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Countering Terrorism in East Africa: the U.S
Countering Terrorism in East Africa: The U.S. Response Lauren Ploch Analyst in African Affairs November 3, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41473 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Countering Terrorism in East Africa: The U.S. Response Summary The United States government has implemented a range of programs to counter violent extremist threats in East Africa in response to Al Qaeda’s bombing of the U.S. embassies in Tanzania and Kenya in 1998 and subsequent transnational terrorist activity in the region. These programs include regional and bilateral efforts, both military and civilian. The programs seek to build regional intelligence, military, law enforcement, and judicial capacities; strengthen aviation, port, and border security; stem the flow of terrorist financing; and counter the spread of extremist ideologies. Current U.S.-led regional counterterrorism efforts include the State Department’s East Africa Regional Strategic Initiative (EARSI) and the U.S. military’s Combined Joint Task Force – Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA), part of U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM). The United States has also provided significant assistance in support of the African Union’s (AU) peace operations in Somalia, where the country’s nascent security forces and AU peacekeepers face a complex insurgency waged by, among others, Al Shabaab, a local group linked to Al Qaeda that often resorts to terrorist tactics. The State Department reports that both Al Qaeda and Al Shabaab pose serious terrorist threats to the United States and U.S. interests in the region. Evidence of linkages between Al Shabaab and Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, across the Gulf of Aden in Yemen, highlight another regional dimension of the threat posed by violent extremists in the area. -
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons Or Profiteers?
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons or Profiteers? By Jo-Ansie van Wyk Occasional Paper Series: Volume 2, Number 1, 2007 The Occasional Paper Series is published by The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. Views expressed in this Occasional Paper are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this Occassional Paper contains. Copyright © ACCORD 2007 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1608-3954 Unsolicited manuscripts may be submitted to: The Editor, Occasional Paper Series, c/o ACCORD, Private Bag X018, Umhlanga Rocks 4320, Durban, South Africa or email: [email protected] Manuscripts should be about 10 000 words in length. All references must be included. Abstract It is easy to experience a sense of déjà vu when analysing political lead- ership in Africa. The perception is that African leaders rule failed states that have acquired tags such as “corruptocracies”, “chaosocracies” or “terrorocracies”. Perspectives on political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalisation” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power. -
Experiences of Women War-Torture Survivors in Uganda: Implications for Health and Human Rights Helen Liebling-Kalifani
Journal of International Women's Studies Volume 8 | Issue 4 Article 1 May-2007 Experiences of Women War-Torture Survivors in Uganda: Implications for Health and Human Rights Helen Liebling-Kalifani Angela Marshall Ruth Ojiambo-Ochieng Nassozi Margaret Kakembo Follow this and additional works at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws Part of the Women's Studies Commons Recommended Citation Liebling-Kalifani, Helen; Marshall, Angela; Ojiambo-Ochieng, Ruth; and Kakembo, Nassozi Margaret (2007). Experiences of Women War-Torture Survivors in Uganda: Implications for Health and Human Rights. Journal of International Women's Studies, 8(4), 1-17. Available at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws/vol8/iss4/1 This item is available as part of Virtual Commons, the open-access institutional repository of Bridgewater State University, Bridgewater, Massachusetts. This journal and its contents may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. ©2007 Journal of International Women’s Studies. Experiences of Women War-Torture Survivors in Uganda: Implications for Health and Human Rights By Helen Liebling-Kalifani,1 Angela Marshall,2 Ruth Ojiambo-Ochieng,3 and Nassozi Margaret Kakembo4 The effect of the aggressive rapes left me with constant chest, back and abdominal pain. I get some treatment but still, from time to time it starts all over again. It was terrible (Woman discussing the effects of civil war during a Kamuli Parish focus group). Amongst the issues treated as private matters that cannot be regulated by international norms, violence against women and women‟s health are particularly critical. -
Rwanda's Paul Kagame Talks Tough at Yale Despite Human Rights Protests | Africanews
10/28/2016 Rwanda's Paul Kagame talks tough at Yale despite human rights protests | Africanews Skip to main content Welcome to Africanews Please select your experience Rwanda's Paul Kagame talks tough at Yale despite human rights protests Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban 21/09 - 00:31 Rwanda Rwandan president Paul Kagame delivered a lecture at the Yale University despite calls by rights group Human Rights Watch (HRW) for protests against his human rights record. Kagame was invited by the Whitney and Betty MacMillan Center for International and Area Studies at Yale to deliver the 2016 annual Coca-Cola World Fund Lecture on Tuesday, September 20. Ahead of his lecture, HRW and other activists slammed Yale university for honouring a dictator and someone who according to them presided over a police state. Some participants in the international system tend to see this shift as a challenge to their historical leadership They continue to assert the right to define objectives and impose outcomes without consultation with those concerned. Kenneth Roth Follow @KenRoth As @Yale honors mass murderer Kagame, ask about the 30K+ he ordered killed, his Congo slaughter, his police state. bit.ly/2d2o9Wt 2:41 PM - 20 Sep 2016 105 66 Uwayezu j.deDieu Follow @Uwayezujd Huge mistake for #Yale to honor Paul #Kagame. Human Rights Watch, Amnesty have documented his history of human rights abuses. Shame on us. 3:30 PM - 19 Sep 2016 http://www.africanews.com/2016/09/21/rwanda-s-paul-kagame-talks-tough-at-yale-despite-human-rights-protests/ 1/5 10/28/2016 Rwanda's Paul Kagame talks tough at Yale despite human rights protests | Africanews Kagame in his address spoke on flaws that international communities had, stating that ‘‘the bias toward cooperation and dialogue in the multilateral system offers an alternative to zero-sum power politics.’‘ He added that efforts by international communities in the resolution of crisis was not just ineffectual but they sometimes worsened problems that they were meant to address in the first place. -
Museveni and No-Party Democracy in Uganda
1 Working Paper no.73 ‘POPULISM’ VISITS AFRICA: THE CASE OF YOWERI MUSEVENI AND NO-PARTY DEMOCRACY IN UGANDA Giovanni Carbone Università degli Studi di Milano December 2005 Copyright © Giovanni Carbone, 2005 Although every effort is made to ensure the accuracy and reliability of material published in this Working Paper, the Crisis States Research Centre and LSE accept no responsibility for the veracity of claims or accuracy of information provided by contributors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of the publisher nor be issued to the public or circulated in any form other than that in which it is published. Requests for permission to reproduce this Working Paper, of any part thereof, should be sent to: The Editor, Crisis States Research Centre, DESTIN, LSE, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE. Crisis States Research Centre ‘Populism’ Visits Africa: The Case of Yoweri Museveni and No-Party Democracy in Uganda Giovanni Carbone Università degli Studi di Milano1 The widespread adoption of electoral politics in virtually all world regions during the last part of the twentieth century has been accompanied by the emergence, in a number of reformed countries, of a new form of leadership. As the political space was formally opened up and state leadership crucially came to depend on electoral appeals for social support, many would- be leaders decided to set themselves apart by contesting for power on the basis of a strong anti-political and anti-party discourse. -
Leadership Turnovers in Sub-Saharan Africa
Analysis No. 192, August 2013 LEADERSHIP TURNOVERS IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA: FROM VIOLENCE AND COUPS TO PEACEFUL ELECTIONS? Giovanni Carbone Many African countries replaced their military or single-party regimes with pluralist politics during the early 1990s. This led to the introduction and regularisation of multiparty elections for the selection of a country’s president or prime minister. Of course, in many places, elections were not enough to start genuine democratization processes, as non-democratic rulers rapidly learned how to manipulate the vote and survive in the new political environment. Yet empirical evidence from our new “Leadership change” dataset – covering all 49 sub-Saharan states since 1960 (or subsequent year of independence) to 2012 – shows that elections did alter quite profoundly the way ordinary Africans can influence the selection and ousting of their leaders. Coups are now a rarer phenomenon, leadership turnovers have become more frequent, and peaceful alternation in power through the ballot box, if still uncommon, is part of a new political landscape. Giovanni Carbone, Associate Professor of Political Science, Università degli Studi di Milano ©ISPI2013 1 The opinions expressed herein are strictly personal and do not necessarily reflect the position of ISPI. The ISPI online papers are also published with the support of Cariplo The Arab Spring protests brought to the fore, once again, the issue of how to oust immovable authoritarian leaders. Tunisia’s Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali had been in power for 24 years. Hosni Mubarak ruled Egypt for 30 years. Muhammar Ghaddafi reigned over Libya for 42 years, while Syrians are still to see the end of the 43-year long rule of the al-Assad family. -
An Analysis of Uganda's Truth Commission
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by YorkSpace The Politics of Acknowledgement: An Analysis of Uganda’s Truth Commission Joanna R. Quinn1 Doctoral Candidate Department of Political Science McMaster University YCISS Working Paper Number 19 March 2003 The YCISS Working Paper Series is designed to stimulate feedback from other experts in the field. The series explores topical themes that reflect work being undertaken at the Centre. 1 I wish to thank Dr. Rhoda Howard-Hassmann of McMaster University for our on-going dialogue on this subject. I also gratefully acknowledge the support of Dr. William Coleman and the Institute on Globalization and the Human Condition of McMaster University, and of the International Development Research Centre in Ottawa, Canada. In the aftermath of a period of gross atrocity at the hands of the state, the restoration of the political and social fabric of a country is a pressing need. In the case of Uganda from the mid-1960s forward, this need was particularly real. Almost since the country had gained independence from Britain in 1962, a series of brutal governmental regimes had ransacked the country, and had viciously dealt with its inhabitants. Nearly thirty years of mind-numbing violence, perpetrated under the regimes of Idi Amin and Milton Obote, culminated in a broken society. Where once had stood a capable people, able to provide for themselves on every level, now was found a country whose economic, political, and social systems were seriously fractured. Under both Obote and Amin, as well as the transitional governments in place between and immediately following these regimes, democracy and the rule of law had been suspended. -
Conclusion: an End to Conflict
Conclusion: an end to conflict Looking back on their daily lives over the last 40 years or so, the majority of Uganda's citizens will reflect on the turbulence of the times they have lived through. In some respects, there has been little change in the patterns of daily life for millions of Ugandans. People continue to cultivate the land by hand, or to herd their animals in ways that have barely altered since Uganda was created a hundred years ago. They continue to provide for their own subsistence, with relatively little contact with external markets. This sense of continuity was captured by Lorochom, the Karimojong elder, who explained, 'Governments change and the weather changes... but we continue herding our animals.' There have been some positive changes, however. The mismanagement of Uganda's economy under the regimes of Idi Amin and Obote II left Uganda amongst the poorest countries in the world. Improved management of the national economy has been one of the great achievements of the NRM and, provided that • Margaret Muhindo in her aid flows do not significantly diminish, Ugandans can kitchen garden. In a good reasonably look forward to continued economic growth, better public year, she will be able to sell surplus vegetables for cash. services, and further investments in essential infrastructure. In a bad year, she and her Nonetheless, turbulence has been the defining feature of the age, family will scrape by on the and it is in the political realm that turbulence has been profoundly food they grow. destructive. Instead of protecting the lives and property of its citizens, the state in one form or other has been responsible for the murder, torture, harassment, displacement, and impoverishment of its people. -
Collapse, War and Reconstruction in Uganda
Working Paper No. 27 - Development as State-Making - COLLAPSE, WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION IN UGANDA AN ANALYTICAL NARRATIVE ON STATE-MAKING Frederick Golooba-Mutebi Makerere Institute of Social Research Makerere University January 2008 Copyright © F. Golooba-Mutebi 2008 Although every effort is made to ensure the accuracy and reliability of material published in this Working Paper, the Crisis States Research Centre and LSE accept no responsibility for the veracity of claims or accuracy of information provided by contributors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of the publisher nor be issued to the public or circulated in any form other than that in which it is published. Requests for permission to reproduce this Working Paper, of any part thereof, should be sent to: The Editor, Crisis States Research Centre, DESTIN, LSE, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE. Crisis States Working Papers Series No.2 ISSN 1749-1797 (print) ISSN 1749-1800 (online) 1 Crisis States Research Centre Collapse, war and reconstruction in Uganda An analytical narrative on state-making Frederick Golooba-Mutebi∗ Makerere Institute of Social Research Abstract Since independence from British colonial rule, Uganda has had a turbulent political history characterised by putsches, dictatorship, contested electoral outcomes, civil wars and a military invasion. There were eight changes of government within a period of twenty-four years (from 1962-1986), five of which were violent and unconstitutional. This paper identifies factors that account for these recurrent episodes of political violence and state collapse. -
MAY JUNE 2016 Pages.Indd
34 NEW VISION, Thursday, June 9, 2016 ADVERTISERS SUPPLEMENT OFFICE OF THE PRIME MINISTER LUWERO TRIANGLE 2016 HEROES DAY SUPPLEMENT Bull fatt ening project for Kithoma II Youth group, Ntoroko District. Hon.Kataike Sarah Ndoboli, Mrs. Christi ne Guwatudde Kintu Hon. Dr. Ruhakana Rugunda Outgoing Minister of State for Permanent Secretary Prime Minister of the Republic Luwero Triangle H. E. Gen Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. of Uganda President of the Republic of Uganda The Ministry of Luwero Traingle, Congratulate The President of the A heifer given to Agaryawamu mens group in Kalagi Republic of Uganda His Excellency Gen. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, and all Hereos Mulagi sub county Kyankwanzi district of Uganda as we mark 27th HEROES DAY ANNIVERSARY BACKGROUND Each block yard was supported with an M7 hydra form twin machine he portf olio of Luwero Triangle was started immediately aft er for producing interlocking blocks; a Vibra V3SE Conventi onal Block the Nati onal Resistance Movement Liberati on (NRM) struggle and paving machines; a Hydra form mobile Jaw Crushers for of 1981-1986. The primary responsibility of the programme crushing rocks and stones; a hydraform 300 litre mobile pan mixers T for mixing soil and cement mixture; and a hydra form rotary sieves was to ensure reconstructi on of the Luwero Triangle Districts and coordinate payment of war debts claims. for preparati ons of soil for block producti on. Each of the Block Yards will be provided with one Tipper Lorry to assist in the transportati on The portf olio currently coordinates three major programmes; of their mateti als and products. -
REALITY CHECK Multiparty Politics in Uganda Assoc
REALITY CHECK Multiparty Politics in Uganda Assoc. Prof. Yasin Olum (PhD) The views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung but rather those of the author. MULTIPARTY POLITICS IN UGANDA i REALITY CHECK Multiparty Politics in Uganda Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung 51A, Prince Charles Drive, Kololo P. O. Box 647, Kampala Tel. +256 414 25 46 11 www.kas.de ISBN: 978 - 9970 - 153 - 09 - 1 Author Assoc. Prof. Yasin Olum (PhD) © Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung 2011 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be produced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, without prior written permission of Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung ii MULTIPARTY POLITICS IN UGANDA Table of Contents Foreword ..................................................................................................... 1 List of Tables ................................................................................................. 3 Acronyms/Abbreviations ................................................................................. 4 Introduction .................................................................................................. 7 PART 1: THE MULTIPARTY ENVIRONMENT: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND, LEGAL FRAMEWORK AND INSTITUTIONS ........................... 11 Chapter One: ‘Democratic’ Transition in Africa and the Case of Uganda ........................... 12 Introduction ................................................................................................... 12 Defining Democracy -
Democracy Or Fallacy: Discourses Shaping Multi-Party Politics and Development in Uganda
Journal of African Democracy and Development Vol. 1, Issue 2, 2017, 109-127, www.kas.de/Uganda/en/ Democracy or Fallacy: Discourses Shaping Multi-Party Politics and Development in Uganda Jacqueline Adongo Masengoa Abstract This paper examines the discourses shaping the introduction of multi-party politics in Uganda and how it is linked to democracy and development. The paper shows that most Ugandans prefer multi-party politics because they link it to democracy and development. This is why when the National Resistance Army/Movement (NRA/M) captured power in 1986 and multi-party politics was abolished, there was pressure from the public to reinstate it through the 2005 referendum in which the people voted in favour of a multi- party system. The paper also examines the role played by Ugandan politicians and professional middle class such as writers and literary critics (local agency) in the return of multi-party politics in Uganda. It explores their contribution of in re-democratising the Ugandan state and argues that despite the common belief that multi-party politics aids democracy and development, it might not be the case in Uganda. Multi-party politics in Uganda has turned out not to necessarily mean democracy, and eventually development. The paper grapples with the question of what democracy is in Uganda and/ or to Ugandans, and the extent to which the Ugandan political arena can be considered democratic, and as a fertile ground for development. Did the return to multi- party politics in Uganda guarantee democracy or is it just a fallacy? What is the relationship between democracy and development in Uganda? Keywords: Multi-party politics, democracy, Fallacy, Uganda 1.