The Power of Oil Charting Uganda’S Transition to a Petro-State

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Power of Oil Charting Uganda’S Transition to a Petro-State RESEARCH REPORT 10 Governance of Africa’s Resources Programme M a r c h 2 0 1 2 The Power of Oil Charting Uganda’s Transition to a Petro-State Petrus de Kock and Kathryn Sturman About SAIIA The South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) has a long and proud record as South Africa’s premier research institute on international issues. It is an independent, non-government think-tank whose key strategic objectives are to make effective input into public policy, and to encourage wider and more informed debate on international affairs with particular emphasis on African issues and concerns. It is both a centre for research excellence and a home for stimulating public engagement. SAIIA’s research reports present in-depth, incisive analysis of critical issues in Africa and beyond. Core public policy research themes covered by SAIIA include good governance and democracy; economic policymaking; international security and peace; and new global challenges such as food security, global governance reform and the environment. Please consult our website www. saiia.org.za for further information about SAIIA’s work. About the Govern A n c e o f A f r I c A ’ S r e S o u r c e S P r o G r A m m e The Governance of Africa’s Resources Programme (GARP) of the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) is funded by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The programme contributes to policy governing the exploitation and extraction of Africa’s natural resources by assessing existing governance regimes and suggesting alternatives to targeted stakeholders. GARP examines the governance of a number of resource-rich African countries within the context of cross-cutting themes such as environmental change and sustainability. Addressing these elements is critical for Africa to avoid deepening the challenges of governance and reducing its vulnerability to related crises, including climate change, energy security and environmental degradation. The programme focuses on the mining, forestry, fisheries and petroleum sectors in four African countries: Tanzania, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Angola and Sudan. © SAIIA March 2012 All rights are reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or utilised in any form by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or by any information or storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Opinions expressed are the responsibility of the individual authors and not of SAIIA. Cover photograph: Petrus de Kock ISBN: 978-1-919969-79-4 Please note that all currencies are in US$ unless otherwise indicated. C O n T e n T s About the authors 4 Abbreviations and acronyms 5 Executive summary and recommendations 6 Recommendations at a local level 6 Recommendations at a national level 7 Recommendations at a regional level 7 Chapter 1: Introduction 8 Chapter 2: Historical background: Warriors in politics and prophets in the bush 11 Introduction 11 Warriors in Ugandan politics 13 Alice Lakwena and Joseph Kony: Prophets in the bush 15 Conclusion 18 Chapter 3: Discourses of marginalisation and uncertainty in the Lake Albert region: A report from the field 21 Introduction 21 Theoretical and methodological background 23 The fieldwork: studying oil discourses in the societal nexus 25 Conclusion: Discourses on oil and constructed realities of social uncertainty 38 Chapter 4: More power to the people or the presidency? The effect of oil on democracy in Uganda 45 Introduction 45 Theories that oil and democracy don’t mix 46 Signs of patronage and the rentier effect 47 Signs of the repression effect 48 Conclusion 49 Chapter 5: Fuelling or dousing regional fires? Uganda’s rising power in Africa 51 Introduction 51 The Uganda–DRC nexus 52 Fighting al-Shabaab in Somalia, at home and in the DRC 55 Conclusion 57 Chapter 6: Conclusion 59 Endnotes 61 GOVERNANCE OF AFRICA’S RESOURCES PROGRAMME A b O u T T h e A u T h O r s Dr Petrus de Kock is a senior researcher in the Governance of Africa’s Resources Programme at the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA). His research focuses on the intersection between political dynamics, economic trends, social change and conflict within the sphere of resource extraction (mining, oil and gas). His work aims to develop holistic analyses of market trends, political dynamics and the social impact of resource extraction. As an analyst, Petrus often engages with issues of conflict, political change, and political risk dynamics and their impact on societies and economic actors. Petrus is a regular contributor to media debates on contemporary trends in African and Middle Eastern politics, and he also maintains an active interest in the geopolitics of change in the contemporary world political–economic system. Petrus holds a PhD in Philosophy, with a focus on political philosophy and revolutionary change, from the University of the North (now Limpopo). He also holds a Master’s Degree in Political Science (cum laude) from the University of Pretoria. Petrus lectured in political science, international politics, and political philosophy at the University of the North (1995– 2000), and at Marygrove College in Detroit, Michigan (2000–2003). Dr Kathryn Sturman joined SAIIA in 2008 as deputy head of the Governance of Africa’s Resources Programme. She graduated with a Doctorate in International Relations from Macquarie University, Sydney, in 2008, and has an MA in Political Studies (cum laude) from the University of Cape Town (1996). Kathryn worked as a part-time lecturer at Macquarie University (2004–2008) and as a senior researcher at the Institute for Security Studies in Pretoria (2002–2004). Prior to this, she was a parliamentary researcher and speechwriter for the leader of the opposition in the Parliament of South Africa (1997–2001). SAIIA RESEARCH REPORT NUMBER 10 4 the po w er of oi l : charting ugan d A’ S transition to A petro - state A b b r e v i at i O n s A n d A C r O n y m s ADF Allied Democratic Forces AFDL Alliance des Forces Démocratiques pour la Libération du Congo-Zaïre AMISOM African Union Mission in Somalia BMU Beach Management Unit CBO community-based organisation CNOOC China National Offshore Oil Corporation DRC Democratic Republic of Congo EIA environmental impact assessment GDP gross domestic product HSMF Holy Spirit Mobile Forces IDMC Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre IDP internally displaced person IEA International Energy Agency LDU Local Defence Unit LRA Lord’s Resistance Army MLC Mouvement pour la Libération du Congo MP Member of Parliament NAVODA Navigators of Development Association NGO non-governmental organisation NRM National Resistance Movement PWYP Publish What You Pay TFG Transitional Federal Government UGX Ugandan shilling UIC Union of Islamic Courts UNLF Uganda National Liberation Front UPDF Uganda People’s Defence Force SAIIA RESEARCH REPORT NUMBER 10 5 GOVERNANCE OF AFRICA’S RESOURCES PROGRAMME e x e C u T i v e s u m m A r y A n d r e co m m e n d at i O n s he report investigates the political impacts that oil is likely to have on Uganda. It Targues that oil production will have transformative effects on Uganda’s local, national and regional political relations. To better understand these impacts, the report attempts to contextualise oil developments within a historical perspective. Since gaining independence from colonial rule in 1962, Uganda’s military forces have played a significant role in politics. This is evidenced by a history of military-led coups, and by the survival in office of several post- independence presidents being dependent on creating a support base in the defence forces. In addition to the role the military has played in politics, the country has experienced several cases of armed insurgency and civil war. Since 1986, when the National Resistance Movement assumed power, Uganda has made significant advances in terms of territorial consolidation and the expulsion of armed opposition groups. However, the power of the military, and the influence it still exerts on political developments in the country, should be considered a potential danger as the country heads for oil production. Recent dynamics, including militarisation of the country’s border with the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), new arms purchases, and a history of military adventurism in the region, are important issues to monitor as the country advances towards becoming a petro-state. Extensive fieldwork in the Lake Albert region, conducted as part of this project, found that perceptions of economic and political marginalisation in communities directly affected by oil developments could lead to grievance politics emerging in a volatile zone. Discourses on fear and distrust of the government and private companies abound among the region’s communities. This includes concerns about the lack of a law governing the oil sector, fears of negative environmental impacts, and fears of forced community displacement to make way for oil infrastructure. Such fears and concerns shape perceptions regarding oil developments on Lake Albert, and could prove politically destabilising (at both a local and national level) if government and oil companies do not engage communities in co-operative governance initiatives. r e c o m m e n d A t I o n S A t A l o c A l l e v e l 1 To help prevent perceptions of socio-political and economic marginalisation taking root in villages of the Lake Albert region, the Ugandan government should institute open, transparent and participatory planning processes at the district and local government levels. 2 Oil companies and the Ugandan government should provide communities affected by oil exploration and production activities with information regarding development plans to allay fears of forced displacement in some communities, such as Ssebagoro, Kabaale and Kaseeta.
Recommended publications
  • Countering Terrorism in East Africa: the U.S
    Countering Terrorism in East Africa: The U.S. Response Lauren Ploch Analyst in African Affairs November 3, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41473 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Countering Terrorism in East Africa: The U.S. Response Summary The United States government has implemented a range of programs to counter violent extremist threats in East Africa in response to Al Qaeda’s bombing of the U.S. embassies in Tanzania and Kenya in 1998 and subsequent transnational terrorist activity in the region. These programs include regional and bilateral efforts, both military and civilian. The programs seek to build regional intelligence, military, law enforcement, and judicial capacities; strengthen aviation, port, and border security; stem the flow of terrorist financing; and counter the spread of extremist ideologies. Current U.S.-led regional counterterrorism efforts include the State Department’s East Africa Regional Strategic Initiative (EARSI) and the U.S. military’s Combined Joint Task Force – Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA), part of U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM). The United States has also provided significant assistance in support of the African Union’s (AU) peace operations in Somalia, where the country’s nascent security forces and AU peacekeepers face a complex insurgency waged by, among others, Al Shabaab, a local group linked to Al Qaeda that often resorts to terrorist tactics. The State Department reports that both Al Qaeda and Al Shabaab pose serious terrorist threats to the United States and U.S. interests in the region. Evidence of linkages between Al Shabaab and Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, across the Gulf of Aden in Yemen, highlight another regional dimension of the threat posed by violent extremists in the area.
    [Show full text]
  • Songs of Soldiers
    SONGS OF SOLDIERS DECOLONIZING POLITICAL MEMORY THROUGH POETRY AND SONG by Juliane Okot Bitek BFA, University of British Columbia, 1995 MA, University of British Columbia, 2009 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE AND POSTDOCTORAL STUDIES (Interdisciplinary Studies) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) November 2019 © Juliane Okot Bitek, 2019 ii The following individuals certify that they have read, and recommend to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies for acceptance, the dissertation entitled: Songs of Soldiers: Decolonizing Political Memory Through Poetry And Song submitted by Juliane Okot Bitek in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Interdisciplinary Studies Examining Committee: Prof. Pilar Riaño-Alcalá, (Social Justice) Co-supervisor Prof. Erin Baines, (Public Policy, Global Affairs) Co-supervisor Prof. Ashok Mathur, (graduate Studies) OCAD University, Toronto Supervisory Committee Member Prof. Denise Ferreira da Silva (Social Justice) University Examiner Prof. Phanuel Antwi (English) University Examiner iii Abstract In January 1979, a ship ferrying armed Ugandan exiles and members of the Tanzanian army sank on Lake Victoria. Up to three hundred people are believed to have died on that ship, at least one hundred and eleven of them Ugandan. There is no commemoration or social memory of the account. This event is uncanny, incomplete and yet is an insistent memory of the 1978-79 Liberation war, during which the ship sank. From interviews with Ugandan war veterans, and in the tradition of the Luo-speaking Acholi people of Uganda, I present wer, song or poetry, an already existing form of resistance and reclamation, as a decolonizing project.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons Or Profiteers?
    Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons or Profiteers? By Jo-Ansie van Wyk Occasional Paper Series: Volume 2, Number 1, 2007 The Occasional Paper Series is published by The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. Views expressed in this Occasional Paper are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this Occassional Paper contains. Copyright © ACCORD 2007 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1608-3954 Unsolicited manuscripts may be submitted to: The Editor, Occasional Paper Series, c/o ACCORD, Private Bag X018, Umhlanga Rocks 4320, Durban, South Africa or email: [email protected] Manuscripts should be about 10 000 words in length. All references must be included. Abstract It is easy to experience a sense of déjà vu when analysing political lead- ership in Africa. The perception is that African leaders rule failed states that have acquired tags such as “corruptocracies”, “chaosocracies” or “terrorocracies”. Perspectives on political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalisation” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power.
    [Show full text]
  • Challenges of Development and Natural Resource Governance In
    Ian Karusigarira Uganda’s revolutionary memory, victimhood and regime survival The road that the community expects to take in each generation is inspired and shaped by its memories of former heroic ages —Smith, D.A. (2009) Ian Karusigarira PhD Candidate, Graduate School of Global Studies, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, Japan Abstract In revolutionary political systems—such as Uganda’s—lies a strong collective memory that organizes and enforces national identity as a cultural property. National identity nurtured by the nexus between lived representations and narratives on collective memory of war, therefore, presents itself as a kind of politics with repetitive series of nation-state narratives, metaphorically suggesting how the putative qualities of the nation’s past reinforce the qualities of the present. This has two implications; it on one hand allows for changes in a narrative's cognitive claims which form core of its constitutive assumptions about the nation’s past. This past is collectively viewed as a fight against profanity and restoration of political sanctity; On the other hand, it subjects memory to new scientific heuristics involving its interpretations, transformation and distribution. I seek to interrogate the intricate memory entanglement in gaining and consolidating political power in Uganda. Of great importance are politics of remembering, forgetting and utter repudiation of memory of war while asserting control and restraint over who governs. The purpose of this paper is to understand and internalize the dynamics of how knowledge of the past relates with the present. This gives a precise definition of power in revolutionary-dominated regimes. Keywords: Memory of War, national narratives, victimhood, regime survival, Uganda ―75― 本稿の著作権は著者が保持し、クリエイティブ・コモンズ表示4.0国際ライセンス(CC-BY)下に提供します。 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed.ja Uganda’s revolutionary memory, victimhood and regime survival 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Rwanda's Paul Kagame Talks Tough at Yale Despite Human Rights Protests | Africanews
    10/28/2016 Rwanda's Paul Kagame talks tough at Yale despite human rights protests | Africanews Skip to main content Welcome to Africanews Please select your experience Rwanda's Paul Kagame talks tough at Yale despite human rights protests Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban 21/09 - 00:31 Rwanda Rwandan president Paul Kagame delivered a lecture at the Yale University despite calls by rights group Human Rights Watch (HRW) for protests against his human rights record. Kagame was invited by the Whitney and Betty MacMillan Center for International and Area Studies at Yale to deliver the 2016 annual Coca-Cola World Fund Lecture on Tuesday, September 20. Ahead of his lecture, HRW and other activists slammed Yale university for honouring a dictator and someone who according to them presided over a police state. Some participants in the international system tend to see this shift as a challenge to their historical leadership They continue to assert the right to define objectives and impose outcomes without consultation with those concerned. Kenneth Roth Follow @KenRoth As @Yale honors mass murderer Kagame, ask about the 30K+ he ordered killed, his Congo slaughter, his police state. bit.ly/2d2o9Wt 2:41 PM - 20 Sep 2016 105 66 Uwayezu j.deDieu Follow @Uwayezujd Huge mistake for #Yale to honor Paul #Kagame. Human Rights Watch, Amnesty have documented his history of human rights abuses. Shame on us. 3:30 PM - 19 Sep 2016 http://www.africanews.com/2016/09/21/rwanda-s-paul-kagame-talks-tough-at-yale-despite-human-rights-protests/ 1/5 10/28/2016 Rwanda's Paul Kagame talks tough at Yale despite human rights protests | Africanews Kagame in his address spoke on flaws that international communities had, stating that ‘‘the bias toward cooperation and dialogue in the multilateral system offers an alternative to zero-sum power politics.’‘ He added that efforts by international communities in the resolution of crisis was not just ineffectual but they sometimes worsened problems that they were meant to address in the first place.
    [Show full text]
  • Museveni and No-Party Democracy in Uganda
    1 Working Paper no.73 ‘POPULISM’ VISITS AFRICA: THE CASE OF YOWERI MUSEVENI AND NO-PARTY DEMOCRACY IN UGANDA Giovanni Carbone Università degli Studi di Milano December 2005 Copyright © Giovanni Carbone, 2005 Although every effort is made to ensure the accuracy and reliability of material published in this Working Paper, the Crisis States Research Centre and LSE accept no responsibility for the veracity of claims or accuracy of information provided by contributors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of the publisher nor be issued to the public or circulated in any form other than that in which it is published. Requests for permission to reproduce this Working Paper, of any part thereof, should be sent to: The Editor, Crisis States Research Centre, DESTIN, LSE, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE. Crisis States Research Centre ‘Populism’ Visits Africa: The Case of Yoweri Museveni and No-Party Democracy in Uganda Giovanni Carbone Università degli Studi di Milano1 The widespread adoption of electoral politics in virtually all world regions during the last part of the twentieth century has been accompanied by the emergence, in a number of reformed countries, of a new form of leadership. As the political space was formally opened up and state leadership crucially came to depend on electoral appeals for social support, many would- be leaders decided to set themselves apart by contesting for power on the basis of a strong anti-political and anti-party discourse.
    [Show full text]
  • Leadership Turnovers in Sub-Saharan Africa
    Analysis No. 192, August 2013 LEADERSHIP TURNOVERS IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA: FROM VIOLENCE AND COUPS TO PEACEFUL ELECTIONS? Giovanni Carbone Many African countries replaced their military or single-party regimes with pluralist politics during the early 1990s. This led to the introduction and regularisation of multiparty elections for the selection of a country’s president or prime minister. Of course, in many places, elections were not enough to start genuine democratization processes, as non-democratic rulers rapidly learned how to manipulate the vote and survive in the new political environment. Yet empirical evidence from our new “Leadership change” dataset – covering all 49 sub-Saharan states since 1960 (or subsequent year of independence) to 2012 – shows that elections did alter quite profoundly the way ordinary Africans can influence the selection and ousting of their leaders. Coups are now a rarer phenomenon, leadership turnovers have become more frequent, and peaceful alternation in power through the ballot box, if still uncommon, is part of a new political landscape. Giovanni Carbone, Associate Professor of Political Science, Università degli Studi di Milano ©ISPI2013 1 The opinions expressed herein are strictly personal and do not necessarily reflect the position of ISPI. The ISPI online papers are also published with the support of Cariplo The Arab Spring protests brought to the fore, once again, the issue of how to oust immovable authoritarian leaders. Tunisia’s Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali had been in power for 24 years. Hosni Mubarak ruled Egypt for 30 years. Muhammar Ghaddafi reigned over Libya for 42 years, while Syrians are still to see the end of the 43-year long rule of the al-Assad family.
    [Show full text]
  • Conclusion: an End to Conflict
    Conclusion: an end to conflict Looking back on their daily lives over the last 40 years or so, the majority of Uganda's citizens will reflect on the turbulence of the times they have lived through. In some respects, there has been little change in the patterns of daily life for millions of Ugandans. People continue to cultivate the land by hand, or to herd their animals in ways that have barely altered since Uganda was created a hundred years ago. They continue to provide for their own subsistence, with relatively little contact with external markets. This sense of continuity was captured by Lorochom, the Karimojong elder, who explained, 'Governments change and the weather changes... but we continue herding our animals.' There have been some positive changes, however. The mismanagement of Uganda's economy under the regimes of Idi Amin and Obote II left Uganda amongst the poorest countries in the world. Improved management of the national economy has been one of the great achievements of the NRM and, provided that • Margaret Muhindo in her aid flows do not significantly diminish, Ugandans can kitchen garden. In a good reasonably look forward to continued economic growth, better public year, she will be able to sell surplus vegetables for cash. services, and further investments in essential infrastructure. In a bad year, she and her Nonetheless, turbulence has been the defining feature of the age, family will scrape by on the and it is in the political realm that turbulence has been profoundly food they grow. destructive. Instead of protecting the lives and property of its citizens, the state in one form or other has been responsible for the murder, torture, harassment, displacement, and impoverishment of its people.
    [Show full text]
  • Collapse, War and Reconstruction in Uganda
    Working Paper No. 27 - Development as State-Making - COLLAPSE, WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION IN UGANDA AN ANALYTICAL NARRATIVE ON STATE-MAKING Frederick Golooba-Mutebi Makerere Institute of Social Research Makerere University January 2008 Copyright © F. Golooba-Mutebi 2008 Although every effort is made to ensure the accuracy and reliability of material published in this Working Paper, the Crisis States Research Centre and LSE accept no responsibility for the veracity of claims or accuracy of information provided by contributors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of the publisher nor be issued to the public or circulated in any form other than that in which it is published. Requests for permission to reproduce this Working Paper, of any part thereof, should be sent to: The Editor, Crisis States Research Centre, DESTIN, LSE, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE. Crisis States Working Papers Series No.2 ISSN 1749-1797 (print) ISSN 1749-1800 (online) 1 Crisis States Research Centre Collapse, war and reconstruction in Uganda An analytical narrative on state-making Frederick Golooba-Mutebi∗ Makerere Institute of Social Research Abstract Since independence from British colonial rule, Uganda has had a turbulent political history characterised by putsches, dictatorship, contested electoral outcomes, civil wars and a military invasion. There were eight changes of government within a period of twenty-four years (from 1962-1986), five of which were violent and unconstitutional. This paper identifies factors that account for these recurrent episodes of political violence and state collapse.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy Or Fallacy: Discourses Shaping Multi-Party Politics and Development in Uganda
    Journal of African Democracy and Development Vol. 1, Issue 2, 2017, 109-127, www.kas.de/Uganda/en/ Democracy or Fallacy: Discourses Shaping Multi-Party Politics and Development in Uganda Jacqueline Adongo Masengoa Abstract This paper examines the discourses shaping the introduction of multi-party politics in Uganda and how it is linked to democracy and development. The paper shows that most Ugandans prefer multi-party politics because they link it to democracy and development. This is why when the National Resistance Army/Movement (NRA/M) captured power in 1986 and multi-party politics was abolished, there was pressure from the public to reinstate it through the 2005 referendum in which the people voted in favour of a multi- party system. The paper also examines the role played by Ugandan politicians and professional middle class such as writers and literary critics (local agency) in the return of multi-party politics in Uganda. It explores their contribution of in re-democratising the Ugandan state and argues that despite the common belief that multi-party politics aids democracy and development, it might not be the case in Uganda. Multi-party politics in Uganda has turned out not to necessarily mean democracy, and eventually development. The paper grapples with the question of what democracy is in Uganda and/ or to Ugandans, and the extent to which the Ugandan political arena can be considered democratic, and as a fertile ground for development. Did the return to multi- party politics in Uganda guarantee democracy or is it just a fallacy? What is the relationship between democracy and development in Uganda? Keywords: Multi-party politics, democracy, Fallacy, Uganda 1.
    [Show full text]
  • The 11 Bottlenecks Facing Africa
    Email policy REFERENCE APRM/CEO/NEPAD/ THE 25THSUMMIT OF THE AFRICAN PEER REVIEW FORUM THE 11 BOTTLENECKS FACING AFRICA “Reviewing The APRM Process (Tool and Methodology) Discussion Paper H.E YOWERI KAGUTA MUSEVENI PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF UGANDA 8/1/2016 THE 11 BOTTLENECKS FACING AFRICA During the 23rd APR Forum in June 2015 in South Africa, His Excellency Yoweri Musevi, President of the Republic of Uganda presented a statement on Eleven (11) Bottlenecks hindering effective socio-economic transformation of the African continent. His Excellency called on countries to review themselves on how well they are progressing on the 4 thematic pillars namely: Democracy and political governance; Economic governance and management; Corporate governance and Socio-economic development, and further encouraged other African countries to participate in the APR process in order to generate creative solutions to African Governance challenges. Following the statement, the Chair of the Forum requested His Excellency Yoweri Museveni to make a presentation on the bottlenecks he highlighted as pertinent areas for review at the next Forum. “internally, we always mark ourselves on how well we are doing in terms of socio- economic transformation. We need to ask what stimuli is needed for changing a predominantly traditional and peasant economy into a modern and prosperous middle income country” In this regard, His Excellency would like to encourage the Forum to deliberate on the following Eleven Bottlenecks and consider them as part of the APRM tool. 1) Ideological disorientation These include sectarianism of tribe and religion as well as gender chauvinism. In Africa, this sectarianism has resulted in conflicts, and wars which have hindered development in the continent since independence over 50 years ago.
    [Show full text]
  • The Lord's Resistance Army in Central Africa
    The Lord’s Resistance Army in Central Africa A short timeline May 2009 Yoweri Museveni, leader of AP Photo Alice Lakwena, a young Acholi woman from northern the National Resistance 1986 Uganda declares herself to be under the orders of Christian Army, overthrows President spirits, creates the rebel group the Holy Spirit Mobile Forces, Milton Obote and becomes and declares war against Museveni’s government. president of Uganda. After taking power, President Another rebel group, the Uganda People’s Democratic Army, Museveni, a southerner, or UPDA, launches a rebellion against Museveni. Joseph begins systematically President Yoweri Museveni Kony, reportedly a cousin of Alice Lakwena, serves as a rooting out ‘enemies’ hailing Catholic preacher to the UPDA. from the Acholi ethnic group of northern Uganda. Kony, despite claiming to AP Photo defend the rights of the Lakwena is defeated, and she flees to Kenya. Kony recruits her 1987-88 Acholi in northern Uganda remaining forces and forms the Uganda People’s Democratic by waging war against the Christian Army, which later becomes the Lord’s Resistance Ugandan government, Army, or LRA. 1991 launches a campaign of extreme brutality against them, murdering and LRA Leader Joseph Kony IRIN The Sudanese government mutilating civilians, pillaging begins to provide direct villages, and abducting children to fill his ranks. support to the LRA. In return, the LRA supports 1993-4 Khartoum’s war against the Sudan People’s Liberation IRIN Army in southern Sudan. SPLA Rebels in Southern Sudan 1996 The U.S. government Protected village in northern Uganda places the LRA Stating its intent to prevent looting and abductions by the on a list of terrorist LRA, the Ugandan government forces more than two million organizations.
    [Show full text]