representations of the Central Mexican god Tlaloc in the Maya region. It was during the Early Classic Period (A.D. 250-550) that Tlaloc transcended the boundaries of Central Mexico and was adopted into Maya ideology. During the Late Classic Period (A.D.550- 900), a ‘Maya Tlaloc’ was established and used to express ideologies depicting warfare and ritual activity. The adoption of Tlaloc imagery among the ancient Maya ultimately holds significant value to understanding Maya ideology and religion as well as facilitates an understanding of wide-scale interactions with Central Mexico.