THE GREEK WORD FOR CHURCH LEADERS /
IN THE
FIRST EPISTLE OF SAINT CLEMENT OF ROME
TO THE CORINTHIANS
by
John M. Shields , M.M.
A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School, Marquette University 1n Partial Fulfillment of the Requ1rements for the Degree of Ma ster of Theology
Milwaukee, Wisconsin January, 1966 1i
PREFACE /
This study was originally undertaken with a view to understanding the Church in the ministerial structure of its ch1ldhood. In particular it was felt that the nature of the priesthood would be reflected in this first well-documented writing. of the sub-apostolic period. Although few of the valuable insights for the writer appear in these pages they would not have been possible had it not been for the reading and study required by the more limited aims of this paper.
Special thanks are due to the Marquette library staff for making ,:~: available many books which were not on hand. The same must be extended to the McCormick Theological Seminary of Chicago. The McGaw
Memorial Library of that institution provided many books and periodicals es pecially pertinent to this study.
I wish to thank Rev. Bernard J. Cooke , S.J. and especially Rev .
William J. Kelly S .J. for his patience, kindness and inciSive advice. 111
j TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
PREFACE 11
INTRODUCTION. 1
Chapter
I. The Scriptural Usage • 4
II. Five Texts on Church Leaders 26
III. The Mind of 1 Clement 48
IV. The Prayer of 1 Clement • 8 ~
BIBLIOGRAPHY 96 I N TRODUCTION /
The first epistle of 31int Clement of Rome represents the earliest gl1mpB(-; of Church mlnistry to be found outside the canon of Scripture. 1
.l\s sl\~h it: has clrawn considerable attention. At the time of Us writing the
Church was st1ll structuring itself mInisterially. 'l'he terminology for the
different offices of presbyter I b1shop and deacon has been examined with
some detail in 1 Clement as well as tn other early Christian literature.
However there is an as yet unexamined word 1n the epistle which
1 Scholarship generally follows Lightfoot, Funk and Harnack 1n dating the letter at 95 - 96 A. D. 'the internal and external evidence 1s given 1n 1. B. Ughtfoot, The Apostolic Fathers, Patt I. Vol . 1 . S. Clemcmt t')f Rome (London: Macmillan and Co., 1890) PP. 346-358: there has never been a wide divergence of opinion in placinq it: K. Lake. The Apostolic Fathers (NewYork-Londom G. P. Putnam's Sons , 1930). Vol . 1, p. 5, gives the wide Dtargin between 75 and 110 A. D. Soripture scholars say it falls some wh~re between the writing of Hebrews , Ephesians, and the Epistle of Poly Calt) . It cannot be dated soon after Nero as pre-Lightfoot scholarship (Grotius, Grabe, Orsl, Uhlhorn, Hefele, Wieseler) had maintained, nor in the reign of Hadrian (Volkman, Baud. . H. De la Fosse, "La Lettre de St. Clement Romain aUK Corinthiens , " Revue de L'Hlstoire des Religions, 97 (I92a) , pp. 53-89, argues unconvlnclngly for around 150 A. D. Only the first Epistle of Clement 1s considered authentio. For a sum mary of the other Clementine literature, the most important of which is th se-caUed Second Epistle of Olement, Cf. J. B. Lightfoot, The Apostolic Fathers , Part 1. Vol . 2 I S. Clement of Rome (London: Macmillan and Co. , 1090), pp. 191-210. Thisis a critical treatment of 2 Clement. Further in formation on authorship and general evaluation may be found in R. Harris , "The Authorship of the so-called Seoond Ep1stle of Clement" , Zeitschrift fUr die Neutestilmentliche Wlss~n6ohaft, XXIII (1924) , pp. 193-200; G . Kruqer , "Bemerkungen zum Zweiten Olemensbrlef; " in S. J. Oase. Ed ., Studies in Early Christianity (1928) , pop . 419-439: B. H. Streeter, Tbe Primitive Church (1929) pp. 244-53; Cayr691ves a standard list of the other writings called Clementine: Two Epistles to Virgins. Five Decretal Letters, The Pseudo Clementines (The Twenty HomiUes, The Recognitions) and the Clementine Apocrypha. Cf. F. Cayre, Manual of Petrology and History of Theology, trans. H. Howitt (Tournai: Desclee et Co. , 1936), pp. 53-54. 2
( ,- designates the entirety of Churoh offices. The word is nyoumevoi, and it I may be simply translated "rulers. It It appears in the most important pas- sages of the letter and one is obliged to ask its meaning and the overtones given it. In itself, the word is apparently contemporary but rather neutral and unexciting . The purpose of this study is to investigate Clement' s2 use of this word. Particular attention is given to its application to Church office. An attempt is made to understand why Clement has chosen the word as well as the special qualities of authority he attaches to those it desig- nates .
, / A first chapter explores the use of the word nyoumevoi in sacred l1ter- ature. The pr~vlous tradition of the word. may have been assumed by Clement. informing and modifying hls own usage. A second chapter studies five of the ten occurrences of the word in the actual epistle. These five are certain 1n- stances of Clement's applying the word of itself or in parallel to Church
2In fact , Clement is historically well-attested as allthor of 1 Clement; Of. Hegesippus (H. E. , IV, XXII, I): Dlonysius of Corinth (H. E., IV, XXII, I); Clement of Alexandria , Strom, I, 7-38i VI, 8-35: IV I 17: Origen, De Princip , II , 3-6; Select. in Ezech., VIII , 3: Eusebius of Caesada (H.E., III, XVI); A, L, S, name Clement to be the author. Irenaeus (Adv. Haereses, 111 , 3,3) teUs us Clement saw the apostles: "their preaching resounded in his ears; their tradition was still before his eyes • II Tertullian (De. PraescripUone, 32), says C. was ordained by Peter L. Duchesne (Liber Pontificalis: Paris, 1886, I , p. 71-3) finds evidence C . was third Pope J. B. Lightfoot, I, (pp. 14-103) touches most aspects of Co's personality, then (pp. 201-345) inves tigates his place as third Pope. It Is fairly safe to hold he was a freedman of connections with the imperial family, Cf. J. Lebreton-1acques Zeiller I lUstoire de 1'£911se Primitive, et A. Fl1che-V. Martin (Paris: Bloud et Gay, 1946) , p. 323; if he was martYfed there is no evidenoe he was entombed in Rome. There is a sea of contradictory opinions based on the charaoter of the letter which deduce Clement's background. These are not relevant to our considerations and are inconclusive. 3 leaders. They are found in Clem. 1:3: 21:6; 32:2; and 37:2,3. The findings
01 Chapters one and two ate' then compared to see if there is conver~ence of meaning or posstble dependancy. Strong similarities 1n use between 1
Clement and scripture are polnted out.
But the result of the word-study rema1ns inconclusive until the g:re,ater
context of the letter # espeoially understood as the expression of a certain turn of mind 11'1 Clement, is invesUgated. A thlrd chaPter tries to focus: on three factors whioh affect the text at every point. One of these 1s oonsld-
Sled the matrix of Clementine thouOht. Two others are means of its expres-
/ alon. In thts chapter. three more texts oonoerntnq the nyoumevol. receive study. (5:1: 51:S; 55:1). The ohapter ooncludes by using Its information
1n order to give the ftndlngs ·of the previous ohapters perspective.
The final chapter Presents the two concluding ocourenees of the word:
60:4; 61 =1 . it wUl appear that only In the HQ:ht of the examination made up to tMs point can these texts by properly understood. It 1s a natural oppor- tunity to olose the paper wtth some conclusions. These oonolusions apply ,- to Clement's use of 'the wor<1l nyoumevol. not only for Ohuroh office but also for any legitimate authorIty. f 4
CHAPTER I. THE SCRIPTURAL USAGE / /I
The wotd nyoumevoi is derived from nyeom<)1. 3 In scripture and secular use alike it designates persons in some kind of leading position.
The type of leadership may vary greatly.
The first thing that strikes the investigator is that there are only tVl1elve uses of the term nyoumevoi in the entire LXX and NT . In com- parison to Clement's frequent employel (ten times), this is, perhaps significant.
3See the English version of W. Bauer (Griechisch-deutsches Worterbuch zu den Bchriiten des Neuen Testaments und der iibrigen Urchtlstl1chen Literatur, FourthEdition, 1949-1952): A Greek-Lexicon of the New Testament and other early Christian Literature, Revised and Transl. by W. F. Arndt and F. W . Gingrich, (C hicago: University of Chicago Press , 1957), p . 344 .
Since the Greek transcription into typed English may be confusing , several indications of the method employed are made:
For: gamma • • read. • y zeta • written elta • • • n theta · e kappa • k lamda · I ksu .. • • written pai • p rho .. • • r sigma • s (in any position tn a word.) Phi • .,5 Chi • x psi • .t1 omega • • w 5
For Clement' s epistle 1s as close to a oanonioal plece of writing as there
.. / r Is. The OT references to nyollm!vol are notably scant. All but one is post- exU1c . 4 They grow more ;frequent as the Christian era dawns.
Bauer has diVided the entirety of the OT-NT oocurences Into four categories:
High Official Princely Authority Religious leaders Aots 7: 10 Ezeoh. 43:7 Sir.33:19 Sit . 11:17 Heb. 13:1,11,24 MU1taw Commanders S1r.4h17 Luke 22:26 1 M ace, 9,20 !viatt.2;6(Mloh. 5:1·"Sm . 5:2) Acts 14:12 2 Mace. 14:16 Acts 15:22
This division into categories is only appar.,IItly usuful. But it is a way to begin an examination of the texts.
AU but one of the OT oitations, this one itself doubtful,S deals with the exercize of an authority wluoh 1s primar1ly religious. The Jew saw his rulers in a role that refuf\ed to make distinotions betw'een sacred and secular. With the eomb~g of the expeoted Messiah, the political expecta- tiona fused more and more with popular concepUons of religious leadership.
(811.17;1: EZeQh.43;'7). The Maccabeans, (fudas in 2 Maco.14:1 6:
Jonathan 1n 1 Macc.9:30) mey have been mllitaty oomm.anders.
4Ezechle1 43:1. The passage ·deals with regulations for temple wor ship. The kings of Is.rael have a reUqious leadership. Three things strike us ~ It 1s a prophetiC writing .• Clement has a prophetic character, as will be seen. Ezechiel offers a Messianism. This was an Ingredient of the reform ist movements of Clement· s day whoseconvl3!ts mllY have made up a con siderable part of his audienoe. Thirdly I the ts:x;t may well hevQ undergone redaot1.on, and for that reason invites speculation. s S1raoh 41 :17 may well represent a religious heJrarchy: The bellever is to be ashamed of a father-mother (immoraUty) f prince -ruler (falsehood), Judge"magietrate (offense), assembly-people (disregard for the Law .) 6
But by hindsight they were religious military commanders who obtained the
f High Priesthood itself. If Clement absorbed from the OT usage of the word a meaning , it would be its quality of religious authority.
( / One is encouraged to believe that in employing the word nyoumevoi
Clement may be settling for a word which is traditional in bearing the OT meaning of religious authority.
However the NT meaning of the word is also important. It 1s possIble that the word, in bridging as it does the Testaments carries with it additional meanings important to an understanding of the nature of ministry according to St. Clement. For this reason it is necessary that a study be made of its NT usage. 6 In a message as closely-knit as 1
Clement it seems improbable that his choice of a word for the very leader- ship 1n dispute, would be a matter of chance or neutral designation.
6Where the English translation is not especially helpful the Greek is given for the te>.."! under consideration. All Greek·-Latin readings from D. Eberhard Nestle, Novum Testamentum Graece et Latine: Erwin Nestle Kurt Aland edition (Stuttgart: Wiirttembergische Blbelanstalt, 1956). 1
Six instances of n• youm" evoi are found in the NT: 7
1 .) Matthew 2:~(a quotation from the prophet Micheas 5:1 , comple~d by I . Sam. 5:2)
2.) Luke 22:26 (The Last Supper discourse on Christian leadership)
3.) Act s 7: 1 0 (Joseph cited by Stephen as being ruler of Egypt.)
4.) Acts 14:12 (Paul described as chief speaker)
5 .} Acts 15:22 (for the leading men among the brethren at Jerusalem)
6.) Hebrews 13:7 (OT leaders and NT leaders); 13:17 (Church leaders); 13:24 (idem).
7Bauer, Lexicon, pp. 343-344. The u{pro)nyoumenoiu of Phil. 2:3 is intere sting but inapplicable officially. It 1s added by A. Schmoller, Handkonkordanz zum Griechischen Neuen Testament (Stuttgart: Wurttem bergische Bibelanstalt, 1963) ,p.216. Sohmoller considers the noun as derivative from nye{s9.a1"". Other than the Phil.2: 3 reading , the verb forms listed are worth examinLng, for they are signifioant in personal relation ships , more than atfew in obediential contexts; Bauer's gathering of references on nyeumoneuw and nyemov(a are useful corroboration for the word in its secula.. connotations.
8Matthew is citing the 0'1' , _and therefore Miche as' use does not fall under a different estimate than that previously made. The three notes on Ezechiel's usage (Supra, p . 5 note· 4), in a prophetic sense are re-inforced by Mt.2:6 on Micheas. The latter 1s a distinctively messianic prophecy. It accords with the suffering servant -triumphant Messianism themes of the Clementine period. The nyoumevoi phrasing in Mt. was not chec ked against the LXX. As with the nyem6siv, the rendering by Mt. may be free or presuppose a different Hebrew original. Cf. Bauer, Lexicon, p . 344 . 8
The first thing noticeable is that the occurences are predominantly LJ.lcan • • It is not surprising that Luke give special eye to any given authority. 9 Gospel- Acts 1s replete with its deferential treatment. Church authority in Luke also finds special place. His account of the Last Supper is the oruy one from the Evangelists whieh clearly d1sUn9uishes the P9Pular and pagan notions from the distinctively Christian idea of the exercize . !O of authority as demanded by Christ of the Church leader. Notice that here, in germ, 1s a prelude to the ministerial ci1sputes of Corinth in
Paul's time and in that of Clement. The Apostles are quarreling over who is the greatest in command:
9 Luke's Gentile org1n helps explain the careful presentation of non... Christian authority. It has been ventured that Gospel-Acts is something of an apologetic, anchssuasive for the eyes of Roman rule. Luke is acutely aware that ChftsUantty was a sectII everywhere spoken against. II (Acts 28:22), and lived to see the persecutions of his dearest companions , some of which are descrtbed in his 1/ orderly account.1/ (Acts 1: 1) In any case, Luke is the careful historian of authority. He employs affinit1ves of nyoumevoi in 3:1 and 21:1Z. Note the care in 3:l-"Now in the 15th year of the reign of Tlbet1us Caesar, when Pontius Pilate was proourator of Judea, and Herod was tetrarch of Galilee, and Philip his brother was tetrarch of the district of ••• " reign: tils nyemov(as; procurator: nyemoveuontos (Codex Bezae-epitropeu-).
IOOnlY 1ohn, whose account omits the actuallnstttuUon in conjunction with admonitions on authority, can be compared. He is more eloquent than Luke, describing the washing of the feet etc, but does not expliCitly distinguish the service of authority in Christ from that of the "Lords of the GentUes. II 9
~ E ' ~neto de ka1 phllove1k(a ev a utola , to t(5 a utwv doxe! eivai mel~wv. 0 d~ sIpsv autors' or basileIs t wv BovWv j kU:ic:.UOSiV ~utWv, ~al ,of. ~~ousia~vtes. a utwv eu>erYlet~ i ka.louvtai. umeIs de oux outws, all' 0 me{Cwv ev urlllv yl- / c.,,. ") < (." C . C j _ vesQw 'illS 0 vewteros , ka.r. 0 nyoumavos ws 0 d J.akovwv. t ( S yarl>. mE'ar)rWV, 0,> ava kel.me'" vos n.\, 0 d1 a k. oVWV;- QUXJ..~ --~ 0< avake{mevos; syW de ev mes'f' umwv eimi WS <> dlako~v. umefs de este ot diamemevnk6te's met' emou ev toIs peitasmots mou' kayW d..iat!@ernai umIv kae*s dieGeto mol .". ~ f/ ~I .... £. • , - o patnr mou basile:tav, 1va ~sente ka1 plvnte epl tns trapeCns mou ev til basile{a mou, kal. kaEh1sesge ept erovwv, t as~ dwdeka" • pulas.J ' knv@vtes~ tou- 'Isratil., 125 ( Luke 22;24-30)
The lesson is simple. It reverses even the c\.\stoms of the day. The youngest were invariably aUoted the menial tasks. Now the greatest
{elliptioally, the nyoumeVoi of Christ} are to be the youngest. They afe to be, like Christ, the diakovos of all. The Christian rlyoumevos is to be thediakovos. In sharp distinction with the Gentile J\yoWnevoi who 11 "lord(s) it over it over them and are called benefaotors, "(Luke 22:25) the Christian authority must serve, in the midst of trials, in the Kingdom covenanted him by Christ. It Is because Luke is concerned with authority 11 The expression "lording it over" Is used in the acoount' of the same sayings of Our Lord in Mt. 20:25 and Mk. 10:42 . But neither places the authority re-evaluation In the context of the Last SUPPer as does Luke . . Matthew makes it an answer to the indignanee of the ten who see Christ asked by the Mother of the Sons of Zebedee for special authority in the Kingdom. Mark does the same. The closest they oome to a Eucharistic reference Is their common mention of "the cup of Vlhlch t am about to drink ••': In 1 Peter 5:1-3: "Now I exhort the presbyters among you • •• tend the flook of God. , not lording it over !KatakurieU'ovtes) your chatges but becoming a pattern to the flock from the heart. "; tn Paul, 2 Cor. 1: 2 3 ... "Not that we lord it over (kurieuomev; y .our faith.": Two Clementine texts present approximation$ of the expressiom The Clperr>f$5w£as of 16:2-" "exalt themselves over his (Christ's) flock . ": TheupernpavQis of 30: 2 (from Prov. 3:34" also quoted in the I Peter passage on presbyteral autho rity (5:6) and in Jas. 4:5 tegarding subJeotion to Divine authority. ) 10
and detail that he is peouliarly aware of a reversal of oustom regarding the servioe by the young , 12 and administration of authority durlng4he early Christian era. When the word' nyoumevoi appears in Luke as applied to Christian leaders, it must be recalled that he wHl very possibly savor it with the re-interpretation given by inserting it in or recording it of the Last Supper,.
This important Christian modification of the common understanding of the authority of the nyoumevoi13 will be returned to again. But even from this rapid exegesis of Luke may be noted possible parallels for
study of Clement's use of the word . The three other occasions when
Luke uses the word nyoumevoi" /' are in Acts. Acts 7;10 is the discourse of /. 14 / the diakovos of God, Stephen. Stephen declares that because of enlos
Joseph was sold Into Egypt by his brothers I then made nyoumevos over
Egypt. The discourses 1n Aots are probably fairly well manipulated for the redaotor's purpose. We can suspeot two things: either Luke plaoed
12rhe actual word is 'younger' (vewteros) in Luke , but gains the force of the superlative when used with meGwv ·. Bauer# Lexicon. p . 538 , explains the service of the young using the Ananias-Sapphira incident. It 1s interesting that an abuse of the community diakov{a led to death, and budal by the young .
13Mt.20t25:Mk.10:42; Luke 22:26 show Christ taking the word in its secular meaning . The audience apparently took it that way. It may have recalled partIcular people who were obviously" Lording it over." Luke.as in 3:1 and 2:2 previously attributes hegemony to governors . The "eueryetaill of 22:25 could apply to any of the Roman Emperors, possibly the Egyptian despot of former days , Ptolemy Euergetes (145-117 B. C . ) Cf., R. Ginns , "St. luke , 1\ Catholic Commentary on Holy Scripture, (ed) B.Orchard et a!. , (London: Thomas Nelson and Sons" 1952)~ p . 966. Our Lord was giving a lesson to h1s own nyoumevoi in using the example. 11 the term nyoumevosL '" in Stephen's mouth Of is of one mind with. Stephen or the recorder who so termed Josephfi secondly. what zhlos di.d in peise-
cuting Joseph, true to pattern I znlos 1s doing now . Steph~n' s own words , or those supplied him by Luke. are prophesying his own death by znlos/. .
The present is prefigured long ago. And Stephen displays his ability to
use the principle j It is a two-edged blade: it accuses the hearer; "Now as they heard these things they wete cut to the heart and gnashed their teeth at him." (Acts 7~54'; it terminates in the death of the prophet.
(Act.s 7:60) .
The immediate impression 1s that such death of the just nyoumevoi, '" ,- by zruos is exactly the recurrent theme of 1 Clement in Chapters 4 ... 7. The textual comparison is at one point very similar:
(Acts 7§9-10) KalO.. f patdarxai./ Znlwsavtes'" tov\, 'Iwsnp,. apedovto '" elSI Afyuptov '
(Clem.4:9) Ziilos epo{nsev "Iwsn.o mexri 9avatou dlw}~enval ka) mexrl doule!as e!selgei v.
14Stephen reeeived a ministerial office in the administration of the daily diakov{a (Acts 6:1sq) . Following Colson, we believe that the "Helle nists" (ai' whom S. was a man of II fa1th and the Holy Spirit ~ • Wisdom~) were Christians converted from among the reformist Jews. As such, S. shared a great deal of the prophetio religion seen in Qumran. The dlakov{a was structure-wise an adaptation from Qumran, and its administration, among the "Hellenists", at least. would be envisaged as the Christianized role of the mebaqqer. The superintendency would be translated epfskopos. Cf.. esp.Tean Colson~ La FoncHon Diaconale awt Origines de L'fglise (Tournai:Desclee de Brouwer , 1960); also by same author: Les Fonctions Ecele-siales aux Deux Premiers Si~oles (Paris:Desc16e de Brouwer . 195~); Clement de Rome (Paris;Les fdltions OU'v'fieres~ 1960>; L'Evegue dans les Oommunautes Primitives; Tradition lohannlques de l'Episcopat des Origines a Saint lrenee (Parls:Editions du Cerf', 1951) . 12
For Luke and Clement both, the servant-leaders of the present are
( suffering from znlos." 15 For Clement, the nyoumevoi" ;-' of Corinth; for "
Luke, the ny06mevol of the Old Testament (Joseph) and the New Testament
(Christ-Stephen-Peter--Paul) are its victims.
Ac,ts 14:12 presents another use of nyoumevos.< ;' Paul the apostle is
acolaimed by the Lyoaonian orowds for having I by power of word, oured a orippled man. Barnabas is oalled Jupiter, and Paul "d %\yoU"mevos tou lOyou." The text presents problems. It is difficult to disoern whether this
1s Luke's translation from the Lyoaonian (for the orowds shouted 1n their
own tongue) I or some variant of an account reported to Luke. The expres- sion 1s not looated in one of the "We" passages. It is best to pass on for the moment.
Aots 15:22 1s the first mention of the word alongside the various strata of offioial ohuroh leadership:
T6te ~do~e toTs apostolois kal tots presbuterols suv 0'1n til ~ kklfi'Sfa l,klee amevous §vdras ~ aut\Vv pem}!f~l eis oAvtioxeiav stIv t'o/ Pa~lw kal Barvab~ , 'loudav t~v kaloOmevov Barsabb~n kal Silav , ~~dras n ou.mevous ~v toTs ~del ots, yra,navtes di~ xeiros aut*". Or apostoloi ka at presbuteroi ~del,5o\ t01s kat~ thv 'Avtl0xe1av ka) Sur(ev kal KiHk(av adelp1o'ts tors ~ e9v'tVv xafreiv. (15:22-23)
15 Luke uses the term in Stephen's disoourse (7: 1 0); to desoribe the High Priest and Sadduoees who, "fiHed with jealousy seized the apostles and put them in prison, " (5:17); when a "whole oity gathered to hear the word of the Lord. But on seeing the crowds the Jews were filled with jealousy and contradicted what was said by Paul and blasphemed." (l3:44-4S). Grant, Apostolic Fathers II., pp.22-27 , gives an extensive treatment of Clement and z~los . From his vantage point, Clement would be better in a position than Luke to estimate the damage of ztiios on Christian history. He dwells on it with rhetodcal, and psychologioal skill for the benefit of the Corinthians. For znlos in Clement, see p . p . 18 13
The "brethren" (adel,eSoi) applies to the members of the Church. 16 There is the designation of apostles and presbyters. There is the implicit office of 17 ... .- Paul and Barnabas. And the nyoumenoi among the church members are selected by the whole churoh to represent them with the important answer to the Churoh at Antioch. These are Judas and SUas. It 1s probable that their prophetic function had something to do with the fact that these two men were the nyoumevoi<. '" of the Jerusalem Church. The letter from the
1erusalem church was an answer to the request from the Church of Antioch
16Bauer, Lexicon, p.XV, takes the word adelpos to be one of the words which through time process has developed a new usage. The word here may well have repressed its old usage and risen to one of speCialization as designating a member of a religious community. It keeps something of its familial sense, but gains an official one . For the word itself see Bauer, pp.'lS-16: Clement himself uses the term often, and it apparently has an official sense. Cf. Clem. l :1; 4:' 7: 13:1; 14:1: 33:1: 37:1; 43:4; 62:1) .
17Both received the imposition of hands from the prophets and teachers at Antioch (Acts 13:2-3) at the behest of the Holy Spirit. Barnabas is listed as a prophet and teacher. Now , with Paul, he is "set aside unto the work which I (Holy Spirit), have called them. ~ The mandate and imposition took place during the liturgy to the Lord (leltouryouvtwv de autv
Paul and Barnabas come and receive the decision of the Church that/they will convey back to Antioch. Since they are considered representative of
Antioch, two men (nyoumevoi) from Jerusalem are also to be sent: "We have ,therefore sent Judas and Silas, who themselves by word of mouth w111 give you the same message. n (Acts 15:27). Their funotion is further specified: "As Judas and Silas were themselves prophets, they exhorted the brethren with many words and strengthened them. ,,18 Silas then remains to become the oompanion of Paul who "travelled though Syria and Cilicia and strengthened the Churohes." (Aots 15:41) . How well the words of Paul to the Ohuroh of Oorinth could apply to Silas: .. He who prophesies speaks to men for edifioation, and enoouragement, and conso- lation ••• he who prophesies edifies the church. Now I should encourage
you all •.• still more to prophesy. \I (Cot.14:3-G).
The speculation that the nyoumevoi funotion was somewhat prophetio in nature is bolstered by the very message of the Council of Jerusalem to the
18Again the note of prophecy. Closer to Clement's time the appeal to prophetic imagery, history, vocation grows . "Beloved, this now the second epistle I am writing to you •• that you may be mindful of what I formerly preached of the words of the holy prophets and of your apostles . which are the precepts of the Lord and Savior. .. (II Pet. 3: 1-2): liThe prophets foretold the grace that was to come for you ••• it was to you they were ministering those things which now have been declared to you by those who preached the gospel to you by the Holy Spirit. II (I Pet.hIO , 12); "Blessed is he who reads and those who hear the words of this prophecy and keep the things that are written therein for the time is at hand. " (Apoc.l:3); "Babylon ••• in her was found blood of prophets and of saints, and of all who have been slain upon the earth." (18:24); "Worship Godl For the testimony of Jesus is the spirit of prophecy. OJ (19: 1 0) John is the most eloquent contemporcfy of Clement. For him God is "Lord, God of the spirits of the prophets." (22:6). IS
ChW'ch at Antioch , in the way it was formulated and read in assembly.
The impasse 1n the discussion over circumcision and the Law at Jerufsalem
was not overcome by the speech of Peter, nor by the marvels recounted by
Paul and Barnabas. But when James stood up and invoked Moses and the
prophets the matter was ended. I:t is small wonder that prophet-nyoumevol
carried and read the decision, and the formulation such that its four pro- 19 hibitlons would occur in the same order as the oracle of Leviticus. Here it is to the advantage of th~ examination of the nycumevo1 in 1
Clement to sketch something of the evolution of ministerial off1ce as it
appears in Luke's account. Something has already been seen of the
quality of its exercise. Why is it that in Luke the designa1:1ons of apostle,
, / / pre (:)bytet , nyoumevol, dlakovoi have prophetic functionary overtones?
The answer is that Luke is tracing the impulse of the Holy Spirit upon the
Church. Acts opens on the Pentecostal experience. All those gathered
receive the Holy Spirit and began to speak I.' even as the Holy Spirit prompted
them to speak. " (2:4). The outsider was amazed to hear "them speaking •• .
of the wonderful works of God." (2: 11). This is the visible manifestation
of membership in the New Israel. Peter interprets it in terms of the recep-
tion of prophecy, using the prophet Joel. Repentance and baptism initiates
others into Jesus "whom you crucif1ed". The mark of leadership in the .. kolvov{a of Christian life 1s especially notable in the apostles who were
bold by the Holy Spirit in speech and thus. though "uneducated and ordi-
nary men" (4: 13) were recognized as "having been with Jesus." (4: 13).
19Compare Acts 15:26-29 and Leviticus 17. 16
Popular expectations linked the fulfillment of Messianic prophecies with the oharismatic outpourings. Luke knew this. His Gentile background made him settle upon it as he wrote the aCcount of the new prophets
"of the Most HiOh" , as Zachary, "filled with the Hol¥ Spirit" , (Lk.l:67 , 76) had satd of his own JOhn . For Luke, the leaders of the new Church were primarily those who "cannot but speak of what we have seen and heard. "
(Acts 4:20) . The signs and wonders of the apostles and other leaders were effected through their commission through the Spirit to speak~ "The Lord • • • said: 'Go, stand and speak in the temple to all the people all the words of
life. II (Acts 5:20) . Their persecutors above all "charged the apostles" not to speak 1n the name of Jesus . (Acts 5:40). "And they did not for a single day cease teaching and preaching in the temple and from house to house the good news of Tesus as the Christ. " (Acts 5~42) .
Wnen the Apostles saw the needs for better administration of the diakov{a of the faithful they created an office. of the Seven. 20
It is Significant that tMs new phase of Christian leadership was dele- gated to those who were chosen by the brethren because they were .. of good reputation, full of the Holy Spirit and of wisdom. " (Acts 6z3) . They who were selected were already, in the eyes of the "multitude" (6:5), like
20As had been done; no doubt previously, in the imposition of hands on "Hebrews" to superintend the jerusalem diakov{a . But the first put in oharge had evidently been at odds with the c onverts from the reformist groups" "the Hellenists. " The first dl8'kovoi were probably of Uthe Hebrews" , and named their management after its closest religious anal09ate: pre sbutero s •. Cf. Col son, ,Fonotion Diaconale, pp.1-23. The mark of the diakovoi was their service of the community service (diakov{a). 17
Stephen, "full of faith and .of the Holy Spirit, " (6:5). The Apostles freed themselves for full-time preaching .of the "word of God" (6:2). But the d!akovoi were not limited t.o supervising the daily ministration. Like
Stephen, their office was still to speak, as Stephan's discourse shows. 21 (And as Luke s.o carefully registers). Leadership for Luke 1n Acts is fund<;imentally Pentecostal, prophetic. When the Hellenist-Christians are dispersed by the perseC'lUtions, their diakovot increasingly assume ministry of the word, as Philip's mission work 1n Samaria shows . "He preached the Gospel to all the cities till he came to Caesarea." (Acts 8:40) . 22 Paul and Barnabas (Son-of-the-Prophet?) receive the vindication .of
211n Acts 6-7 Cf. Supra, PP .1l- 12 Some hold that the daily ministration, besIdes the material distribution of goods for the community included the permanent ministry in a given place of the Eucharist: "Serving at tables" = administer the sacrament. For the reasoning see Arnold Ehrhardt, The Apostolic Ministry-Scottish Journal .of Theology Occasional Papers, No. VII , (London, Oliver and Boyd , 1958) p . 21 . In any case, there was also a diakov{a of the word .
22 Note that Barnabas is Joseph the Levite of Cyprus so solicitous for the diakovla in Acts 4:36. He sold his field and iaid it at the feet of the Apostles . He 1s the exemplar of solicitude for kOivovla as Ananias SapphIra are the opposite. His second mention (9:27) shows him bringing to the Jerusalem community a Damascan convert, Paul , with whom he had spent a year in Antioch "taking part in the meetings of the church and taught a great multitude. " Luke says the same of same of Stephan and Barnabas: ---- "he was a good man and full Q the Holy Spirit and of Faith. " (Acts 11:24). He was originally sent to check into the Church at Antioch. He returns with Paul to bring the collection (diakovla) to Jerusalem when two prophets from there tell of the coming famine. It is interesting that the Antioch community sends their offering by Paul and Barnabas to the presbyters.J who evidently are the "Hebrew" diakovoi of Jerusalem. The "Hellenist" diakovoi have already been dispersed. Anti.och was probably the oharge of the "Hellenist" prophet-Diakovol. In Acts 13 , they add another office to P. and B., who now can appoint presbyters II in every church" (Acts 14:23) as they "opened to the Gentiles a door of faith. " (Acts 14:26) . That Antioch was in the hands of charIsmatics, see G . 1. Konidaris , "De La Pretendus Divergence des Formes dans Ie Regime du Chrlstianisme Prlmitif,'1 lstina, 1 (1964), p . 61. 18 their gIft of prophecy in Luke 13: The prophets and teachers of Antioch
"set them apart". Luke shows them setting forth,on their way , blinding 23 a false prophet; and in Paul's first discourse they are seen to assume the prophet's vocation:" After the reading of the Law and the Prophets the rulers of the synagogue sent to them saying: "Brethren, if you have
any wad of exhortation fOf the people, speak.' II (Acts 13:15). Paul's discourse follows the line of Peter and Stephan's. .. Beware, therefore that what Is said in the Prophets may not prove true of you (13:40) • ••
The Lord has commandedJ:!.§l'I have set thee for a light to the Gentiles, to be a means of salVation to the ends of the earth.' "(30:48) . Paul 24 has applied the Servant-Prophet theme of Isaiah to himself and Barnabas.
They are prophets; And now Luke awards them with the title of Apostles,
\i\cts.I..) 14:4 , or as a variant 25 interpolates: kollwmevoi;' dia"\';' tov loyov
23 Acts l3:6sq. The Jewish magician and false· prophet of Paphos is a valuable foil for Luke. Bar-Jesus the false prophet meets a real prophet and 1s punished, a lesson to false prophets , an enooimum for true ones. Secondly I Bar-Jesus has gotten between Paul and the pro-consul of the little Roman colony. Luke delicately displays a conquest of SOCial and apologetical importance. The pro-consul "believed, and was astonished at the Lord's teaching. II
24Paul considers himself thus to be bringing back Israel to Yahweh. "Be it known to you brethren, that through him forgiveness of sins Is proolaimed to you. " (Acts 13:38). The rejection by the Jews (dia zrilos) is not here to finally deter Paul. He will continue to preach to them. But he is henceforth '!urning to the Gentiles. " (Acts 13:46) . The repentance theme is paralled in 1 Clement, along with znlos: See pp. 12.
25Nestle, Novum Testamentum, p. 342 makes it an important marginal reading of the Heraolean version I and the text of Codex Claromontanus . 19 tou aeou. It 1s only nat.ural that Paul be called '0 nyoumenos tou 1O'you." 26 , ( (Acts 14:12). Another reason why the leading men among the brethren 27 of Jerusalem as prophebc emissaries, and servants (ministers) of the word are called nYOUmevo! by Luke (Aots 15:22) may have been that they
." > -- 1 , .f had no proper name as yet, sueh as presbuteros, apost~~, ePlskopos, diakovos. And yet they are charismatiC leaders, like those servants of
26 ' Supra, p. 12 Acts 14~ "is thus another Lucan vindication of the charismatic ministry of the prophetic word, as displayed in Paul. It is not essential to know who formulated the title. Luke has flavored it his own way. The nyoUmevoi of the Church afe the new prophets , whether they be apostles, presbyters or supervisory dia.~oVO!L Though there is speolal diakov(a for each (Acts 1: 1 n so special that an apostIe must be replaced, the spirit is not exhausted in the special titles. Other specifications are always pos sible, provided they are from the spirit, who grounds the vocation of the inspirited. The apostles apparently were both supervisors of the diakov{a and witnesses of the Resurrection (Acts 1:22 , 25) before Pentecost. The only instance in Luke of (episkopfiv) office, as such, is the Psalmist quote of Acts 1:20. The "ministry" which the Psalmis't would let another take is concretely that of Judas , or of any given apostle. The prayer of 1: 2 5 says explicitly that the ohoice by lot will decide who will take the place in "this ministry and apostleship" • "tov topov tris dlakov(as tautns kal apostoms, M' lis pareBn 'Ioudas poreu9nvai els tOY topov tOY fdiov." Majority of witnesses favor k1rlroV over the first topov of Nestle's Acts 1:25.
27 . . , ~ Namely, Judas and SUes. The itlnerent- Prophet,nyoumevo! of the Church of Jerusalem called SHas (Acts 15:22,27,32,40; 16: 19,25,29: 17:4,JO, 18:5), is the ubiquitous Silvanus (2 Cor.l:19i 1 Thess . l:1; I Peter 5:12) of the Epi stles . This riy;o6.mevos was with Paul during the first troubled days of the founding of the Corinthian Churoh. Silvanus was Hellenist-Jew turned Christian and also a Roman citizen. He penned, if not authored, the exhortations to the co-presbyters (of Peter) of Asia Minor, and frequently travelled with Paul. He was certainly one of the founder-fiy06mevoi of Churches that would remember him. Cf. J. L. McKenzie, S. J., .. SUas," "Dictionary of the Bible (Milwaukee: BrUCe Publishing Co. I 1965) , p . 185; Louis Hartman-A. Van den Born, "SHas, "Enoyclopedic DlctionMY of the Bible (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1963), cols. 2211-2212 . 20
the OT, but also and especially like the Servant of the NT . The word I for Luke straddles the testaments: in default of the ideal word
(dlakovos now taken in Acts 6 in a special sense), it is the natural term to evoke the memory of the Last Supper where authority's true nature was defined. With Luke the word catches up the leaders of old as prophetic types of the new leadership. If suggests docility to 28 the Holy Spirit who impelled them. In brief, the use of the word in
Luke is a carefully chosen one. This hints to the reader of 1 Clement
Co ,- that if the ept stle to the Corinthians were to employ nyoumevoi in a
Lucan sense, it might be particularly fitting for the problem of 29 COrinthian Church order. Por the moment, three other NT occurences of the word deserve exploration.
Even closer to the thought if not the time of Clement's epistle is the Epistle to the Hebrews. The Clementine letter contains more 30 allusions to Hebrews than any other NT writing. But more than
2 SLuke fixes on almost every spir.itual manifestation. He notes that Philip the evangelist (one of 7 diakovoi) "had four daughters , Virgins who had the gift of prophecy. " (Acts 21:8-9); that prophets foretold the famine in the reign of Claudius; that the prophet Agabus tried to keep Paul from Jerusalem persecution; (Aots 21 :10); that Paul tried to convince "from the Law of Moses and the Prophets . " (Acts 28:23),that the di sOiples "through the Spirit" tell Paul not to go to 1erusalem (Ac~s 21:4) .
29tt might be fitting at Corinth, where at the start, there Is no indication of episcopal ot presbyteral leadership. But the charisms were in great evidence. Its use might linger after ministerial titles entered, even specifying their totality with a meaning they could not themselves offer, This 1s a possibility to be considered in Clement's later usage. 30 On this scholars agree. Most list over 20 allusions. A rather certain dependenoy is that ofClem. 36:2-5 on Heb. 1:3 ... S,7, 13. Christ as High Priest in Clement betrays Hebrews explicitly. 21
literary affinity the parallels 1n thought are striking. As in 1 Clement / the past hero of faith in Hebrewsis a prophetio anticipation of Christ.
The prophetic order is plain as it begins~ "God, who at sundry Umes and in divers manners spoke to the fathers by the prophets last of all in these days has spoken to us by his Son." (h1). Christ is the
Prophet. The time is "Today." (Heb. 3:1~ . As of old we are encouraged to listen, not hardening our hearts. "But you have come to Mount Sion •• and to Jesus, mediator of a new covenant ••• see that you do not refuse
him who speaks. II (12:22,24,25). The letter closes on three notes with respect to the nyoumevoi:
1.) Mvnmoveuete'" twv_ noumevwvc.. / umwvCo _ ( Codex Olaromontanus= PTonyoume'vwv), 0 Uves eli.ilnsav umlv tOY loyov tou geou I *v avaeewrouvtes tnv e'kbaslv tils avastropns mlmeIsee ... I' , ~ 'lI. \ ./ . ' > :1.. "lI tnv plstiv. 'Insous Xr1stos exE>tls ka~ snmerov 0 autos ka.. ela tous alWvas . (Hebrews 13:7-8)
2. ) Pe!E>esee tols nyoumevols timWv kal upe(kete· auto1 yar ayrl\Pvousiv uper twv )fuxWv umWv ws loyov apodwsovtes · Iva meta xaras touto poiwslv kal mn stevaZovtes· alusiteles yar um!v tolito. (13:17)
3.) Parakalw de times, adel.cSo{, llVexesge tou lbYOU tils paraklnsews'" - kal> yar"" dia braxewv,; ePestella,I umlv, . ( 13:22 ) ••• 'Aspasasee/ pavtas/ tous'( nyoumevous ./ umwvc- kal"J pavtas/ tous ay(ous. 'AspaZovtai umas ot apO tris 'ltal{as. (13:24) 'H xalis meta pavtwv umWv . (l~:25)3l 2<'/
31 ",- C . Beatty Papyri omits the pavtas of the final salutation; A ~ ~ ; C 1aro-montanus, Ephraem rescript conclude with amnv instead of umWv . The Text 1 and its pronyoume'vwv will receive attention again. 22
1.) The first text is provocative from severa l points of view. /rt. ,( first reading it a ppears to be a reference to the founding leaders of the c hurch or group in question who have passed on. The implication is that they were martyrs. And the context (of encouragement) shows that the author Is recalling the past champions of faith to inspire present fort!- tude (and pe'rhaps obedience) in the fa ce of difficulties. If the flegibil- tty of the Lucan usage of nyoumevoi'- I were not enough, the litany of OT ex- . amples cited in Cha pter II should lead to enlarging the scope of the word in 1JI7 to cover them also. It appears natural that Christian'1ty's faithful
OT elders (or presb~teroi ) are alluded to a lso-men like Abel , Henoch, Noah,
Abraham , Sara , Isaac , Ja cob, Joseph, Moses' parents , Moses, Rahab and the Israelites as well as many others "time will fail me if I tell of. " (11:32).
Clement himself engages in just such a n historic replay. (Chs. 9-12).
The second point of interest in the text (1) 1s the almost doxolog-
ical statement: "Jesus Christ is the same ye'sterday , today I yes and for ever." (13:8). It could go with ,the succeeding: "Do not be led away by various and strange doctrines." In this case it is an exhortation to the
32 The date of the epistle could be inferred as before the siege of Jerusalem, in time of increasing danger. This may be why "here we have no permanent city, but we seek for a city that is to come." (13:14). Some scholars suggest Hebrews 1s written to the convert priests (terers) of Acts 6:7. The hypothesis makes them former Essenes. Colson belives these priests,. and Levites "exercerent , par 'charlt6 pour Ie Nom' , la 'diakovie' d'assistance vis-a-vis de l'Egl1se de Jerusalem , transposant s ins! leur mlnlst~re d'offrande au Temple de Jerusalem en un minist~re d'offrande a la communaute chretienne consideree comme Ie vrai Temple de l'Esprit." Colson , Fonctlon Diacona le « pp'. 62 -3;, J. Danielou argues 'Somewha.~ the same in Qumran und der Ursprung des Christentums (Mainz , 1958)« pp. 120- 123. 23
traditional terohing of the past, very Ukely that of the earliest nyoumevot.- I - I Then again it may be simply a statement of God's ever constant fidelity to the Ohristian. It may possibly refer to God's faithfully giving continued leadership which will speak the word of God I {previous verse}. Here again ) is met the strong possibility that nyoumevoi.,- 1 whether applied to proximate or distant pa st leaders , characterizes charismatics of the ~.
2.) Hebrews 13:17 brings the reference to ny6umevoiinto the present tense. The text thus represents the only instance of a definite reference in the NT to the leaders of a given Church or group. The author asks for obedience to the nyoumevoi. Obedience will give them joy, disobedience will sadden them. For their duty 1s to watch (be a lert) and keep an account of aouls.
Between the mention of these 6hurch officia ls in Heb. 13: 17 and
- (.. / , .( the final greeting of Heb. 13:24 (to the nyoumevoi a nd agloi) is a blessing- prayer. It is the final word of exhortation (13:22). It motivates the obed / ience asked to the nyoumevoi~ I and correspon. ds as will- shall see, to Clement's setting for obedience:
Now may the God of peace, who brought forth from the dead the great pastor of the sheep, our Lord Iesus, in virtue of the blood of the covenant , fit you wi th every good thing to do his will; working in you that which is pleasing in his sight , through Iesus Christ , to whom 18 glory forever and ever .. Amen . (13:20-21) 33
33 All the underlined ere to be found in 1 Clement in precisely the texts dealing with leadership. Peace-sheep of God t S pasture , blood, his (c ont .) 24
3.) The final salutation of Heb. 13:24 re d ound ~ to Heb. 13: 17. But
. ~ I d , 1t cbrHies a relationship. The nyoumevol are distinot among the a9101.
will, pleasing in his sight, and the doxologies a s will be seen, are integral to the epistle from the Roman Church. The names for Christ in both epistles are worth noting . Hebrews 1 Clement Jesus Jesus Christ Christ The Christ The Man Son of God His Son HIgh Priest High Priest Apostle and High Priest of our Guardian of our souls relig10n Author of Salvation Helper of our we.akness Great shepherd of the sheep Servant (beloved) Author end finisher of faith The Holy One Our Lord Lord In Clement, Christ is closer to mankind: Guardian, protector, helper of our weakness , Servant, etc. 25
G I Conclusions on Scriptural use of nyoumev01 l
While the word itself can apply to any form of leadership, both text and context of Scripture give a religious quality to authorities designated by it.
This is true of usage in both Testaments.
The NT occurences are mainly Lucan. Luke, whose attitude to authority is especia lly reverent, situates Christ's lesson on the qualities of the true and ecclesial tiYOlimevoi at the Last Supper. Here the qualities of humble, loving service are .attached to leadership. The backdrop is the giving of
Christ's body and blood to his leaders, a nd to a.ll men. In Hebrews 13:7-24,
, I also an exhortation regarding nyoumevo!, the context offers the same re- ference: to the blood of Christ.
Matthew-Luke-Hebrews applies the word to leaders also who have a very prophetic or charisma tic leadership. Luke records the word as applied to what appears to be yet un-named leadership in the early Church. Again, the prophetic OT-NT dimensions of the word make it apt for Luke's Gospel of the Holy Spirit. It should be remarked that at Corinth, where the charisms It'll but not a specifically named stable church leadership (presbyters, bishops, '" deacons in 1 Cor.) were in evidence, the word could have been especially a pplica ble .
These traditions of usage in Scripture present possibilities of use for
Clement. They ma y be said to predispose the word for its being taken up by Clement in his epistle to the ministerially troubled Church of Corinth .. 26
CHAPTER II. FIVE TEXTS ON CHURCH LEADERS /
Each of the five instances (1:3; 21:6; 32:2; 37:2,3) will be examined
C I in order of occurence. Where the use of the word nyoumevoi is in question it will be cited in the Greek or Latin. All references, unless
indicated otherwise, represent the consensus of the versions existing 34 for the pa ssage •
34pOftions or the entirety of the epistle of l' Clement are extant in six versions . The!?e are:
1.) The Codex Alexandrinus: We use the facsimile in: The Codex Alexand.rinus (Roya l MS. 1 D V-VIII) New Testament and Clementine Epistles. Printed by order of the Trustees of the British Museum . (London: Longmans and Co. , Letterpress a nd plates by Oxford University Press, 1909). There is an excellent critical introduc'.:ion to the text by F. G. Kenyon, pp. 5-11. The same a uthor treats the authoritative witness of Codex A to the NT in Handbook to the Textual Criticism of the New Testament (London, 1912) pp. 72-77. The codex is called "A".
2.) Codex Constantinopolitanus: (called C). Its readings at variance with other versions (A or the Syriac) are in Lightfoot, Vol. I. Diversions from remaining versions are found in the critical edition of C. Th. Schaefer, S. Clementis Romani Epistula ad Corinthios guae vocatur prima grace et latine (Florllegium Patristicum, 44; Bonnae: Sumptibus Petri Hanstein , 1941).
3.) Syriac Version (called S): The important readings are in Lightfoot J, pp. 129-146. 4.) Latin Version (called 1): Found in Schaefer (above. ) 5.) Berlin Coptic Version (called Kb): Divergencies in Schaefer.
6.) Strasbow-g Coptic Version (called Ks): Also found in the a ppara tus of Schaefer. The writings of Clement of Alexandria remain a valuable source for Clement. But in the texts to be considered none of his citations appear crucial. For the references by the Alexandrian see Lightfoot, I, pp. 158-160. The English translations of all texts from 1 Clement are those of Holt.H . Graham in: R. M . Grant, The Apostolic Fathers, II (New York: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1965) . 27
While no (""oncluslons regarding 8 \,;onvergence of meaning with scriptural usage will be made until the end of the <;hapter, (""omparisqtls will be made when a given text suggests them. At the completion of study of the teKts an estimate can be attempted.
A. Church Leaders: oi nyoumevol
Text: 1 Clement 1:3
For you have actecllmpart1ally in all thiilgS, and conducted yourselves acoording to the laws of God, obeying your leaders (tols l1youmevois umwv ALS: omit umWv CKb) and paying the elders among you (tols par ~mlv presbutt~rols) respect due them. You have instructed your young people in temperate and honorable thinking; women you have charged to do everything with a blame less and pure conscience, maintaining due affection for their husbands: and you have taught them also to observe the rule of obedience and to manage their households with dignity and all discretion.
This text contains Clement's first use of the word nyo6mevoi. Of itself 1t requires specification to 1ndicate the leadership of the Carinthia
Church. It receives it from the 1mmediate context which makes sense when read with the understanding that Church leadership is intended.
The principle reason for the letter is to caract abuses of Church authority.
This opening passage aims at restorino order within the Church. Clement has begun his composition with a sC'llutaUon a nd a common Greek literary artifice ca lled a n epidelctic proem. 35 3S R.M. Grant, Aeostol1c Fathers . II , p. IS cUes Aristotle's use of the same 1n.B!l.£t. 3: 14. Grant's commontary is an excellent resume of the better commentaries-Lightfoot, Harnack, Funk, Clarke, Hemmer .. Lejay. It 1s regrettable that his work could not have a better companion than an EngUsh translation. Without the crit1cal apparatus investigation is clumsy for the student. Grant makes judicious criticisms of most commentators. It 1sstrange that his choice am ong them , Harnack, appears so Uttle in his pages. This writer uses the commentaries of Lake, Clarke , Lightfoot and Grant and employs most frequently the critical edition of Schaefer. 28
It is a convenient form used even today to subtly lower a sanction. First,
the past performance of the addressee is praised. In the light of thrl
past the defects of the present stand clear and challenge conduct. A
change of heart (met~voia) is asked, but the requisite is suavely clothed
in the disguised demand of the virtues enumerated from the Corinthian
"Golden Age" - Faith (p{stis), piety (eus~beia), hospitality (ph1loxev{a) _ 36 and knowledge (gvwsis). These virtues are specifically Christian.
C I Obedience to the laws of God and thus , to the nyoumevoi forms a re ligious whole with them. Both the obedience and its object (to God
through the leaders) indicate Church officials are in question. There is
no reason to dispute the designation.
The text does not appear to enlighten the reader overly. It can be
noticed that the obedience to Church officials is seemingly the first of the obediences to the "laws of God". (1:3). If a hierarchy is intended
in the consequent mandates , the rulers are notably first in rank.
36 These three virtues often ate a lluded to or directly cited in 1 Clement. Faith is most frequent. Hos pital1ty can be interpreted to be the actual reception of guests. In this sense 1 Clement is perhaps taking up Heb. 13:1 11 Do not forget to entertain strangers . " Corinth , being a cross-roads of East and West, would frequently have visitors . So too, its Christian community. Other exhortations to hospitality may be simUarly found in Hermas,Mandates 8:10, SimUUudes 9.27 , 2; Tertullian, De Praascr!. 20; That this lack of hospitality at Corinth led visitors to seek refuge with the deposed presbyters of Corinth and to thence carry their tale of trouble to Rome is the interesting observation of H. Chadwick,
"Justification by faith and hospitality I "Studla Patristica , Vol. 4 , (ed .) F. L. Cross (TU 79, 8erl1n"'Oxford, 1949), pp. 282-285 . But the freedom of Clement in his use of the term as well as its occurence in the letter suggest a simpler explanation. As hospitality suggests receptiveness, it 15 evocative of humility, the first stage of metavoia/ . The term 1s not always used Uterally. Knowledge (gvWsis) appears in Clement (36:2; 40:1; 41:4i 48:5; 44:2;) as the actual understanding of God's will through Christ. Grant, Apostolic Fathers, II, p. 18 makes the incisive remawkthat it is often interchanged (as in Chapters 9-12) by Clement with obedience. 29
The verse succeeding 1:3 also has an importance for the passage .
It delineates in greater detail the obedience to authority which 1:3 / dreamily describes of the Corinthian past:
You were all humble and free from arrogance , glad to obey rather than command , to give rather than to receive. . 37 You were content with the rations (al1mentis Christi:L) Christ provided and careful of them, diligently storing up his words in your hearts, with his sufferings ever before your eyes. (Clem. 2: 1)
Here there appears the note of humble service. A reference to the words and sufferings of Christ is ma de . The aliments of Christ suggest the
Eucharist as well as Christ's words . In this passage dealing with ministerial dispute , Clement has begun to describe the relationship of authority and obedience against a background similar to Luke' s account of the Last Supper dispute. The faint outline may be here as a reminder to the Corinthians. If the letter were actually read in the Eucharistic assembly, and there is a good possibility it was , then the background may have stood the clearer. Like the texts of Hebrews (13:7-24), here is
(. I mention of Church nyoumevoi with reference to Christ who suffered for mankind. 37 Were the aliments of God and not Christ, the comparison with Luke-Hebrews would not be so telling. The more recent versions help.
The Latin and CKbKsS versions concur (tois OOodiois tou Xristou) against that of A (tors eood{ois 0eoti) . On the arguments for either side of a CS against A reading see Lightfoot, 1, pp. 12-16, his longest oration on a textual difficulty. With the Latin and CKbKsS combination at his disposal, we feel the Bishop would opt for Xristou. The Latin here clarifies the reading, is in itself untampered with. The other manuscripts did not fare as well. 30
B. Church Leaders: ot pronyoum6vOi / Text: 1 Clement 21:6
Let us revere the Lord lesus whose blood was given for us; let us respect our rulers (tous pronyoumevous nmwv), honor our elders, train our youth in the discfpUne of the fear of God, guide our women toward what is good.
This second telKt regarding the Corinthian leaders is the last explicit use in 1 Clement of the term under study to specify Church office as a whole. It is obviously a recapitulation of 1:3, but with several important differences. Exegesis leads to the convergence of the word studies up to now.
/ The pronyoumevoi reading does not alter the fundamental sense of
< / the ,nyournevol , of 1:3. The conte~ , so like to 1:3, but reinforcing and ampUfying it, implies that the variant does the same. The pronyoum~voi is actually anticipated in a variant of the previously examined Hebrews
13:7. 38
The text of 21:6 gathers up the sense of 1:3. It is modified by the inclusion of a passage from the seventh chapter (7:4). It must be
38 Supra, p. 21, note. 30. Perhaps the sense of order attached to OT usage of pronYQum~vQi gives the word an advantage in Clement's eyes . Deut.20:9 applies it to Hebrew military commanders . Esdras 5:8 and 9:12 refers to leaders of Judah bdngil\g back the exUes from Babylon. Both f!ources are meticulous, the oracle in its instructions, the acoount Qf the return in its thousand horsemen. music of drums and flutes , etc. Order, harmony ,and a certain heirarchy are present in both. Another pos sibility, tem pting but beyond this study to verify, is that the wQrd may indicate a certain presidency. In Clement's usage it might thus acquire liturgical overtones. Cf. Bauer, Lexicon. pp. 712-713. 31
r~m~mb~r~d that tw~nty chapters of thought have advanced the under- standing of obedience to rulers. The tone of 21:6 is now comparat1l1ely abrupt: The delicate "you were" of 1:3 is now exchanged for the "Let us" of 21:6 . A good degree of tactful argumentation has intervened. 21:6 , 39 though fairly typical of exhortations to obedience in the NT , . is the term of Clemenes long oration on the necessity of repenta~ce leading to obedience . In Cha pteFs previous (es p. 2 - 9) , Clement ha s shown the , evil effects of znlos . But the Epistle insists that a change of heart is possible . It is in showing how this change-of-heart-1nto-obedience
1s possible that chapter seven is central:
1. We write to you, beloved brethren, not only to admonish you but also to remind ourselves; for we are in the same arena and the same arena and the same conflict faces us . 40
39For example, 1 Thess. 5:12 , Col. 3:18; Ephes .S;22, 1 Pet.3:1, Tit.2:1-15. 40 7:1 "the same confUct faces u-s. fI The work of Cullman and Goodspeed can be combined to form a plausible hypothesis. Cullman's work on Philippians shows there 1s an intimate relationship between that Epistle and Clement's. (cf . T . F . Torrance, Conflict and Agreement in the Church . Vol. 1. Order and Disorder (London: Lutterworth Press , 1959), pp. 35- 36 .}. Goodspeed relates Hebrews , 1 Clement and 1 Peter. (Cf. E. J. Goods peed, A History of the Early Christian Literature (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1942), pp. 14-1S). Taken together these opinions suggest: There was a conflict 1n Rome between the Jewish and Gentile factions. It resulted in a crisis of leadership to which Philippians answers: be "obedient like Christ unto death, even the death of the Cross ." (Philippians is thus the result of conflations of other Epistles , one of which went to Rome .) Hebrews is a stinging rebuke to Rome espeCia lly to the Judeist party, RepEmtant Rome recovers , takes up its duty , e"horting~ "to remind ourselves fol' we are 1n the same arena If (Clem.7:1) and to remind the Corinthians in similar difficulti es. Peter (or Silvanus) writes a side-piece to the presbyters of Asia Minor. He does for that area what Clement later does for Greece. Thus, 1 Clement is Rome fulfilUng its duty of exhortations. Its own strife led to the deaths of Peter and Paul. It does not wish the same fate on Corinth. 32
2 . Therefore we should give up empty and futile concerns, and turn our attention to the glorious and solemn rule of our / tradition.
3. Let us attend to what Is good and pleasing and acceptable in the sight of our Maker.
4. Let us fix our gaze on the blood of Christ and realize how precious it is to the Father, for it was poured out for our salvation and brought the grace of repentance to the whole world.
Repentance, spelling itself out in obedience to the rulers , is possible because of Christ' s blood given for the whole world. Clement has underlined the heart of his practical moral exhortation. The ensuing chapters leading up to Chapter 21 reinforoe the argument: through Christ' s 41 blood all generations were saved, were able to be repentant. The dis'position of humility that led holy people to be obedient, faithful,
I 42 hospitable 1s the core of metavoia . Christ belongs to t he humble.
This would be why Clement opens his letter with "It is because of a series of misfortunes and accidents that suddenly came upon us beloved, that we have been slow in turning our attention to the matters 1n dispute among you." (1: 1). The "dangers" Clement frequently speaks of, according to the hypothesis , would be chiefly that the reports of schism "reaching not only us, but also those who differ with us" (47:7), "creating danger for yourselves as well, "would bring Roman disfavor setting off persecutions or possibly invite the scape-goat prosecution of the deposed presbyters , the revolters turning them over to the authorities . The hypothesis is temptingly constructed. 41 The entirety of Cha pters 7 and 8 support this. 42 / Clement Is trying to lead to metavoia (and thus , obedience).
Humility I either by its absence (those of z610s , double-minded like Lot' s wife I the arrogant instigators , etc) or noble examples of its presence are ever brought to mind . Because he is dealing with the instigators , Clement' s references to the virtue are barbed. "For it is to the humble that Christ belongs , not to those who exalt themselves over his flock. "(16:1). 33
Anyone with that disposition in the past was "showing by the blood of
Christ that redemption was going to come . " (12:7). When Christ dpes come he "was so humble, what should we do who have come under the yoke of his grace?" (16:17). He came as a suffering servant (Chapter 16) and is our example. God is good to everyone who has "taken refuge in his mercy through our Lord Jesus Christ, to whom be glory and majesty forever and ever. Amen." (20:11:12). The immediately preceding doxology anticipates the important recapitulation coming up in Chapter 43 21. Clement now synopsizes everything thus far, reducing it to a 44 oomposite framed by scriptural sanctions.
Apparently addressing such to the community as a whole, edging it nevertheless for the errant, Clement combines three sanctions to work on' the false "nyo&mevoi": Sacred History and the Humble Christ condemn them; The community feeUng is invoked against them; they are accused in their own conscience by the letter. Notice that 16: 1 is reminiscent of Luke' s acoount of the Last Supper. Also in the same chapter Clement quotes Isaiah 53:1-12; Luke quotes verses 7-8 of the same in Aots 8:32- 33. The 16:1 ode to hum!lity also recalls 1 Peter's "lording it over the sheepfold." (l Pet.513). See Acts 20:28; Phil.216-8; Ps.21:7-9.
43The doxologies in Clement frequently strengthen the preceding as well as high!lght the passage to follow. Here it fixes the mind on the twenty-first cha pter, which resumes everything preceding. For other doxolOgies, see Clement 32:4; 38:4; 43:6; 45:8; 50:7; 58:2; 61:1; 64:1; 65:2. 44 "Beware, beloved, lest his many benefits turn out to be for our condemnation." (21:1) This is similar to Heb.2:2; Heb.4:4-13. The latter moralizes to the effeot that we cannot escape God. Clement argues the same: "Let us realize how near he ls, and that none of our thoughts nor any of the rationalizations in which we indulge escape him . (Clem. 21:3) • For he is the searcher of thoughts and of desires" (Clem.2h8). Compare with Heb.4:12: "the word of God is more living and cutting than a two- edged sword, extending even to the division of the S041 and spir1t, of Joints also and of marrow, and a discerner of the thoughts and intentions of the heart." Note that prefacing his exhortation to Corinth to obey their nyoumevoiI!., . Clement says: " ••• conduct ourselves worthily of him •• 34
21:6 may be broken into 7:4 and 1:3. The Latin version, presenting a divergence from the Greek and Syriac, is an interesting complement.!
Magis hominlbus dementibus , qui sunt sine sensu et Let us reverethe Lord Jesus exaltantes se et gloriantes Christ Whose blood was given A superbe in verbis suis , for us. (7;4) offendamus quam Deum aut 21:6______Dominum lesum Christum, cuius sanguis pro nobis Let us respect our rulers. (l : 3) B datus est. Vereamur eos, qui pro nobis sunt.
The remainder of chapter 21 elucidates the duties of the family which 4S were stated in briefer form in 1: 3. The division into sections (A-B) determines the following considerations. The "A" section resumes the
7:4 text already studied. 21:6 concises and reinforces it. Here is capsul1zed the Clementine argument for met&voia .• Its exeget:;is leads directly into the Synoptic versions of the Eucharist wherein Christ gave to the apostles his blood to drink. The place and time is the same as
Luke's: the account of the leadership dispute. By way of Clement's text on the "blood of Christ given for us" first century Christian thought is reflected. The first effect of the blood of Christ poured out for man was considered to be that it procured the gift of repentance and thus the that which is well-pleasing In his sight •••• we should not desert his will" . (21:1,4) . TlUs is almost exactly the exhortation of Heb. 13:21 of the same nyoumevoi context:" ,to do his will ••• that which is well pleasing in his sight. " Cf. Supra. p 23 .
45 ( . <- The "Christian nurture of children" Clem. 21:8 -!l ev Xris~ paidelas" is examined in W. Jaeger, EarlY Christianity and Greek Paidela (Cambridge, Mass . , 1961) , pp. 24-26. 35
46 forgiveness of sins. Eduoard Massaux has pointed out that only Matthew
( and a variant of Luke's Last Supper account stress what Clement dolis: / 47 metavoia as an effect of the blood of Christ shed for mankind~ This is a remarkable resemblance. For that is precisely the message Clement joins to his exhortation to obey the nyoumevoi. Massaux comments on the connection between Clement's references to blood and the Last Supper:
46 See E. Massaux, Influence de l'Evangile de Saint Matthieu sur la l1tterature Chretienne avant S. Iren6e (Lou-vain: University Press Nauwe1,aerts , 1943), pp . 19-20:
A tfaversClement, on peut refaire Ie chemin patoouru jusqu'a la fin du premier siecle: pour que Ie sang repandu du Christ procure 1a remission des peches (als afoeslv amartiWv) , on en a deduit qu'U devait avoir comme premier , l' eifet de procurer Ie don de la penitence (metavo{as xariv e~hveykev) , 1aquelle entraine la remission des pe'ehes, qui a son tour I assure la salut(dia tliv nmeterav swtndav.) 47 Ibid., p . 19 , M. argues from Clem. 7: 14 which uses the phrase "blood •• forgiveness of sins for the whole world, "literally taken from Mt. 26:28 . The synopties differ as follows:
Mt.26:28 Mk .14:24 Lk . 22:20 tolito yar estiv to alma touta' estiv to alma touto to potl{tiov n mou tils dia€lnkns to perl mou tris diaE>nkns to kaivn, dia€lnknI evl tw- - z / ? / < \ .; { , t, ' pollwv t::kxuvvomevov elS ekxuvvomevov uper almat mou I to uper ~tSesiv amartiWv. pollwv. umwv<. - t::kxuvvomevov.I! /
M. concludes: "Mt est done Ie seul mentionner la remission des peches. .- a ••• en parlant de -sang repandu de Christ qui nous a apporte Ie don de la penitence, Clement suppose Ie texte de Mt. ; celui'-ci, parce que seul a mentioneer comme effet de l'effusion du sang du Christ , la remission des peches etait par la meme Ie seul texte a partir duquel on pouvait arriver a la formule que.C. nous Uvre. "Ibid., p . 21. 36
Clement, in speaking of the g1ft of repentance as the first effect of the effusion of the blood of Christ seems to witness, that at the moment when he was writing , I reflection was already being made on the word and teachings of Christ. The poured out blood of Christ certainly recalls the institution of the Eucharist. 48
There is a way to help verify Massaux's conclusion. If Clement truly had in mind words of Christ spoken at the Last Supper according to two version (Mt. -Lk), then it would be likely that in other instances in Clement, were there citations of the words of Christ, that these citations would also follow the texts or sources of the same authorities.
Just such corroboration occurs in 1 Clement in two separate texts which are also veiled addresses to disputers (as at the Last
Supper).. In 13:2. and 46:7 are found the statements: "Remember the words of the Lord Jesus! ". The Words are taken in both cases from accounts in Luke and Matthew. 49 The call to remembrance
48 E. Massaux, Influence de Saint Matthieu, p.19:
Clement, en parlant du don de la penitence comme effet premier de l'e.ffusion du sang du Christ semble temoigner qu'a l'epoque Oll 11 ecrit, 1a reflexion s'est deja exercee sur la parole et les enseignements du Christ. Le sang repandu du Christ rappelait cettainement les paroles de l' institution de 1'Eucharistie.
49 Lightfoot, Lake, Grant and Schaefer agree the sources are Lucan-Matthean. However t here rests the possibility that Clement's sources are the same as the synoptics. The matter is beyond the energies of this writer. However a bibliography is added for exploration.
Clement's use of scripture is well-examined in the following: On allusioroin Acta: M .Smith 1n New Testament Studies, 7.(1960-61), 86-88; also commentary on 37: 1; On John in Clement: C. C. Tarelli in ;jl
itself is literally the same as Paul's "Remember the words of the
Lord Jesus" in Acts 20:35 to the presbyter- bishops of Ephesus . 50 I
Journal of Theological Studies , 48 (1947) , 2u8-209; M.E.Boismard in Revue Bibligue, 55 (1948), 376-387; On Matthew 1n Clement: E. Massaux, Influence de l'Evangllepe St. Matthieu sur la litterature Chreyenne avant S . Irenee (Louvain:Louvain University Press-Nauwelaerts, 1943),pp.7-65; Summaries and mosaics based on the synoptic tradition 1n H . Koester, Synoptische Uberlieferungen be! den Apofltolischen Vatern (Berlin, 1957). On Clement's possible use of an anthology see R. M. Grant,II , The Apostolic Fathers (New York: Thoma.s Nelson and Sons, 1965) ,pp.10-13; 101 - 104;
Also attention should be given to two valuable studies: W . Sanday, The G_ospels in the Second Century, pp . 26-31; H.B.Swete, Introduction to the OT in Greek, pp •.40 6-411 . We are indebted to Clarke for these citations. Cf. W . F. Clarke, The First Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians (LondomMacMlllan Co. ,1937) ,p. 30 . This writer believes that the theology in I Clement often reflects that of the Gospel of Luke, and especially the Metavoia theme of the discourses in Acts. Massaux, Influence de St. Matthieu, pp.64-65, feels that the thought is especially Matthean. Clement, according to him , draws his words of Jesus from a catechism which in turn depends on Matthean recorded loyie, of Christ. But then Luke might have access to the same sources .
One 11ttle noted fact about Clement's references to the words of Christ is that he supposes the Corinthians are well-acquainted with them. Both Churches were imbued with the scriptures. It seems they both knew them fairly well from memory, and probably not in a strict form. Clement's use is very free. He can say on three occasions. rather 'carelessly, that it says "somewhere" that .. etc. (Clem. 15:2; 26:2; 28:2). A florilegium or collection of florilegia created in Hellenistic Jewish circles is the appealing hypothe sis of Grant , Apostolic Fathers. p . 12 -13.
50 Notice that Paul's appeal is to the ministry in view of future disputes: "fierce wolves will get 1n among you, and will not spare the flock. And from among your own selvas men will rise speaking perverse things to draw away the disciples after them'~ (Acts 20:29-30). The remarkable parallel (20;28) with Clem. 1:3 and 21:6 - the church of God purchased with the blood of Christ; the mention of those who rule (bishops-presbyters); and this followed by the admonition to recall the words of Jesus (20:35) ,)0
And the words which Paul cites (according to Luke) are quite posslbly I,:)vooative of the Last Supper situation. LU"e Christ, paul/ uses them to Churoh leaders in the context of mention of His Blood given for men (Aets 20:28) . 51 He quotes Christ: lilt is better to
give than to receive. t1 Clement says almost the identioal: "You were •• glad ••• to give rather than receive." (2:1)52
Text "a u under examination simply restates 1:3 'except that
/ c. .1._ the noun is from pronyoumevo.1 instead ofnyoumenol as in 1: 3.
There is no change in the meaninq that does not reinforce the coloration of the Dy.0Wnevgl ot Luke, Hebrews and Clement 1:3. tI Let us respect our rulets." Once again the word apparently leads back to Hebrews and St. Luke where it has the same setting: the blood of Christ. • •• an exhortation regarding Church authority.
(Luke 22:26: Heb. 13:7-24) . Collated with "Let us revere the lord
Jesus whose blood was given for us," the res~lt1ng textual eombtnation directs the minds and heartfl of the unruly Corinthians back to Christ at the Last Supper. But before drawing some conclusions. two texts
51 Aots 20:28 HTake heed to yourselves and to the whole flock in whiCh the Holy Splrit has: placed you as bishops, to rule the Churoh of God wh.lch be has purchased with his own blood. '·' A command to rule the flock saved by the blood of Christ. For Peter. whose letter Is addressed to those "oh08e1\l •• unto obedience to Jesus Christ and the sprinkling of his blood. " ((l Pet . 1: 1), the e)tbortation to leaders is II to tend the flook of God whioh 1s among you t governJ.ng not by constraint •• ~ not lording it over your flook . "(1 Pet.5:2-3). In Titus 2:15-3:1sq, Paul says:"Thus speak, and exhort, and rebu k~ with all authority. " It Is prefaced by referende to out n IjJreat God and Savlor, Jesus Christ who gave himself for us that he m1ght redeem us from all in1quity and cleanse for himself an acoeptable people. " 52 SUPfa, p .29. 39
with Impllolt references to the office of nyoUmevoi also bear 1nvestigation.
C . ImpUcit referems to Christian nyoumevol I
Text: 1 Clement 32:1-4
Anyone who will oonsider this with an openmlnd will realize the magnificence of the gifts God has given. For from Jacob came all the priests and Lavites that serve at the altar of God. From him descended the Lord Jesus according to the flesh. From him came the kings and rulers and governors in the Judean sucoession. (~autoi1 Dasilets kal erxontes ktU DyQUmevol kata toy 'Ioudav-L: ex ipsor~es at pr1no~"'! pes et duce.!! secundum Iudam.) Nor do his other scepters lack luster, for God promised, "Your seed shall be as the stars of heaven. U So to all of them came honor and gr9atness not through themselves nor their deeds nor yet throuqh the righteous aetion they took, but through his will.
Here the mention of nyoumevoi designates leaders of the OT. and
perhal'{SHextends to those whq" .: t,';1led till PalesUnian Jewry orumbled before
Rome . The most important meaning of the text for the present study is this:
Clement is telling the ruling powers of Corinth that authority is from God.
It 1s a g1ft and comes 1n an ordered pattern. It Is not a token c1f merit or
appreGiatton for man' s good deeds . Chapter thirty-one has just outlined the structure from sacred history: Abraham believed against all odds .
Against human Inellnation Isaac had sacrificed himself. Jacob became the servant of Laban. His service in humility, 53 not his merits resulted
1n God's gift to him of the twelve scepters167 of the tribes of Israel.
53compare with 16:2 "It is to the humble that Christ belongs, not to tllose who exalt themselves over his flock. The scepter of the majesty of God , the Lord Jesus Christ, did not come with the pomp of pride or arrogance,
though he could hav9 4 but in humility. " Clem. 16:2 and the suffering Servant quote that follows are the perfect commentary for 32:1-4. Ltghtfoot
comments: "If then He our Lord was so lowly t what ought we His servants to be?" Ughtioot, I , p.S7. 40
Chapter 32 traces the magnificence of the gUts down the centuries / which came to Jacob's Una in virtue of God's prom.1se, not man's deeds .
(Gen. 49:10-prophecy: 15:5 and 22:17-prom1ses) . "Let us unroll the
records of the past. It (Clem. 3hl). .It 1s to the humble that Jesus
It according to the flesh" (32:2) belongs. It can be admitted that there
Is no mention here of Christian nyoUmevol . 54 However, it 1s in fact an extremely powerful statement in parallel of the neoesslty of ecclesiastical authority to be derived from God. The succession here spoken of is not the passing of a baton down the centuries. 55 The order does not trace back to God leg-ittmately inherited or constituted authority so that there may be a set of rules forapostoUo succession. The passage sums up hist.ory: allauthorlty is from God to the humble. to the servant of God.
And thus, Clement strikes at the instigators and those alUed with them.
54The ent.ire chapter ha.s been taken as a general statement of Clement's understanding of'justifleaUon by faith. II If it Is such ( it is only indirectly so. Sectarian interests have hammered it on the anvU of theological persuasion. The fact tha.t the followln9 two chapters dwell on justification by faith and works (in that order) was a paradox too compelling to e soape scholarship since the Reformation. We do not take 1ssue with such in vestigations provided that they keep in mind that any doctrine Clement may be here expounding Is meant to be his tool (not an end) in dealing with a chismatic situation requiring metavoia. Such being the ease, the doctrine 1s streamlined if not incomplete as a statement. In short, Clement Is theologb:ing only because he is morallz1ng in a defined area.
55 Again , the succession of ministry and rule in the OT is too easily taken for an argument with the NT 1n parallel. The sin of theological anachronism has been committed in exegesis of ohapter 32 . If anyplace, It is more understandable in Chapters 40-45. 41
It is obvious they are not humble. They are by that fact not true nyoomevoi. The magnificent gift s of God have ever been his blessing on the humble. By this historic evidence are the proud factionists in
Corinth disqualified in assuming authority. True Christian nyoumevoi have been prophesied in the types of the past. They are the deposed ministers of Corinth who (44:3)" in humility have ministered to the flock
of Christ blamelessly I quietly, and unselfishly, and who have been long approved by all . " The doxology closing chapter 32 seals the teaching that true ecclesiastical officialdom is marked by humble service.
Text: 37:1 -3
Let us then, men and brethren, engage in our service with complete earnestness under his faultless order. Let us consider those who serve under our military commanders , '" I <.. I ... _) ( tous strateuomevous tors nyoumevois nmwv , with what obedience, good discipline and subordination they carry out orders. Not all are prefects or tribunes or centurions or captains of fifty and so on, but "each in his own rank" carries out orders under the emperor and the commanding officers . (twv nyomevwv epitele1) .
The chapters which have intervened since 21:6 have dealt mainly with eschatological rewards awaiting those who obey their rulers. They in- directly purpose that the Corinthian flock cease to obey the false and ally themselves with the true nyotlmevoi. The teaching of the text of 32 :1-4 reflected on the present only as the glory of the past lays claims on current leadership. 37:1-3 resumes the brisk tone of 21:6. It is a challenge to responsibility. It appears that Clement has decided to assume the needed repentance to have been brought about. The instigators 42 may be singled out just to be s ure. 56 But Clement is now preparing his audience for the careful reasoning of his chapters on ministerial oPder.
In so doing he sounds a trumpet blast, again from the pa st. Enough of the Roman militancy marks it to draw attention. For good or for bad it may be suspected most of the Corinthians had tasted just such leadership.
The present tense of the verbs immediately points to a present military phenomenon, that of the Roman army. But two expressions from the In,ternal evidence have been advanced to show that a Jewish, not a
Roma.n military imagery is meant. Both expressions are in 37:3. The first is the line: "Not all are prefects or tribunes or centurions or captains of fifty." It has been observed that there was no "captain of fifty" 1n the
R01'\lan army while there are military precedents from Jewish history which admirably fulfill the numeric structure . 57 Exodus 18:21,25 as well as
1 Mace. 3:55 prove as much. The im~gery is apparently mixed.
56Such as that of 39:1-" Foolish , senseless, stupid, and ignorant men mock and deride us, in a conceited effort to exalt themselves. II As has been noted, only two places in 1 Clement show direct address of the rebel lious leaders. (54:1; 57:1) . But they are the continual and obvious third party to the message between Roman and Corinthian communities, in ~ chapter. Even the passages intended to bring their disavowal of the false leaders we.re clearly spoken by Clement for the Corinthians within earshot of the revolters.
57 The military aspects of Clement should not be exaggerated nor should possible Jewish army meaning lead to minimizing its importance. Lawson exaggerates: "To him the Church 1s first and foremost an army rather than an organism." (J. Lawson, A Theological and Historical Introduction to the Apostol1cFathers (New York: MacMillan and Co., 1961), p.46). The mili tary discipline theme has been common to Christianity since Paul. Cf.2 43
The second part of the verse reads: "each in his own rank carries
( out orders under the Emperor and the commanding officers. " The under- lined is ascribed to 1 Cor. 15:23. 58
There are then, three figures at play, two possibly scriptural, the other from contemporary Roman army organization. For the exegete it is case of conilated imagery and contradictory tenses. But to Clement, whose purpose 1s otherwise, the consistenoy of the imagery 1s not important. He is synthesizing forms of authority and discipline from both present and past to fortify his argument:
vVhat is of interest in his (Clement's) perspective is the notion of obedience: obed1ence to God, but especially flowing from this obedience, the mutual subordinat1on of members of the Christian community. 59
Cor. 10:3; 1 Tim. 1:18; 2 Tim. 2:3-4; Interesting comparisons with reformist traditions have been made . See Y. Yad1n, The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light Against the Sons of Darkness (Oxford, 1962), p . 62 . A. Taubert, "Les Sources de la Conception Mllitalre de L1 Egl1se en 1 Clement 37" , V1giliae Christianae 18 (1964), pp. 74 -84 , gives clarifications of the Greek from the Latin and states, nc 'est la prem1~re fOis, croyons-nous que dans un eerlt chr~tien elle est rattachee a un ideal de type militaire.": p. 76. Jaubert also points out analogies with Qumran organization: "Ma1s analog1e ne s1gnif1e pas dependance" . p . 79 .
58Most commentators and textual authorities annotate as much. It seems to this writer to be a case of attempting to cite a literal dependancy where a capsule summary is more apt. In this ease, I Cor. 12:27-31 comes immedi ately to m1nd.
59A• Taubert, "Conception Mllitaire" , p. 76.
ee qui l'interesse en 6.ffet dans sa perspective, c 'est la notion d'obeissance; obeissance a D1eu , mais surtout, d~coulant de cetta obeissance, la subordinAtion mutuelle des membres de la communaute ohretienne. 44
Next Clement regards the mutuality of authority and subjeot. In the te- ciprocal obediences which every christian "In his own rank" gives to his.: commanders , and they in turn to theirs, and so on up the chain of command,
1s to be found the secret of being "preserved as a whole body in Christ
Jesus~ ~ (38: 1) .
The mil1tary imagery Is only a handy but subsidiary example for Clement. 60 It evoKes that sense of promptness in obecUence which at the moment
Clement desires for the Church of Oor1nth~ It Impl1cit1y begs the Corinthians
c.. I to reoall that a true nyoumevos has his own orders to obey those above 61 him. And the reason for the authority is the reason for the obedience: so that everyone may exist in his individuality and thus all may live as a whole.
Beoause this is his message Clement easily hurdles the mixed military imagery and passes into the sc:rtptutal "body" imagery with which the Codn- 62 thian community would be familiar. The reason for authority Is that everyone
60 - ' - I - - ( L Lightfoot reads: "pws eutaktws, pws ektikws, pws upotetaym~vws." (37:2). p . 113. The Latin omits: "mansuete obaUdiunt et Jussa faoiunt . " The promptness is clear in the Latin more than the Greek.: .. Mllitemus itaque. fretres , oum omni perseverantia in eminentibus praeoeptis eius. " The Greek shows Clement's first use of "men and brethren:" - "tivdresI adelPo{. II The double-denomination gives insistence to Olement's exhortation. 61 As the army imagery from Jewish and Roman history teaches: each in his own rank, as tribune, centurion, captain of fifty , carries out orders under the emperor. This might be a parallel with the God-Chrlst-Apostles btshop-presbyters-deacons to be soon mentioned in Chapters 40 sq. 62 See 1 Cor. 12:4-27. The next page will explore the oomparison. 45 may " breathe together" (conspirant in the Latin: .§..uvpveI in the Greek).
Tht:i s I the true relationship in Chrint between the dyoumevoi and th{ ag(oi is bea utifully put by Clement: (37:4)
L Greek The great cannot exist Majores sine m1.noribus or mey,Hoi dixa tWv without the small; non poss unt esse, nee mikrWv ou dU'vavtai neither can the small minores sine majoribus; eivai, ollte ot mikroi exist without the gre at: mixtura e st in omnibus dlxa twv meyhlwv • There is a certain mu et aliud a110 opus est. suykrasis tis e stiv tuality in the whole I and ev pasiv, kal tOiitois this i s beneficial to it. xrnsis.
As if the lesson were not already clear Clement drives horne the moral with the verses beginning the succeeding chapter: (38:1 -2)
So let our whole body be preserved in Christ Jesus . And let e ac h put himself at the service of his neighbor as his partic ular spiritual gift dictates . Let the strong care for the weak , and let the weak respect the strong • .. Let the humble not draw attention to himself but leave it to others to speak well of himself.
Clement i s stressing what Paul did for t he charismatics of the same com munity some forty year s before. 63 The varieties of ministries are for the
geod of the body of Christ. Paul had enumerated Apostleship I prophecy I
63Sanders, L'Hellenisme de Saint Clement .. pp. 78-93 gives the texts of Clement and 1 Cor. 12:4-27 in parallel with close examination of dif ferences . Although there is much Similarity I occasionally identical expression, the basic idea. not the terminology 1s the same. Grant , Apostolic Fathers « I, pp. 64-70 and R. Knopf , Der Erste Clemensbriei (TU 20 . Fasc. 1; Le ipzig, 1899), p.192 (as cited by Sanders) do the same to a lesser degree. The pos sible parity of the two texts leads one to question whether or not the revolters in Corinth were not charismatics. Some have entertained the possibility as probability. Nothing convinces scholarship either way. 46
teachlng I etc. But it is love whic h orders all the ministries together for the good of each person in Christ. Clement is saying the same thing 1 but typically puts it his own way, a way possibly more effective for the
, I Corinthians of 96 a.d. And with this lesson on the mutuality of nyoumevoi and subjects, knit together in Christ's body, Clement can pass into the facts of ministerial history. For now • • this is quite plain to us. and we have gained insigl)t into the depths of the divine knowledge." (40: 1). In other words a uthority is for service. Obedience is for servioe . It 1s service Clf one's neighbor (38:1) and service of "the Master who has ordered us to perform all those things at the appointed times . " (40: 1) • And pas- sing into his study he lays down the rules of the Master: "Each of us bre~hren , in his own rank must please God in good conscience , not over- stepping the rules of hj,s fixed ministry. " (41: 1) . nyoumevol are basically servants. 7
Conclusions on the Five Text s a nd a Comparison wit h Scriptural Usa.9S
1..-. /~ The texts conside red show that Clement applies the word .!ly o ~~oi to a uthorities of religio!:lE? q uality. In this and ~n applying the word to leadership of both Te:Jtaments Clement and Scr5.pture converge.
Exegesis of the composite te xt (21:6 == 1:3 + 7:4+) centers Clement's
princi ple use of the word nyoU'movoi in u Lost Supper c ontext. T lll~ s ~ me
is true of Luke I possibly Hebrews . In all three Hre re fere nces to Christ' 5 blood and Church lea dership. Clement-Luke have in c ommon the notion of exercize of a uthority being a humble , loving service . Both make Christ
its principle model a nd cause. Both respect a uthority;., Cleme nt , speci-
fically in conjunction with the word ny'" oumI evoi, demands it.
For Clerflent a ll authority, a nd specifically religiOUS a uthority, is
seen to be God' s gift. It is his will to give such to the humble. The
s ame note 1s found in Luke , Both decry those who exalt themselves while
'- I '- / purporting to be christ1"n nyoumevoi. Both see the nyoumevoi of the past
as prophetlC• of present nyoumevoi.<0- I Hebrews does the same.
In brief , the word-studies thus far show that the use o f the word in
1 Clement and in Scripture has striking similarities. There a ppears a
strong possibility, if not probabil1ty I that 1n employing the word Clement
absorbed a nd tra nsmitted the meaning a nd overtones of Scripture. But the
para llels do not necessarily imply dependance. It rema ins to be seen what the remaining use of the word a nd the greeter context of the epistle
a nd its redactor's mind have to ciford. The note of order and mutua lity within authority a nd subject seen in t he last text studied, leads into the
subsequent c hapter on the mind of 1 Clement. 48
CHAPTER I I I . THE MIND OF 1 CLEMENT
The purpose of this cha pter is to discover a wider context for' the textual studies made thus far . The individual words or lines of a letter , even its ma jor divisions are the expression of a certain turn of mind. In 1 Clement, though the redactor's concern is mainly mora l, everything s a id stems from a theology. It 1s nowhere set down expli- citly a s a doctrine . But latent a llusions a nd scattered statements of it mark the letter. The moral exhortations flowing from this t heology are mediated by two principles. One is prophetic a nd the other a community principle. Clement's theology a nd these two principles will be considered under t he titles of Peace, Prophecy, and Community. At the c lose of the cha pter the information gathered will be summarize d to put in perspective the word-studies of chapters 1-2.
A. Peace
1 Clement is a letter pleading for peace a nd harmony. (63:2). It opens (1: 1) a nd closes (65 '; 1) with a blessing or hope for peace. The anxious care of the Roman community is stated: "Our whole concern has been and is that you may speedily be at peace." (63:4). For the moment , let the fact that the letter attempts to restore peace be set aside. The notion of peace can of itself give insights into the theology of 1 Clement.
Peace, in Clement's thinking, 1s of God. It reflects God. And a s man's goal is God , man' s goal may be said to be peace:
Let us hasten toward the goal of peace that was originally given us , a nd let us fix our eyes on the Father a nd Creator of the universe a nd c ling to his splendid a nd superlative gift of peace. (19:2). 49
The Christia n is encouraged to c ontemplate the God of Peace:
Let us contemplate him with understa nding and / perceive with the eyes of the soul his patient purpose; let us c onsider how free from anger he is toward all his creation. (19:3).
Creation thus, by its peace and harmony is intended to reflect God.
As it is ordered a nd obedient it draws man's vision to God Himself.
Man can see God reflected where there is pea ce. And beca use Christ is the Jmage of the God of peace it is in him that man can ultimately~ 6:4
God and be saved: Sa lvation is seeing through Christ:
This is the way , beloved, in which we have found salvation, Jesus Christ, the high priest of our offerings, the protector and helper of our weakness. (36: 1)
Through him we fix our eyes on the heights of heaven, Through him we see mirrored the flawless a nd sublime countenance of God. Through him our foolish a nd darkened understanding springs up into the light, Through him the Master has willed that we should taste immortal knowledge; For since he is the express image of his greatness i he is much superior to angels as his title is superior to theirs , (3 6t 2). 65 Through Christ man can see God, God is seen to have a countenance
"flawless a nd sublime." His face is peaceful. Man was created a nd drawn from darkness in order that he might see God's peaceful counte- nance in t he light: 6:4 , For the a ct of seeing, fixing one's gaze in I Clement, see: Clem. 2:1; 2:6; 3:4; 5:3; 7:2; 9:2; 16:3; 16:17; 19:2; 19:3; 21:1; 36:1-2 (three times); 59:3; For Clement the soul, the heart, the virtue of faith has eyes. It is God that opens t he eyes (59:3); the eyes must not be lost.
65 Even in Christ suffering (2: 1) a nd especially suffering a s a man of peace we see God: "We saw him ..• the chastisement of our peace was upon him." Clem. 16:3. 5; from Isaiah 53). The paradox of humility, 50
So let us a 11 bear in mind, brethren, of w ha t
sort of stuff we ere made, w ho we are I and what kind of beings we came into this world, / out of what grave and darkness Our Crea tor
and Master brought us into this world I having prepared his benefits for us before we were born. (38;3) .
The greatest benefits which man receives from God are those things which reflect God's peace a nd harmony a nd thereby draw man through
Christ to the light of God. It is the order a nd peaceful harmony among persons a nd things which are God's "superlative gift and benefit."
(19:2). With created things the peace of God is gloriously evident:
The heavens move at his direction and peacefully obey him. Day a nd night complete the course appointed by him, nor interfere with one another. Sun and moon and stars in chorus travel on their a ppointed courses according to his ordinance in harmony and with never a deviation. (20: 1-3)
This intricate, well-ordered harmony of created things symbolizes God.
It 1s his will as reflected in Crea,tion. The same peace, harmony and order God has unfolded to man in sacred history:
Anyone who will c onsider this with an open mind will realize the magnificence of the gifts God has given. For from Jacob came a ll the priests and Levites that serve at the altar of God. From him is descended the Lord Jesus a ccording to the flesh. From him came the kings a nd rulers 66 and governors in the Judean succession. (32:1-2)
Christ, 1s the true way for men to see God. Man should do likewise: "You see, beloved brethren, what a n example has been given to us I". (Clem. 16:17).
66Supra P. 39 ; Here the sense of order a nd harmony rather than the legitimacy of a uthority or the humility of its reCipient c omes to the fore. For harmony (omovo{a) see Clem. 9:4; 11:2; 20:3; 20:10; 20:11; 21:1; 30:3; 34:7; 4915; 50:5; 51:2; 60:4; 61:1; 62:2: 63:2: 65:1. 51
The angels mirror the same in their readiness to obey God:
Let us consider how the whole company of the / angels stands ready to serve his will. For the Scripture says , "Ten thousand times ten thousand stood by him , and thousands of thousands minister to him , and they cried out, "Holy, Holy, Holy is the Lord of Hostsi the whole creation is full of his glory." (34:5-6)
All men are urged to join in such ordered worship:
Let us then also be a ssembled in concord with full consciousness of our duty and cry to him earnestly as with one voice . (34:7)
The structure of a n army (37:1-4) or the harmony of mutual services among the members of the body typify the ordered peace which is
God's gift. The virtues which harmonize and pacify the body are
:themselves from God, and therefore cannot be sources of pride:
So let him who is continent not boast of it, but mindful that it is another who bestows upon him hi s self-control. (38:2) 67 The virtue of love, since it unites men to God and is the bond of harmony and peace is beyond words as an object of contemplation:
The bond of the love of God- who can a dequately describe it? The greatness of its beauty- who is capable of putting it into words? The height to which love leads us is beyond description. Love unites us to God , love covers a multitude of sins, love bears all things , is patient in a ll things . . . . Love does a ll things in harmony (49:1-5) 67 Love for God i s primary with Clement but includes fr<;lternal love. "Clement exhorte celui qui possede un tel amour a accomplir les commandements du Christi pour lui, cette obe1ssance est une condition indispensable de I' amour chretien , une de ses exigences; impossible d' aimer sans pratiquer les commandements. Cette idee , on I' admettre facilement , est une idee essentiellement johannique." M. Boismard, Revue Bibl1que , 55 (1948) , p. 383 . 5.2
The order of ministry is one more indication of the laws of harmony:
the sacrifices and services are all to be effected in order: /
He himself has determined where a nd through whom he wishes them performed , to the intent that everything should be done religiously to his good pleasure and acceptably to his will. (40:3)
The structure of the Church , (4: 1-4) end its ordered succession of
ministers (Ch. 42) 1s important because it insures "the harmony well and
rightly handed down to us." (51:2). Since it leads to peace it is "what
is good and acceptable and pleasing in the sight of our Maker." (7:3).
For "our gentle and compassionate Father ~ " (29: 1) commands man only
that he may 11 clothe himself with harmony in humility and self-control,"
(30:3), a nd thereby fulfill God's intention in creating.
With the God of 1 Clement being the God of peace and ,ordered harmony I
it is natural that positive morality be explained in terms of preserving
this peace and harmony. It can only be preserved where whatever man
received in the first place is acknowledged to be a gift. Thus I the key
importance of humility in 1 Clement. It is the condition and quality of
the peace and harmony God delights in. Christ typifies it most perfectly.
Man's response to God 1s therefore humble. Secondly it is in
accordance with the part1cular gifts which God has given. Man's response 68 to God 1s his service (leitouryla) . The rendering of one's .leitouryla in
68 Ba uer I Lexicon, pp. 471-472 , gives twenty uses of the word in the LXX, the NT and in early Xtian literature. Of these I eight are Clemen tine. The word literally means "service". In pagan literature it concerns a service performed without charge for the state. In Christian literature or OT it applies to ritual or cultic service or any kind of service to God. In all Clement uses a form of the work (leitoOryos-leitouryla-leitouryew) eighteen times. The Latin version almost invariably renders It into a form of m.inisterium. See Clem. 8:1: 9:2; 9:4; 17:5; 20:10; 32:2; 34:5; 53
peace and harmony 1s man's principle obl1gaUon lO God. It is man's 69 obedience under a re11gious nam~. Man is the servent. God 1s the 70 Master. leitoury{a 1s ml'ln"s acknowledgement of God's dominion by way of contributing to the peace and harmony of the universe. Christ
1s the exemplar of le1toury{a. He it is , through whom God has "called us 71 from darkness into light, fr·om Ignorance to the knowledge of the glory
of his name" (59:2). Christ is the Servant among e U men. He Is literally 72 the beloved Servant, and the beloved Suffering Servant. He 1s the
34:6; 36:3: 40:2; 40:5; 41:1; 43:4; 44:2: 44:3; (twice) 44:6. In Clement, the term designates most often a service to God. But that service may in fact bE! to man. Luke , Paul mel Hebrews are the only NT sources using the word. 69 ( _ ) The posture of peaceful subordinatiOn is that of a slave doulos or a servant (E>erapwv). See doul08 or a form in Clem 26:1; 31:4; 45:7; 55:2: 60:2. For gerapwy see Clem 43:1; 51:3; 51:.5: 53:5. The terminology immediately invokes the polarity of Master, Supra p.23 note 33. Both terms are frequent in NT and later lit. 70Clement's word for Master1s desOOtns. Outsllle of the Apocalypse (6:10) only Luke (Luke 2:29; Acts 4:24) appUes this term to God. Occa sionally Clement uses dnmio~y 6 s(Maker , creator ,craftsman) , sometimes together with pat&. For dnmi)kyos:aee Clem 20:11; 26:1; 33:2; 35:3; 59:2. The tendency to call God Ma ster is the same as that to call each thing or person 1n creation a Servant or slave. Twenty passages in 1 Clement designate God by the term Me ster • 71 . Compare with Acts 26: 18; 2 Clem 4:6; 2 Cor. 4:6; note Luke 1:19: "Because of the loving-kindness of our God ••• to shine on those who sit in darkness end in the shadow of death, to guide our feet into the way of peace". Father Benoit finds some of the light-darKness-illumination passages in Clement to be bapUsmal allusions. (36:1-2; 59:2; 35:1;) See Andre Beno1\ , La Bapt~me Chretien au Second Sickle (La Th~ologle des Peres; Paris: Presses Un1versitalres de France, 1953) , esp. pp. 83-94. 72 See the use of ls1ah 53 in Clem 16. Clement uses the word ,pats of the "beloved Jesus" in Clem. 59:2 , 3, 4. Other than a single instance in Mt. 12:18, only Luke uses the expression. (Lk.l:54; Aots 3:13 , 26; 4:25; 4:27 , 30.) For early Christian use see also: ..Illii:.9:2-3; 10:1; Mart.Poly. 14:1 , 3: Hippolytus' Apostolic Tradition 3-4. 54
73 Servant-High Priest of the 1eitourY!a. All the 1eitoWYla of the great / servants of the Old testament were only prefigurations of the humble
u exercize of Christ's leito[Yla to the Lord. He expressed to God the i service which the God of peace and harmony lavishes on creation. At the same time Christ expresses the love of the God of peace and harmony for mankind . Without him man would not be able to "taste immortal . 74 knowledge. " (3 6: 1) • In Christ "Our Master received us; because of the love he had for us in our Lord Jesus Christ by the will of God." (49:6)
In 1 Clement it must be noticed that the service by everything and ~very
~ in creation is a leitouryta. The leitoury{a of creation knows no distinction between sacred and secular. All leitoury{a is simply and 75 totally sacred.
73 Christ 1s first of all High-priest of "our offerings" (Clem. 36:1: Heb. 2: 17: 3: 1; 4: 15), then "the protector and defender of our weakne s s . " (Clem . 36: 1) . This is the particular precedence of his 1eitoury{a. The thrust of Clement's call to metavoia is meant to bring Christians through Christ (defender-helper-shed his blood) to the true offering of gifts with the deposed presbyters. 74 < _ ev Xr1snr may be found in Clem. 1:2; 22 :1: 32 :4; 43:1; 46:6; 48;4; 49:1; 54:3i The divine nature of Christ appears clearest in Clem. 59 in the liturgical prayer.
75 It may be asked why Clement employs the word leitoury{ a instead of the diakov{a of Pauline or NT literature. Two reasons come to mind. By this time the term diakov{a had become more and more reserved for the ministry of a particular church offiCial. Secondly, leltouryla had about it a universal1ty in denominating obediential service which diakovla never seems to have had even in its secular usage. Perhaps too, diakovla was too Palestinian a term to gain permanent favor. "It is note worthy that the LXX does not use the term diakoverv at all, but renders the Heb. equivalents by douleueiv, or, in the cultie sphere , by 1eitouryelv and latreueiv." So in Beyer, "Diakovew, " Theological Dictionary of the Nf, (ed. ) G. Kittel , trans . re-ed. G . W. Brom1ley (Grand Rapids, Michigan W. Eerdmans and Co. , 1965), p . 83 . Note that in the NT only Paul" s epistles , Hebrews and Luke-Acts employ a form of leitouryew. 55
The only distinction to be made 1s that the leitoury{a of eaoh thing or person is a gift of God distinct according to his giving. Thus: ( " The winds from their proper quarters perform their leitoury{a without disturbance, eaoh at its proper t1me. (20:10)
Let us consider how the whole company of angels stands ready to serve (l1turglze) his will. (34:5).
Thus to the high priest have been appointed h1s proper leitoury{a, to the priests their own place assigned, upon the Levites the1r proper duties imposed; and the l~yman is bound by the rules of the layman. Each of us 1n his qwn rank, brethren must please God , net overstepping the fixed rules of his leitoury(a with reverence . (40:5-41:1)
With the gifts of those who have specia1leltoury(a within the Church which involve the exerc1ze of authority, the same 1s true: these too are
God's choice in bestowing: Clement quotes Moses' words:
Men and brethren, the tribe whose staff buds is the one God has chosen for his priesthood and ministry. (43:4)
God &stows church ministry (leitoury{a) according to his own plan for peace and harmony:
The apostles ••• appointed those mentioned above and afterward added the stipulation that if these should die, other approved men should succeed to their ministry. (44:1)
The order of services paid to God are also intended by him for the harmony
··nd mutual love of one another:
So let the whole body be preserved In Christ Jesus and let each put himself at the service of his neighbor as his particular spidtual g1ft dictates. (38: 1)
Clement's understanding of the function of authority flows from his cosmic and Christian theolOgy .. If God 1s pleased by the peac e and harmony of the universe as maintained by the distinct leitoury{a of each thing and 56
person, he wHIs for some that their leitouryfa be especially intended I to oontribute to the ordering of all: This is also a service, the exercize of authority. Given that authority is essential, it is not surprising that in 1 Clement all authority be considered important. Ecclesiastical authority is the subject of the letter. However it is but one aspect of universal authority. It could be expected that Clement would make clear the dIvine origin of all authority in his letter were it so important to sustaining the universal peace God wills. Such 15 the case. But before examining the most important instances in a final ohapter three texts concerning" secular" nyouv I meyoi claim consideration: 5: 7: 51:5: 76 and 55:1.
In the passage describing Peter and Paul and the sufferings these
Christian heroes underwent because of zrtlos , 1 Clement manipulates the 71 account so as to be a l1terary encomium and also a fitting completion
76 G f Chapter four studies the Joint authority figures called nyoumevoi In 60:4 and 61:1 . The commentary depends on insights to be gained in this chapt9f. 77 / / Sanders, Hellenisme de St. Clement. P. 28: "Clement oonnaissait trop bien la diatribe stolcienne pour que puisse lui echapper la signification d' un temolgnage a la vertu rendu a la face des grands. Mals de quelle vertu 5' agissait-ll? ••• a oote de la dikaiosuvn .••••• !' avdre(a. Ayant deja ens eigne la dla1sosuvn a l' univers entler, Paul se devalt de faire preuve de l' aVdrela devant ceux qui etaient constitues en dignite. " 57
. 78 of Luke's chapter twelve :m Acts. Clement sees to it tha t Pa ul e nds his life with a witness before the iiyo~mevoi: /
For he ta ught righteousness to the whole world having traveled to the limits of the west; and when he had borne his witness before the rulers, (marturrtsas epl twv nyoumevwv)he departed from the world a n outstanding example of patient endurance.
The reference to rulers is intentional. It gives an aura of solemnity to
, I . have Paul, the Christian apostle and nyoumevos, bear witness before the ny06mevoi of Rome. Luke end Clement both show great respect for rule in any form.
78 For a study of the evidence in detail see: Morton Smith, "The Report about Peter in I Clement V.4," New Te stament Stuilies, 7(1960/61), pp. 86-88. Smith believes the Clementine encomium is an added explana tion to Acts l2:17-"But he motioned to them with his hand to be quiet, and related how the Lord had brought him out of the prison.. And he said, "Tell this to James and to the brethren." And he departed, and went to another place. "; Clement 5 has hosted many primacy related themes. Cf. O. C\lllman, "Les Causes de la Mort de Pierre et de Paul apres Ie Temoignage de Clement Romaine." Revue d'Histoire et de Philosophie Rel1gieuse, 10 (1930), p. 296; W . Smaltz, "Did Peter die in Jerusalem?" , Journal of Biblical Literature. 71(1952),p. 211 sq.; H . De La Fosse, liLa Lettre de St. CIE!ment Romain aux Corinthiens, '!Revue de I'Histoire des Religions, 97 (1928) , p.81 , scoffs at citations of Clement 5 to defend primacy: "V01ci la fable dont Clement Romain est Ie premier temoin. " We have had occasion to point out many similarities with Acts • . Other echoes in Acts Clement takes up are in Clem.2: 1; 13:1; 14:1; 46:7; 42:3-4. An anthology of quota tions comprising things from Luke may be the reason Clement uses him so much. Or another common source is possible. In any case it is signifi cant that Luke, so a nxious to get Paul to Rome in Acts, is completed by Clement' s account of his passing, and witness before the nyoumevoi there. Both attribute the sufferings of Christian liyO\lmevoi to ztllos. It is never laid at Rome's doorstep. See Clem. 4- 6 and Acts 5: 17; 13:45. Clement proba bly draws his information on Paul' s suffering from Acts (five examples) a nd the Epistles (two examples.). 58
The text of Clem. 51:5 describes the armies led by Pharaoh and the 79 leaders of Egy"pt: /
Pharaoh and his army and the rules of Egypt (01 nyo~mevoi AIyU'ptou), the "chariots and their riders (Exod .14123) were engulfed in the sea for no other reason than that they hardened their foolish hearts after signs and wonders were done in Egypt through God's servant Moses. (55:5)
Th1s is the only text in 1 Clement which might be construed as a slighting of secular authority. But the quality, not the validity of £gyptian rule is in question. The contrast is not between types of authority but between the way it is exercized. Moses was the humble servant w!lo lh:.tened to
God. The Egyptians join those who did not listen, and thereby did not truly serve. The very dignity and greatness of the rulers and the nation they represent are undermined whenever authority 1s infected by zhlos: ' ~J § alousy
and strife have overthrown great cities and uprooted great nations. /I (6:4).
"The universality of Clement's regard for whatever authority brings peace and harmony is ably presented in chapter 55. Clement is g-iving examples of generosity and self-abnegation:
To take some heathen examples as well: in times of plague, many kings and rulers (pOllOl basilers kai rtyotimevoi),in response to an oracle (xrnsmodotnGevtes), have given themselves up to death in order that their people might be rescued through their blood Many hager left their own cities, lest their revolt go farther. (55: 1) 79 " Notice this is the same use ?s found in Acts 7: 10, where Stephen calls Joseph the nyoumevos" I of Egypt. _Supra, p. 11. 80 Horace, in Odes i11. 19, tells of Codrus, King of Athens, who gave his life for country. Told by an oracle his city would die, he disguised himself, went over to the enemy and was killed. His city was saved thereby. Lycurgus, the Spartan legislator is another such hero. Because of the Isthmtan games 59
These great men are compared to a Judith who "with humility of soul, delivered the people for whose sake she had endangered herself. " (Se also Esther 7-9; Clem. 55:6)
This universality in respect for authority in Clement has been seen to be a datum from his theology. Any legitimate power whIch upholds the har mony of all creation's leitouryla is divine in origin. This divine charac- ter explains why Clement so easily passes into imagery taken from forms of contemporary government. It is no mere case of choosing an appealing artifice. Thus Clement frequently oonsiders the Christian people to be a 81 polite{a with its own rules for Christian citizenship and leadership.
Since the God of peace Is the matrlx of Clementine thought, the redac- tor is careful to choose imagery which is in line with his conception. The diSCiplinary and peace-maintaining forms of authotity-subjectrelationships from the Roman scene occasionally yield to the softened pastoral forms from scripture: Christ Js the shepherd and God's people are His flock . Ministers are servants whose leitoury{a is to shepherd: "the flock of Christ blamelessly, quietly and unselfishly. " (44:3). The sheep of the fold obey their shepherds oracular experienoe would be cherished at Corinth. The parallel with OT would be drawn in catechesis. (God's oraoles etc). Ziegler, Neue Studien p . 55, and Bauer, LeXicon, p. 64 I maintain 55: 1 is the only instance in Christian literature of the verb (xrnsmodotnee'vtes) for oracles. More on this will be seen in regard to prophecy in 1 Clement. 81 On Christianity as a pOlitel!3 see Clem. 2:8; 3:4; 6:1; 2h1; 44:6; 51 : 1 . Also see interesting derivatives of the noun in 54:4. Those who follow the way of God are described in the C version: "tauta ot pOlite6mevoi trtv ametame'lntov pol1t1e{av tou €>eou epo{nsav kal poihsousiv. n Christianity is also a Kingdom for Clement: of God (Clem. 42:3): of Christ (50:3); or, and this is Significant. the Kingdom is applied to Rome (61:1). The word "King," refers to God (61;2) or an earthly ruler, either pagan (4: 10; 12:2,4: 55:1) or Jewish (4:13; 32:2). The frequency is not indicative of much dependence on Matthew or Luke . The Kingdom is not preferred to other images in Clement. 60 a nd thus preserve the peace God desires: "Only let the flock of Christ 82 live at peace with its elders. It (54:2). /
, Clement's conception of the universe a s being harmoniously and care- fully structured for· t he Ma ster' s glory. carries over into his idea of God's people • They are the flock God .has chosen. This evokes the imagery of the elect. And election I in turn bring s to Clement's ordered vision the notion of selection- selection of a certain number. Just as the times of sacrifice and service are laid down by God (40:1) with meticulous and harmonious care to suit his good pleasure (40:2), so too are chosen the people of God. The Corinthian Church is addressed by 1 Clement as those who are called . (1: 1). Their virtues of the pa st include:
You were. • . beseeching God to have mercy if in some way you sinned inadvertently. You strove day and night for the whole brotherhood, to the end that by compassionate 83 mercy the full number of the elect of God might be saved. <2:3-4).
Those who persevere in persecutions (because of zftlos) are joined a s "a great multitude of the elect" (6:l) to great figures of the past. The duty of holiness follows upon being Ita holy portion."(30:l). The qualities of the elect are described (46:4). "In love all the elect are made perfect. "(49:5).
82 See Heb. 13 :20- 21; 1 Peter 5:2,3; Acts 20:28; Luke 12:32: also in Clement, consult 16:1; 57:2 .
83 11lf you have sinned inadvertently." Sins of no moral' intent still offend the material harmony and peace of God's creation. The Corinthians are praised for having asked God's mercy for having committed such. this is a sinall but accurate description of the mind of 1 Clement. 61
Blessedness belongs to those "chosen by God through Jesus Christ."
(50:7). No matter what happens to mankind because of zfilos, v.J41ether by dint of false nyo6.mevoi or factions who try to lead the elect away:
We shall beg with earnest prayer and supplication _ that the Creator of all things will keep intact the precise number of his elect in all the world through his beloved Servant Jesus Christ, through whom he has called us from darkness to light. (59:2)
The God of Peace and harmony has chosen a certain number to glorify him in the harmony of christia n leitoury{a. Preservation of that number from crises unto the end of the world is Clement's concern. And the 84 note of universality (elect in all the world:59:2) is typical.
B. Prophecy
The attempt has been to give a sketch of the theology of 1 Clement in its positive aspects. However 1 Clement is not a statement of a cosmic theology of Peace. It is an attempt to restore peace and harmony.
And this is why the letter is so marked by an awareness of a prophetic task. It joins the writing prophets in its call to change-of-heart. For
Clement, the peace of the Christian Church has been destroyed by the very thing which threatens the number of the elect: schism.
84 The doctrine of the elect in 1 Clement must be set into its future eschatology. The elect are they who "wait" for Christ's coming: In Clem.34:8; 35:3; 35:4; Compare Apocalypse 6:11; 2 Clem. 20:3. See W . C. Ven Unnik, "Le nombre des Blus dans 1a Premiere Bpltre de Clement," ~ 42 (1962), pp.237-i46 . Clement distinguishes between ~ (e"evos a'yiov) and the eGYn (gentiles). But the distinction is,tRat(:S o exclusive that leitouryla falls only to the elect. See L1ghtfoot II, p. 94. - 62
No note is more evident in the first twenty- one chapters of the 8S epistle than its insistent call to repentance. It is Clement' ef principle means to obta1n peace. Provided one understands the peace-pattern of Clement's thought it is possible to give this posi- 86 tion its proper value. For although the call is articulated by a carefully chosen set of scriptural examples and quotations , and is in that sense traditional, the Clementine choice of material is governed by the theology just described. 1 Clement has its roots in revelation, but in a n original way.
85 The word Clement employs is medvola. It occurs eight times in chapters seven and eight. See A. H . Dirksen, The NT Concept of Metevoia (Diss .Washington: Catholic University of America Press , 1932) . Clement' s vocabulary, though often Pauline , does not carry Pauline . thought on Justification. For Paul justification is the gift of God. Clement' s theology is mainly derived from Matthew- Luke. The dis courses in Acts , or their sources, seem to exert great influence on Clement in the matter of meta'voia . In the N'lt Lucan sources use a form of the ve.rb seven times (against four times in.ML)i a form of the noun is found in Luke eleven times (against three times in Mt.) . If Clement bases his use of meta'voia on a literary or oral tradition in use by the the N'l' testament writers it is probable he used those sources common to Luke-Acts. 86 The repetitive a nd demanding qualities of the prophet a s reflected in 1 Clement, even softened by the peace and moderation of style a nd thought , helve led to lUnny interpretations . It was inevitable that the prophet would be taken for a Pope. No other {.eJ-a-son for the authoritative marmer can be envisaged by some. Lightfoot,!, p. 70, sjmngely calls it "the first step toward papal domination. " 63
It must be remembered that 1 Clement was written at a time when there 87 was a revival of prophetism. Christian Corinth, with its history of p~6phetic 88 89 charisms and foundation by prophet-apostles, would have a natural back- ground for the many prophetic allusions in 1 Clement. The Roman Church's call to heed the "oracles of God" (13:4; 53:1; 62:3) was peculiarly contemporary and especially suited to the assemblies of Oorinth whose converts probably were drawn from its many pagan cults. Yet Clement is not the typical castiga - ting prophet .
87 Rabbinic Judaism maintained that prophecy died with Malachi. But the "protestants" of Judaism, such as the Baptist, Easene or Christian groups hud their own version. In the Christian tradition, with Christ's coming the Prophet had come: "The prophet who is to come into the world". (John 6:14) .~hn the Baptist was the "Prophet of the most high" (Luke. 1:76) But Christianity, unlike reformist groups, was not looking forward. The Prophet had come in Christ, in a tripl~ dimension: His coming ~ an event, the Christ is among us Risen, He is to come eschatologically. Sectarian movements were still looking, using what they considered to be authentic substitutes for the prophets . Oracles in dreams and priestly ministry. Cf. L. Mowry, The Dead Sea Scrolls and the Early Churoh (Chicago: University of Chicago press , 1962); esp. pp. 74-95. 88 It was to the Corinthians that Paul maintained that next to apostleship, the function of the prophet is most important~ "Aim at charity, yet strive after the spiritual gifts, but especially that you may prophesy. " 1 Cor. 14: I; "For the spirits of the prophets are under too control of the prophets. For God is a God of peace, not of disorder." 1 Cor. 14:32-33; "If anyone thinks that he is a prophet or spiritual, let him recognize that ••• Desire earnestly the gift of prophesying and do not hinder the gift of tongues. Only let all things be done properly and in order." 1 00r. 14:37 , 39-40; The author of the Apocalypse calls himself a prophet. Mowry, p. 72, cites Josephus' referencesi (Ant. XIII, 11:2; XV ; ..10:5; XVII , 13:3;) He refers to an Egyptian Jew who claimed to be a prophet 1n the days of Felix when Paul was imprisoned ~. XX , 8:6; Cf. Acts 21:28): The Qumran and Christian prophets brought similar gifts to their communities. Interdependance is not yet established. Ziegler is the first to .study,,:Qlement as a form of prophecy: "K! (sic) hat ein auffallendes Interesse an jeder Art von PropheZie, ar Fuhlt sich in aller Demut einer prophetischen Aufgabe verpflichtet. " See A. W. Ziegler, Neue Studien zum trste Klemensbrief tviunich, 195ft , p . 13 89 The missionaries of Corinth named in the NT: Paul , Apollos , Silvanus (SUas), Timothy, Titus and others "approved" (in 1 Cor. 11: 19) . Paul's words to the EpheSians applied espeoially to COrinth: "You afe built upon the 64
, 90 Its call to metavola has little of the scathing accusations of a John the
Baptist, the author of the Apocalypse, or of second Esdras . A noticeable characteristic is that the accusation of guilt is made so peremptorily that the offenders are hardly weighed in the balance. The letter opens on:
the abominable and unholy sohism, so alien and foreign to those called by God, whioh a few rash and self willed individuals have kindled to suoh a frenzy that your good name ••• has oome to be seriously maligned. (1:1)
Clement passes then, immediately into a proem which recalls tiE "Golden Age of Peace" in Christian Corinth, Two chapters stress the peaceful previous conduct of the Corinthians. The ' root of the di sorder is then pointed out in 91 Chapter three. It 1s zrUos. And two ohapters (4 - 6) dwell on its evil con- sequences 1n the past. Then Clement turns to the present: "Let us pass from ancient 'examples to those who contended for the faith in our own time". (Clem.
5:1) History is seen running true to course. Even in recent persecutions, to men like Peter and Paul are added" a great multitude of the elect who through
Jealousy endured many outrages and tortures and so became illustrious examples for us . " (6:1 , 4). foundation of the apostles and prophets with Christ Jesus himself as the chief cornerstone. " (Ephes.2:20) . 90uterally an "opportunity for conversion" {Clem. 7:5 on Wisd. 12:10) "to those who are willing to turn to him." (Clem. 7:5) . 91 ' The term literally means jealousy. But in Clement it appears to mean that complexity of dispositions in man which lead him to close himself off to the peace God wUls. Cf. A. Stumpff, "Ulloa , "Theological Dictionary of the NT (ed.) G . Kittel , trans . -re-ed. G . W. Bromlley (Grand Rapids, Michigan: W. Eerdmans and Co., 1965), pp. 878 -882; also Bauer, Lexicon, p . 338; L. Sanders, L'HelMnisme de Saint Clement de Romeet Ie Paullnisme (Louvain: Duculot Imprimerie, 1943), pp .1-2 , 4 , 5, note 1; Sanders is most helpful on Zrllos in Clement:" •• pas la seule jalousie, mais englobent tous les mauvais sentiments et passions" . p . 4. 65
These great people from sacred history and the reoant persecutiOns are types of the true presbyters of Corinth, whose deposition is also the result or. zlUos •
"Upright men have ever n cast out." (45:2) . But how Is it poss1ble for th community of Corinth to have a ohanoe of heart? By turning attention to:
"the glorious and solemn rule and standard of our tradition ••• Let us fix our gaze on the blood of Christ ••• for it ••• brought th\\l qraoe of repentance to the whole world. Let us survey all ge.nerations and learn that in generation after generaUon the Master gave an "opportunity fot repentence" to thoa ;vUl1ng to tum to him, It (7:2,4,5.)
Clement has sealed his argument with Christ. Christ's bl, provided
the posfltblUty for repentanoe in the past and 1t does so now . 1 Clement i
the first artlole of ohttst1an Uteratute to ChrlstologtoaUy interpret history in 92 torms of a "onoreto problem. Sacred history not only Judges and prophesies
the jealous Corlnthtanl in 1t Christ has made possible the very change of heart
reaUlrod. It is the humble dispositions of Chnst who gave his blOOd so th
Corinthian might have the oraca of repentance that are held up as example and 3 cause of Oorinthian mgtavola. But 1 Clement, in typioally mlcSra,M£, manner, 9
holds up again the past which prefigures Christ: fiLet us fix our attention on
92 The epistle to the Hebrews. though seeing htstory in terms of Christ does not apply tho insight to obtain a ohange of heart.. It is pOSSible it was bolstering confidence for the trying days when Jerusalem would fell and ther, would be "no lasting olty. rt Heb. 13:14 93 "The work belongs to the olass of edifying Jewish literature with a moral purpose, suoh as to be found in PalesUnian Judaism, and was to be continued in the midrashlm. 1 Ol!ment was created against a Jewish-Stoic baek~ound." J. Danlelou, The Theology of Jewish CbrtsUanitx, Vol . I (The Develop-~.ro:mt of Christian Doetrlne Bofore the CouncU of Ntcaeei Landom Darton, Longman, Todd, 19(4), p . 44 . The Shepherd 01 Hgnnas is a type of apocalypse ocoasioning a Chrtstlan Halakah on repentanco, The Midrashie oharacter of Pseudo-Barnabas bee been po1nted out by Louis BOlIVar I The SplJituaUtl of the New Testament and the Father. (London: Bums and Oatos, 1960), 66 those who have served his sublime glory to perfection." (9:2). Enoch, Noah,
Abraham and Lot symbolize the dispositions which are basic to the ability to - / ohange one's heart. The humble and hospitable Rahab~4 ~ather insignificant
in herself, by her scarlet thread showed II by the blood of Christ redemption was going to come to all those who believe and set their hope on God." (12:7).
Clement has reached back into history to bare its Christian humility. (Chs.
9- 16). Then the actual humility of Christ (Clem . 16) as suffering servant
(taken from Isaiah 53) is the culminating example:95 For it 1s to the humble that Christ belongs, not to those who exalt themselves over his flock (16: 1)
Let us be imitators of such as went about. •• preaching the coming of Christ; we mean Elijah and Elisha, and Ezekiel too, the prophets, and the meritorious figures of old as well ..• (17: 1) ..• Job (17: 3) .•. Moses (17:4) •
94Rahab, with her scarlet thread and hospitality is a convenient foil for Clement. The piece of scarlet hung from her house makes her, in Clement's eyes, a prophet: II Observe, beloved , that not only faith but prophecy as well is found in this woman. II (14:8). This is probably a curious exegetic from Heb. 11: 31 or an anthology. It would be particularly appealing to the Corinthian convert who culturally associated women with divination. On this see the study of oracles in 1 Clement to be found in A W. Ziegler, Neue Studien zum Ersten Klemensbrlef (M unich, 1958), esp. Chapter 6 on "Orakel" . Oracles may also be examined in the following studies: P. Amandry, La Mantique Apollinienne a Delphes, Essai sur Ie fonctionnement de l'Oracle (Paris , 1950); Bouche- Leclercq, Histolre de la Divination dans L"antiquit ~, "3. Bd., (Paris, 1880), pp . 39 - 207; P. Graindor, Delohes et Son Oracle, (C airo, 1930); H. Parke- D . Wormell, The Delphic Oracle,
2Bde, (Oxford, 1956); R. Flacel1~re , II Le fonctionnement de I' oracle de Delphes au temps de Plutarche," ,. Annales de 1'£cole des Hautes Etudes de Gand,II (Ghent, 1938) , pp. 69 - 107
95The entiret y of 13: 1-19: I extolls humility. For treatment of this theme in Clement, see Kwa Joe Liang, Het Begrip Deemoed in I Clements (Utrecht: N.V. v/h Kemink en Zoon, 1951). The book has an English summi..1 ry appended. Regrettably it wa s not available to this writer. 67
. • • David, "a m:m after my own heart." (18: 1)
The humility and obedient submission of so many and such celebrated men have improved not only us but also the j generations before us, all who have received his oracles in fear and in truth. (19: 1) How does humility spell itself out in the practical order? The answer is in
loving obedience. Mettlvoia, made pos sible by Christ, typified in history 15,
in fact, obedience: Let us revere the Lord Jesus Christ whose blood was given for us; let us respect our rulers , honor our elders, train our youth in the discipline of the fear of God, guide our women toward what is good. (21:6) Even faith, for 1 Clement is a manifestation of humility and a certa in
duty of obedience: The role of fa1th seems to be that of showing a modesty of spirit which submits to the divine will; everything must be brought down to the divine Will; faith itself depends on the obedience men give to the divine will. It is a work to be done, a dl.lty to be paid to God: Just as we should accomplish the duty of other virtues so we accomplish that of faith. 96 Briefly then, 1 Clement is a prophetic calt to-repentance. His entire epistle
amplifies and delineates the way in which a brother community may "prove
obedient" 63 :2) to the appeal of the Roman Church which is "written through
the Holy Spirit. " (63:2) . But when it asks that "we should defer to so many
examples of such nature, bow the neck and adopt the attitude of obedience"
(63: I), it is in the spirit of humility, "as did our forefathers mentioned above
who pleased him by their humble attitude toward their God and Father the
Creator. " (62: 2) .
96"Le role de la foi semble bien etre de manifester une modestie de l'esprit qui se soumet a la volonte divine: tout doit etre ramene a la volonte divine; la foi ellememe depend de l'obeissance que les hommes doivent a cette volonte divine, elle est une oeuvre a accomplir, un devoir a rendre a Diel1: tout comme nous devons accomplir Ie devoir des autres vertus , ainsi nous accomplis sons celuidelafoi." E. Massaux, Influencede SL Matthieu, p . 52 . Massaux 68
Clement's prophetism is humble because the change-of-heart sought must result in peace. It can never" look down on" Corinth. It risks the pos.¢ibllity of being so interpreted. But 1 Clement always appears congruent with its own
(. I advice for true nyoumevo~: "The greater he seems to be, the humbler he ought to be, and the more zealous for the common good than his own." (48:6) . The humble and obedient are so zealous for the peace of all that they can afford to recall to everyone the sanctions reselVed for those who threaten the peace of the elect:
Let us then obey his most holy and glorious Name and escape the threats against the disobedient uttered long ago by Wisdom, that we may dwell with confidence 1n his most holy and exalted Name. Follow our advice and you will not regret it. (58:1)
And the reason for repentance leading to the peace which pleases God:
For as God lives, and the Lord Jesus Christ lives , and the Holy Spirit, the object. of faith and hope for the elect, the man who with humility and eager gentleness obeys without regret the righteous commandments of God, this man will be listed and enrolled in the number of those who are saved through Jesus Christ, throllgh whom be glory to God forever and ever. Amen . (58:2). .
In resume, the following may be stated. God is the God of Peace. All creation is made to reflect Him . Christ Is t he Perfect image of God. Through Him all men reach God. The order and harmony and peace of material crea1;ion 1s to be paralleled by man in every aspect of life, ecclesiastical, or otherwise. refers the reader to further treatment in: R. A. Lipsi~s , De Clementis Romani Eplstula Priore Disgulsit10 (Leipzig, 1855), pp. 53-68. Massaux notes that Clement follows Paul's sources perhaps more faithfully than Paul himself. He flavors them for his own morallst purpose with Stoic expression. Boismard finds Clement and John alike in that for both , obedience is the necessary consequence of love . "If you love me keep my commandments" (In . 14:15 14:21; 14:23: I In. 5:3 .~ See Clem. 49:1 "Let him ~ho in Christ has love fulfill the commandments of Ghrist. M. E. Boismard, "Cl~ment de Rome et l'Evangile de Jean," Revue Blbl1gue , 55(1948), PP . 376-387. 69
Man's SOMeS of GocI( leitouryia) is particular to him end redounds to the good of evarvtblnq and everyone in Chrlst.- Authodty is a spacial service whioh hi intended to help maintain the peace and harmony God wUl",.
But Cortnth bas lost its previous 08. The prtnotpal means Clement
ploys to call tt back to order and h Ci tnlOny is a letter wbtob ador>ts a prophatlc oall to rnatavoJ.e as its theme. Tbe prophetlsm Is humble and basad on God's oracles. expresses the ooncern that the elect everywhere be pre- served in peace ond number in Christ. Tbis oommunity concern leads to a disoussion of the community aspects of 1 Clement.
C. Oommunity
1 Cl nt 1s 8 lett Uno to its reoipient the grave danger of it situation and recallSng 1t to repentance. The end of the letter 1s peace. Th
rlnolple means of restOring it 1s a caU to metavo1a. the peouliar
If of the letter also Ues 1n the faot that it Is a community letter and is
Is always "you" f "dearly
loved t If "men and brethren. H ot "the Church of God sojournino in Corinth. U 97 Addressed to a communal person. 1 Clement ls always \wlttan from a
910nly twice ere the instigators of the revolt addressed: (This is a oontrast with PaUlIne llteraturo.) In 54:1 "Among you, then-who 1s noble, who is com- 8ss1onat-e, who Is really lov1nq?" This 1s the softened mandate for the guilty to EtX11e themselves, lt I will leave, t wW go wherever you wish, I wUl do whatever the con0r09ation oommands." It could not be moro forcefully, yet deUcately phrased. In 51:1 "Hence, you who are the insttoators of th revolt must submtt to the elders, and accept disclpllne In repentance, bending the ',noes of your hearts. If But the author quickly resorts to smPturo to mitigate tbe thrust. The solemn Uturglcal conclusion, soon to follow in 59:1-6143, reverts to the prayerful "We beseech thee, Master,"; It is dtfflcult to untiere st1m ate the corpQk·ate sonse of responstbWty which 1 Clement both comnmncls and PI'Q-8upposes . In this light 1t probably was far m ,flectlve than the contemporary anathemas thundered by 10hn from Patmos t or ihe previOUS Pauline commands, which though teeming with mysUoal oneness, 4rove to the parUculan "Wives, obey your husbands ••• husbands, love your 70
communal "we. " Except to occasionally oonjoin with the desUnaire, the "we" always refers to the "Church of God sojourning tn Rome . II (1 =1) • There i.e' no reference to the redactor in the body of the epistle nor to his feeUngs. The 98 text leaves its writer un-named. The letter simply purposes to exhort a fellow-community in Christ to submit peacefully to tts true religious authorities. Rome speaks at all times like a brothen lf We are in the same arena and the same contHot faces us . We are not writing these things to you, . 99 beloved, for your admonition, but also to remind ourselves." (7:1). This wives •• Children, obey your parents. " (Col. 3,lSsq): also see Ephes. 5:22i
I Pet. 3: 1. That 1 Clement was read so faithfully at Corinth (Dionysius I report 1n 180 A. D.). attests it had its effect. 98 . For the form of address as conneoted with the name of the author, see L1ghtfoo~, t P. 3529Q . The writer's name was added after to the MSS . It was suppressed like that of another letter of the Church of Rome to the Church of Corinth written dudng Soter's episcopate a half-century later, see D10nys, Oorinth In H. E. lv. 23 99 This delioate tone marks the whole of the epistle. The humility of the exhortations however have nothing apologetic about them. The letter-form of exhortation or instruction was common in early Christian literature. A scriptural precedent in Acts 15:22-35 has in common with 1 Clement: 1.) The letter 1s to an entire community (Aots 15:22-Clem. l:l) "we-you" . 2.) Under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit. (16:28 - Clem. 62 :2) 3.) Letter carried by representatives (15:23,25-6 - Clem. 63 :3; 65:1) 4.) Letter 1s from a group or Church (salutation of both letters). 5.) Letter was read in assembly (15:30 - witness of Dionysius of Corinth in 170.A. O. 6.) Letter dealt with discipline (15;29 - Clem~40:45) 7. ) Letter has power to rejoice its bearers or is so intended. (15t31-Clem.65:1) Following 1 Clement other letters were direoted to Churches. See those of Ignatius, Polyoarp, Dionysius of Corinth, and Serapion. Perhaps the Apocalypse was already in circulation when 1 Clement reached Corinth. The main differenoe 1s that 1 Clement 1s not the expression of a person but the voice of a oommunity. As such it lacks the II curious exegetics of Barnabas, the theological crudities of Hermas I the fervid sacerdotalism of Ignatius. \I So Henry Bettenson, (ed. trans.) The EQrly Christian Fatbers (London: Geoffrey Cumberledge-Oxford University Press, 1956), p . 3. '71
note of a deep, relationship between communalttpersonslt runs throughout the 100 letter and may have explained Ita effectiveness. If itsucoeeds in I 101 !owEdng sanctions, it does so upon a community always considered as 102 another self. It never demands obedience to Itself but rather to God as
He has authentically revealed himself in the examples of the far and near past (Chs. 1-12) and especially In scripture: "We knew well that we wore writing to men who are faithful and of good repute and who have studied the 103 . oraeles of God's teaching. "(Olem~6213). So keenly does the one community
100Wstory Jud,ed 1 Clement effective. It ,was still being read 1n Corinth in 110.A. D. Therefore it must have been highly regarded. Its form of address was imitated in the Epistle of Polxeare, The Letter of the Smnnaens, and the A2ostol1c ponstltuUon. (Ughtfoot I, p. 5 ,) and Eusebius hald it to be read in .. a 102"FoUow our advLce and you will not regret it. n (58:2). II Our whole concern has been end 1s that you may speed1ly be at peace." (63:4): "that we 1n turn may the sooner rejoice at your tranqulility." (65: 1). 103' It WaS inevitable that 1 Clement be interpreted as the first htstorleal :vidence of Roman primacy. The most thdt oan be sa1d for scholarship that aIds such 1s that their arguments do not contradict the tent. For a summary of the different attitudes characterizing work on 1 Clement as eVidence for primacy of Rome consults R. Van Oauwelaert, "L"lntervention de l'£g115e d Rom~ ~ Corlnthe vers l' en 96, -It Revue d~glsto1re ;§cc16s1as...t1gues, 31 (l93SL pp. 216-306. In reviewing the traditionallnterpretatiofts and examining the text, Van O. ooncludes it is not an act of Roman, Primaoy; For the contrary. Of. J. ZeUler, "A propos de I t lntervent.lon de 1'£911ge de Rome a Corinthe, " Revue d'Hlstoire Eccle$lasUques, 31 (1935) I PP. 162- 764; James F. McCue, "The Roman Primaoy 1n the SeCOnd Contury and the Problem of the Development of Dogma," Iheolog12a1 St\ldles. 25 (1964), pp.161-196, places the controversy into an historical framework: Not the least damage to work on Clement t& a certain option taken by some for an intervention of 72 feel its unity with the other that it can say: (note the underlined) So then, whatever sins ~ have committed, and whatever ~ have I done through the promptings of the adversary, let us ask that they be forgiven ~ and those who have become the leaders of revolt and dissension ought to reflect upon the hope we have in oommon (51: 1) This note of unity between the communities was not the sole fruit of external 104 factors. It is the mark of the beginnings of the Churoh itself. Where are the mention of prominent church officials by name? Or the direct rwming and apprehension of the schismatics? The reason for the omission must 11e in the awareness the Church of Rome had of itself, and of 105 its authority as a community in which the Holy Spirit was believed to dwell. Father Congar notes that 1 Clement is inseparably the writing of a oommunity and its head: "There is a constant passage from affirmations of an hierarchical 106 to a community principle. " It is perhaps more accurate to speak of love over against or to the e~clusion of authority. It 1s one thing to say that the letter has no bearing on the "Roman oontroversy" and another, in the same breath, to say that a certain primacy of love e~cludes Petrine or Papal authority. So W .K. L. Clarke, ~ F!rst Eptstle of Clement to the Corinthians, (London: Macmillan and Co., 1937), p.20. The polarlzation is not only false, it divides scholarship unnecessarily. 104 It is true that 1 Clament II comes from a time when the Church was warring on two fronts • •• against pagan attack and internal schism." (C . C. Richardson, Early Apostolic Fathers (Library of Christian Classics; Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1953)p.17 But preservation from persecution or doctrinal perversion only partially explain Christian unity between the Church in Rome and that of the colony, in Corinth. 105 Congar beHeves the early Christian understood the Church to be the gathering of brothers realized by an act of the Lord through the Spirit. 1 Clement, like the ancient liturgy which absorbed it knew no "III separate from a communal "we" . Cf. Yves J. Congar, "Le Developpment Historique de l' autotite dans l' £gl1se. Elements pour la Reflexion ChreUennEl, U Problemas de t' Autorite, ad. John M. Todd (Unam Sanctam, 31;: Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1962),p.148,155. 1 06Ib1d • , P. 152 . Congar cites Clem. 44: 63 as hierarchical principle; and Clem. 34:7; 37:5 as community principle. 73 devolution of community authority than to approach ministry by way of the concept of evolution: I If one sees the ensemble of development , one can discern a rather clear orientation which is the very development of eccles101ogy; the first consideration is always g.lobal; perhaps it is less precise, but it is richer than later analyses·, First it was the community which was considered the ecclesia, then more and more they came to consider the potestas of the head , They saw first the community made up ?6fhrlStians; afterwards they saw structures , the organization, This community awareness is reflected in 1 Clement in the state- ment opening the letter. Rome apologizes for being remiss in its duty to the Church sojourning in Corinth: It is because of a series of misfortunes and accidents that suddenly came upon us , beloved , that we have in our view been rather slow in turning our attention to the matters in dispute among you •• • your good name , hitherto so well and affectio nately known to all, has been seriously maligned. (1:1) The deposition of rightful presbyters is a sin which rests on the conscience of both communities: Ibid. , p.178: "Si l' on envisage l 'l.ensemble du d6veloppement , on y decele une orientation assez nette , qui ·est celle du developpement de l'eccl~siologle elle,-meme, La premiere consideration est toujours globale: elle est geut-€tre mOins precise , mais elle est plus riche que les analyses ulterieures. On a considere d'abord la communaute , l'ecclesi6 , puis on en est venu a considerer de plus en plus la potestas du chef. On a vu d'abord la communaute faite des hommes chret1ens , on considere ensuite les structures , l' organization." This incisive note has meaning for every aspect of ministry and function in the subapostol1c period. The community or ecclesial aspects of Clement are treated in Jean Colson, Les Fonctions Eccl6siales aux Deux Premiers Sl~c1es (Bruges: Descl~e et Brouwer , 1956), esp. Chapter XI, pp. 175-211; also Cf. Rudolf Schnackenburg , L'Egl1se Dans Ie Nouveau Testament, trans , L. Oechslin, O.P. , (Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1964), esp. Chapter Four, pp. 24-39. 74 We, too then, must intercede for those who have fallen into any sin so that forbearance and humility may be given them to submit themselves not to us , but to the will of God. For j in that way the merciful remembrance of them in the presence of God and the saints (the christians) will be fruitful and perfect. Let us accept that discipline which no one should resent brethren. The reproof which we address to each other is good and beneficial, for it binds us to God's will. (56: 1-2) And the responsibility of errant leaders who derogated authority to them- selves 1s appealed to in terms of their responsibility to the community. Like Moses who offered himself in place of the community the errant should do likewise. Note that the fault is not laid entirely to the, few: What great Lovel What unsurpassable perfection I The ser vant addresses his Lord boldly, to ask of him forgiveness for the whole congregation. Among you , then, who is noble , who is compassionate, who is really loving? Let him say, "If it is because of me that rebellion and strife and schism have arisen , I will leave, I will go wherever you wish, I will do whatever the congregation commands. Only let the flock of Christ live at peace with its appointed elders." The man who does this will win for himself great fame in Christ, and will be welcome everywhere. (53: 5-54:3) Clement here speaks in the name of the whole Christian Church, a community comparable to Israel. The exile must be at peace "with the flock Christ" 108 (44:3) and with the presbyters set over 1t (44:5; 57:1-2. The repentant will gain "great fame in Christ" -"everywhere" (=in all the Churches) . He will be commended by a 11 Christians for being "zea lous for the common good rather than his own." (48:6) . 108 Note that the sin of deposing the presbyters is considered all the more serious because they were appOinted "with the consent of the whole church" , (44:3) and "have ministered to the flock of Christ blamelessly, quietly, and unselfishly and who have long been approved by a11- these men we consider unjustly removed." Clem. 44:3 , 75 Thus , 1 Clement sets at work very strong community action. The epistle 1s but a community reminder. It obtains its effect on the few by its appeal to the many. If nothing else it must have succeeded in drawing away from the rebellious the factions they created. Such a community-oriented and community-originated letter has been 109 tailored by the redactor in scope, order and moderatlon. To the end it remains a plea for peace from one community to another: You will give us great joy if you prove obedient to what we have written through the Holy Spirit •.• with the plea for peace and harmony we have made in this letter. (63:2). The purpose of the letter may have been enhanced by another means which brought to bear the community principle. Like the decision of the council of Jerusalem (Acts 15:22-35) , 1 Clement may have been read in the a.ssembly. Against this liturgical background it would provide (j homily on Eucharistlc unity. 109 Lightfoot , 1, (pp.96-91) notes the comprehensiveness , sense of order, and a moderation of the letter. The same admirably appl1<.:s to ClementOs sense of history and the role of his community vis-a-vis Corinth. 1 Clement is highly structured. H.Chadwick, ,oJustification and Hospitality, " Studia Patristica Vol.lV. (ed). F.L. Cross (TU,79;Berl1n:Oxford , 1949), p.28S . Unds C. to be "drafted with the utmost subtlety. Every word 1s selected with care and with an eye to the maximum of effect." ChadwicK opposes the scorn for intelligence among the early Christians which leads us to underestimate the minds of early Church writers; P. Meinhold, "Geschehen und Deutung im ersten Clemensbrlef, " Zeltschrlft fUr Kirchengeschichte, 58 (1939), pp.82-129 , is cited to be of the same opinion; Both are reacting against Wilhelm Wrede, Untersuchungen zum eraten Klemensbrlefe , (Gottingen, 1891). The letter found C. to be a hotch-patch; We subscribe to Gregg' s opinion that "the most respected and talented" of the Roman community would be chosen to write the letter. Cf. I.Gregg, 'Fhe Epistle of Clement (London , 1899),p. 9. 76 From First Corinthians (11) it is certain that gatherings for the Eucharist were frequent in Corinth. The epistle of Clement, as history attests , '.Was most certainly read at second century services. If the epistle were written with the assembly 1n mind there 1s good reason to believe it gained in 110 • I effectiveness. The use of the word nyoumevoi .(Chs. 1-2) as conjoined to the blood of Christ (1: 3-21:6) hints that the letter to the disputers was 1ntended for homiletic use. Its prophetic and Chrlstologica I interpretation of history in terms of the ministerial dispute would be a salutary sermon for the troubled liturgy of Corinth. Conclusions on the Mind and Means of 1 Clement It appears that peace and harmony in the cosmos 1s the ideal of Clementine theology. God is the God of Peace whose countenance 1s to be reflected in creation. He is perfectly imaged in Christ. In Christian virtue man sees mirrored the splendor of God's peace and cosmic harmony. Man, by a Ufe of moral virtue in Christ prolongs the cosmic order in his human III actions. It appears that obedience 1s necessary for the Christian so that 110 . Euseblus , H. E. , III ,xvi. It is beoause of the community character of 1 Clement that it may have had an effectiveness that Paul's two letters to COrinth did not. While deploring the factionisrn which followings of himself Peter-Apollos had resulted in, perhaps Paul only succeeded in drawing more attention to the minister. Perhaps Paul did not visit Corinth as he proposed for a final time and left it in a certain division. So, Richard Batey, "Paul's interaction with the Corinthians , " JBL , 84 (1965), pp.139-46: Also see o. Broneer, "Corinth, Center of Paul' s Missionary works 1n Greece, " Biblioal Archaelogist , 14 (1951), pp.78-96. 111 This writer thus reaches by separate route what Sanders does: That Hellenism is the fundamental sub-structure of the Epistle to the Corinthians. Sanders reaches the conclusion by way of a careful study of Clementine termi nology and comparison with passages and doctrines from Hellen1stic philosophy, 77 man cqn reptoduce the peace and harmony which the universe as a whole does. Ecch man's obedience is his humble leitoury1a. This leitoury{a/ls the gift of God and 1s distinct Jor each person;;ptc·thing . While primarily offered to God it 1s meant to redound to cosmic harmony, a nd especially Christian ' communion in the body of Christ. ,Thus, its intended mutllr'2iliity. The exercise of authortty 1s a function of those who receive it from God as a particular leitoury{a . It is of special 'lmportances1nce it directly helps attain the peace and harmony of creation by ordering it. The Christian ministry, on its own level and in its distinct 5 phere , fulfills such a service for the Christian body. 1 Clement seems to g:ive rs.~acial place to all authority attaching to it a dignity, importance I and divine origin. The importance of ruthority for Clement is that it mediates for man God' s will for the peace a nd harmony of the world. It organizes the leitoury{a of everyone into a common worship, a worship which is not limited to ChriStianity. In a s far as man is humble a nd loving , his leitoury{a is like to Christs' and thereby leads to salvation: The Master will reward the servant , numbering him among the elect. especially Stoic in kind. The exegesis is upon Clem. GhS.Si 20; 33; 3S. The Judaic theme of cosmic order instead of the Stoic has been found 1n Clement by some . Aga1l'lSt this Sanders holds that the Jewish conception is different from Clement: "La mention du Dieu non fait de main d' homme et , vers la fin ; I' adoration des a nimaux, trahis sent un seul but , celul de combattre l ~ do latrie . L'on aura ete frappe '"'uss! du rapprochement de lHdol~tr1e et des vices des pai'ens: toutecela est pro pre a la version j udalque du theme . Or I rien de pareil ne se retrouve n1 chez Clement n1 chez les auteurs profanes:la , les conclusions morales se rattachent d1rect e-meht a cl'ordre du monde , sans invectives contre l '1dolatrie ou les vices des patens Clement ne se tient done pas de la l1tterature du judalsme son theme de l'ordre universel. • II Sanders , L' Relle-mame de St. Clement, p. 142. 78 Corinth is the scene of a sinful disturbance. Its deposition of the ministers whose le1toury!a Is the exercize of authority has led to chabS within the Christian microcosm and also the dlstmbance of others outside. ("your good name ... has come to be seriously maligned. "1; 1) . Faced with this rift in order, 1 Clement answers the sohism in such a way as to meet the issue with the very things the epistle feels necessary to be restored: peace , harmony and humility before the will of God a s manifest in Scripture. Hence , the community-appeal seeks unity with a br9ther community in Christ. The humble propnetism never reaches the pitch of personal ,passion or remonstrance. The balance sought is matched by the means used: the firm but forbearing call to metavola;/ the telling power of a commun1ty exhortat1on~ probably formulated and read in the liturgy. Comparison with the Textual Studies of Chapters One a nd Two The strong possibility of Clement' s absorption of the meaning , over- ~ I tones and near-context of the scriptura 1 use of the word nyoumevoi h~s been 112 pointed out . When, Clement uses the word in Us two most important designations of Church leaders (1:3; 21:6) it is quite sure that he places the polarity of authority... ohedience against a Last Supper background. However, it is not certain there is a necessary textual dependance so that <. I whenever obedience to nyoumevoi is in question, so 1s a certain version or variant Of scripture. 112See Chapters one and two , especially the conclusions: p. 21,40. 79 The influence of Luke on Clement's use of the word , (the prophetic 113 , and servant valences of the Gospe 1- A cts ) , is important. However the studies of the mind of 1 Clement raise the poss ibility that Clement's use of the word is guided by a much wider principle than the intentions of Luke or the a uthor of Hebrews. Even were there proveable a definite litera l depen- dance on Luke or Hebrews , there is evidence that such dependence c ould be the redactor's crtful choice of a tool rather than mere witness to tradition. The themes of humility, service , prophet1sm and related scriptural themes carried by the word may seem quite traditional. However they play into the hands of Hellenization. The possibility is that the word .. I nyoumevoi is chosen for 1ts scriptural connotations , yet is 1n turn tra ns- formed by the theology of 1 Clement. Clement never seems to borrow w1th ~ out controlling the materials he incorporates into his theory of world peace rllThe similarities and textual relationships between Luke a nd Clement have been frequently seen in this paper. There is as yet notstudy known to this writer of the 1nteresting thought parallels in both. And such is bwond the scope of this paper. But tl few points of similarity are provocative: Both writers appear to write for the faith in the Greek world. Both are Roman citizens , or freedmen. L'uke 1s probably a Greek disciple of Paul (Col.4:l4; Phm 24) and writes more in Greek style than a ny other NT writer, including the distinctively un-hebraic Hebrews. The Greek qualities of 1 Clement reflect much of the same. 1 Clement seems to give the outcome of Paul's appeal to Caesar, which Luke , for some reason could not include. The same taste for order, joy, d1gnity, and the universality of authority and religion belong to both Clement and Luke . And perhaps the most revealing point in common is th.e christian gentleness of both, the desire to soften asper1ty from sources. Both appear to be converts from paga nism and have seen Christianity from the outside and inside . They are extremely aware of the non-Chr1stian world and wish to embrace it. 80 114 and harmony. . Before drawing' up final .:.:.onclusions , two more uses of the word bring together the results of the investigation of text and I context. 114ln chapter 3S , see the catalogue of defects which Clement has taken from Paul (Rom. 1:28-32) and transformed by the literary genre of preachers of the diatribe. See Sanders, HellE§nisme de St. Clement, pp. 74-76. Also cited by Sanders (p.76) see R. Bultmann, Der StH der Pa ulim1schen Pred1gt und die Kyn1sch-sto1sche Diatribe (Forsch. zur Relig . u. Lit. desA.u. N.Testam., 13), (Goettingue , 1910), p.19 , 60,61. 81 Chapter IV. The Prayer of 1 Clement The purpose of the closing chapter is to examine the two remaining ~ I oocurrences of the word nyoumevoi and to draw conclusions for the paper as a whole. Although the entire prayer (59:1-61:3) is important to under- standing the mention of nyoumevoi,< / only the more pertinent lines are re produoed ~ 115 Reckon not every sin of thy slaves and maidservants, but cleanse us with the cleansing of thy truth, and guide our steps that we may walk in holiness of heart and do what is good and pleasing before thee and before our rulers (twv atxontwv nmwv: coram prinoipes nostros). 60:2 Verse four of the same chapter will clarify the generic term here used for <- / .- rulers. In 32:2 the word nyoumeVoi was used jOintly with it. In 37:7 the Latin versIon renders n¥oum~vois by ptinoipibus, the same word it uses . ,/ ./ f for the arxovtes of 32=2 and the arxousiv a 60:4. So while the actual word under study does not occur here in 60:2, it likely is included in the ruler designation. lI6 The "cleansing from sin" asked from God applies to llSGrant, Apostolic Fathers, II, p.92 offers a useful schema of the praya.r 1.) Those who disobey the words of this letter will be disobeying God. (59:1) 2.) Clement will pray for the security of the elect. (59: 2) 3.) The prayer opens with the statement of God's omnipotence, (59:3) 4.) And an appeal for the help of God. (59:4). 5.) A statement of his eternal benif1cence. (60:1) 6.) A petition for God's Mercy. (60:2-3) 7.) An appeal for conoord and peace (60;4) a.) Intimations of conoern for and then intercession on behalf of rulers; subjection to them and for their godly administration. 9. ) Closing doxology. 116For the use of the word &xwv, see Bauer, LexiCon, p. 113 • 82 all sins I but especially to the sins of disobedience to church rulers in Corinth. What is good and pleasing before God (as in 2111; 35:5) il done. with God's help. Here (6012) it is linked with "before our rulers. 11 Th¢ II sheep of Thy pasture" (S9!4) are requesting guidance in pleasing both God and the legitimate human authorities which mediate his authority. 117 It is peace and harmony which please God. Such are the gifts of God whose countenance is peace itself: Yea, Lord t let thy fade shine upon us in peace for our good, that we may be shielded by thy mighty hand and delivered from every sin by thy uplifted arm; (60:3) Peace is also a preventive gift. And as the next verse indicates, peace is not necessattly freedom from threat but rather patience in stress: " ••• and deliver us from those who hate us without oause. ,,118 Peace is the Ohris- tien's security in all circumstances. Every other gift appears to be but prelude to it: Grant harmony and peace to us and to all who dwell upon the earth, as thou didst do to our fathers when they reverently called upon thee in faithfulness and truth; (60:4) The remarkable universality {lito us and to all who dwell upon the earth"} and tradition of harmony' and peace ("as thou d1dst to our fathers") go hand in hand. Obedience to the leaders is the first step toward this universal 117ChaPtGlt 61 makes the mediation explicit: ItThou, Maste.t i hast given them the power of sovereignty." 118The allUSion may be forked in at least two directions. It can apply to Eichismatios who are persecuting the presbyters who have fulfilled their obligations dutifully. And it may apply to persecutions from the Roman powers. 83 peace and harmony. What is simple duty for Rome entails metavoia/ in Corinth: j And grant that we may become obedient to thy almighty and glorious Name and to our rulers and governors upon the earth. (tors te ~xouslv kat nyoumevois nmwv ep) tris yils: principibus etiam et ducibus qui sunt super terram.) 60:4. This is the last expl10it mention of nyo6mevoi in the epIstle. 119 However, the verses of the next ohapter have nyoumevoi and srxont~s as subjects understcod. For this reason chapter 61 may be considered to contain the final occm-enee; however, it implicitly ref ers to its subject in 60:3. Thou, Master, hast given them the power of sovereignty (e~ous{av tns basl1e!as) through thy excellent ~nd in expressible might, so that we may know the g18fy and honor given them by thee and be subject to them I in no way resisting thy will: (61:1a) Here the authority of all leaders, ecclesiastical, governmental or military is designated. 120 Because the prayer itself is both universal and particu- lar in application, the mention of leaders can be said to have the same flexibility of extension. The letter 1s here representative of the thinking Rome has towards leadership in general as well as within the Church. From the vantage point of 61:1 Clement's choioe of the word nyoumevoi,(.. / while a material approximation in context to Luke 22:24-30, 1s seen to be 119The Latin Version separates this occurenoe from the ohapter following. The Coptic (Kb) and Constant1nopol1tanus (C) instead join it with the important verses of 61:la-lb. 120Lightfoot, Clarke, Kleist and Grant hold the term applies to both seoular and eoclesiastioal authori'Ues. 84 of a wider lntem:lonal1ty. The verSEiS fell owing (61:2-3) d~ not exolude Lucan overtones1 but they considerably enlarve the perspeoUves reg/rdtng leadersbtp attained through the wordstudles of nyoUmevolthus far. To thetn l 0 Lord, give healthl peace" concord, and stability, that they may administer without offense the gOVQmance (nyemoviav) thou hast qlven them. (61:1b) • I The nxownevoJ. themselves require health and stablUty, peaCe and harmony 1norderto exeroi:ae their leitourx{a - the heglmony121 received from God. For thou, Master. heaV'enly Klfl9 of the ages, dost give the sons of men glory and honor and power over what 1s on earth: do thou, Lord, ditect their wiU acoOFdinq to what 1s good and pleasing before thee, so that with piety in .peace and gentleness they may adm1n1st~ the power 91ven them by thee and may find thee propitious. (61:2) The Virtues df the church and. secular leader are typically plaetd. The Latin version cames an tntere~tlnO' variation of 61:.2 . 1'1,1 , dotn1n& i cUr1O'& ¢oDsll1um sorum Juxta bonum et placttum coram teet gentes C;:Uln paceet mansu(1tudinJ pie possldeant Cluee a~. t1118 data estpotestas propit1o tWs. (6lt2)122 \ "Ooram t& at gentes." The structure of the prayer always turns the atten tion of the Christian out from the,c::ommunlty to others. 123 UlCl~ment (61:1) .end Luke 3:1 are the only wrttets 'of the NT period who usa the word. It applies to "ehlef command, direction, mani!gement of any high oifice. It gee Sauer, tEudcon, p . 343 . 122Mol1n's renderln, from L:tf bonum at placltum coram te, ut &gentes cum pace et mansuetudlne" . Schaefer appears to agree with Morin. 123'1'h& letter wUl end on the universal note: "The grace of the tOJd Jesus Chrtst be w1th you and with all everywhere who have been called by God through hUn , through whom to him be glory,. honor, m1ghtand majesty, eternal dom1nlon , from everlasting to everlasUnil. lunan. " 6512 . 85 In summery 1 the use of nyoUmev01 expllc1tly in 60=4 and lmpl1cltly lnth3 two verses of the succeeding chapter 61 are the first olear uses of the word to indicate simultaneously church and seoular authority. This usage conftrms the remarks made about Clement' s reve~nce for 8uthortty of every type. And it reinforces the results of lnvestigation of the natural theoloqy of 1 Clement. The closing prayer 18 the aPex of the letter. It states positively Clema,nt' ,$ position regatdlng church authority but does so in a way in wlUch the troubles at Corinth are not ccentral . It 1$ the theology of 1 Clement given free rein in UtllrQlcal prayer. That the prayer1240f the early Church, patUoulady at this moment would be for authorities of chuteh and state 1s truly noteworthy. Both the QommumUes of Corinth and Rome had Just emerged from a severe per secuUon under Dom1t1an. 12S The' majority of ROman Ohtistians had also 124Ltghtfoat, 1# p. 396 tndicate.s Clement may have drawn upon Shemoneh Esrebfor Ms llt:\lJVleal prayer • But he alsQ maintains there is no evidence he drew from 't dtreetly. The prayer is basically Olema'nt' $ . It 1s reflected in later U.t~iea1 prayers. Colson sess the prayer of Clem. 59 to be: '-fun Joyauextremement precieux de 16 lttterature chrtitienna primltive t Ells est l'echo de la Uturgle romain a 1& fm du ler s1~l$ ... la prlere de Clement porte jus.qu'a nous au. ...dela de elm-neu! 8tecl~s Il echo de 1a VOb( du pontife r<>matn eEde'brant l t elilCharl$t1e entre les annaBa 90 at 100. " See J. Colson, Clem~nt dgRqms (Parts: Les Editions Ouvderes, 19(0),. p. 30 . 12SL19htfoot has oQllooted the notices on the perseoutlon under Domlt1aru lJghtioot, I, Pp . 104-115; Against the trac:Utional View of Domltlants per ~cut1Qn, ct. R~L . P . Milburn, tiThe Persecution of Dom1tian, fl Church Q!J:attedy Rwtn. 139 (1945), pp. 15.4-164; Even with a span of '~eace (before Dom1tlan) behind them I and the prospect of calm under Nerva the Roman communf:ty nlllst have had strong feelings about the rule of the Caesars. 1 Clement, with its exhortations 'to humble submission. encQuragement to 86 Uvedtbrough Nero' B sevedties ~ The re~ent emigl."oe of the d1~sp2r :authoritmi.an ;.Wusef:) had baen ttl,s lot of the people IO( whom 1 Cl~ent was intEilllded. One must ask how was !tthat prayers for "the ",hristtan nYGQmevo& were alfered £en: those also designated by tha same term who had 90 Uttle in common with Christian hopes. The weil-wf,she$ for t-lte im.perial nyog¥}~q\ heve appea.t$d eOhtradiotory to some sO that the prayer ts interpreted as a monument to the ¢levemesa of , / d Clement; i>t maeks allusions to eh,p.ntien nyeymevQ! under t.ha O\\t\'Iat pte.. tense of luy.alty tCi Rome. ',i"\ Jt$dalnful attltudo to Roman authartty might further el1da~el"the ChtisUan positiQn •. ino1t1n~ l>er$~ouUQflo: nus ts' the explanatlonof some. liowover. it;1$ extremely 'unlikely. Clementi s treetl'nant of authority is oonslstemly genuine tl't.fQugnout the ~plnt1.s because it 1$ held t,of,Jetner by the stmetltt$ of his CiU'ittiM and. CO$tnic theology. If both communities feared Rom.an reprisals', Ohri8tl~n Rome mak~s no attempt in 'the letter to placate QaeSm". ptayer for tul.ets and ~ohorts . is e m&rvel oi Chftstllmrl)atratnt~ Precie:ely on thls mattEtt readin; bet'..vean thS' Un~B is lmponelnt.. The per3~eutlons and ebUS13$ we,~ en,tSrely all toool)vioua to bGf'ill ' th~ Roman and Cor1ntMan com muntt1as. It viould not be aS$lVioe of love foe Clement to fan the flames urulecess~Uy. They w~ro not yet out of the woods. Nettb.er. it woUld appear. waG the Roman popwa¢(iJ . Eusebtus UL..L: ; Ul, 11) says that Dom1Uan bali bMtshii.lld InlJ.11Y RQman nobles and confiscated th.atr property. Not 13e!l't9 lM Qtlly objeot' of att~olt may have mit19ated ChtlsUan resentment to rUle. they, tOOl hoped for the bettel" under N'erva . 87 B. J. Goodspeed126 bc:.lieves that the general111- feel1ng '3 of Chris tians / toward the per;;Qcuting empire dnd emperor ware .n ugmented by the Apocalypse. In order to change the vengeful attitude it encouraged, I Peter and I Clement were written. I Peter was sent to the churches of Asia to remind them to love their (memiee: and respect tha emperor. As the Apocdlypse cluimed the authority of the Christian Prophet I writing 1n the very name of Jesus, the Roman ohurch would speak out in the name of the chief of the apostles, since it was custo- dian of Peter's tomb and held the clearest memory of hia teaching: Thus it writes: Beloved ••. Behave yourselves honorably amonq the pagans, that whereas they glander you a.s evildoers, they may through obset'Vt\nce of you by reason of your good works. glorify God in the d <." y of visitation. Be SUbJ6ct to every human creature for God's sake, whether to the king 6S supreme, or to gov ernO!!J a s sent through him for venge.mce on evildoeu ,md for the praise of the good. For such i s the will· of God. thot by doing good you should put to 811enoe t he Ignonmce of foolish men." n Peter 2: 11-15) • 1 Clement, tn $uch an hypothesis is ':i s ide piece to 1 Peter. It doe , for Acholl what I ·Peter does for Asia Minor. 1 Clement md¥ dnswer to s uoh dn immedl 126B• J. Goodspeed, A H~ s t0!I..0f EIl!!y:"'Chri8t1an Literature (C hlo.;l go: University of Chicago Pres s, 1941), pp. 12 -13, "7. I Peter 1a said to answer the oh,!nge of Hebrews 5: 12: "For whereas by th1G timeyyou ought to be tedchers , you need to be taught again the rudiments of the oraclSs of God." 1?7 W Paul encourages reverence for ·;l uthorlties other than Christian but at once admonishes there 1s only one IJ Sovereign I the King of King s and Lord of Lords. II (1 Tim. 6:15) . S8 to First of all, then, I urge that petitions I prayers, intercessions, and thanksgivings be offered for all j men1 for sovereigns and ell in high office I that we may lead a tranquil and quiet life.1n full observance of religion and high lltandards of morality. Suoh rayer is right, and approved by God our Saviour, whose ill it 1s that aU man should flnd salvation and come to know the truth." (1 Tim. 2:1 - 4). St. Paul' Ii epJ.atle~ to the Romans and to Titus show similar care; t everyone be subject to higher authorities, for ther, ,Kists no authority except from God, and those who exist lava been appointed by God. Therefore he whorestst the authority resists the ordinance of God; and they that resist bring on themselves condemnation. For rulers ar, a terror not to the good but the evil doer. Dost thou wish then. not to feat authority? Then do what 1s good and thou wUt have pratae from it. For it 1s God's minister to thea of good. (Rom. 13: 1-4) Admonish them to be subject to princes and authorities I obeying commands, t$ady for every good work I speaking vll of none, not quarrelsome but moderate, show1ng mildness to all men. (Titus 3: 1-2). Hence 1 Clament need not be interpreted as having a peouliar outlook on authority. It 1s distinguishable from these writings not by way of a dlffer(,mt attitude to authority as muoh as a more oomplete onc. It not only draws th Unes (Chs. 40- 45) for the sucoession of divine authority in th$ Church, it goes out of 1ts way to stress the divine In non-Church authority. Its posture cannot be Simply explained as apologeUc:al. Another interpretation of 1 Clement is that the early Church took over th Jewish practi oft>raying --for the Em or beoause it in no way w1shed him to rayed to. 128 This is a plausible but partial explanation for the Clementine 128 W. K. L. Clarke, The first Epistle of St. ClemQnt 2£ Rome to ,the Corinthians (SPCK, London , 1911), p .29. 89 attitude to authority. It may be truer of those Churches where Judaistic fac tionism was espeoially strong. But 1 Clement e}ch1hits a strong monotheiitm. 129 God is the transcendent God. Mdn. even the Christ, 1s Servant. Authority is always by d1vine deleqation. The pers pective 1.s always such that human authority be venerated as human. The prayer of 1 Clement 1$ that human uthority, far- from being divine, should become more like to the ~ent1e and peaceful God $ 0 a6 to administer a chsrge worthily for the harmony of all. The paradox remains . 1 Clement exhibits a comprehensive .nd deep e steem c. I for authorities . It can represent aU of them under the same term: n¥oumevo1. The m1nd of 1 Clement is not exhausted on the subj ect of leadership even though it!! neceuary pre- occupation 1$ with Corinthian Churoh leaders. C3n any morc ',plausible explanation be given than those advanoed thus far? The s tudent soon reaches limits in attempting to re-construct the mind of a person writing centuries ago. However, it is valuable to liPsculate130 when 129This monotheism was probably the attractive force in drawing many Greeks away from the sea of gods which relig10n offered in Rome and Corinth. But by Clement' s Ume, reversion to idolatry or pagan reUgioD was not s o much a fe:lr for Christianity as in Paul' s day. There tire no attacks on idolatry or pagan religion in 1 Clement. W . F. Clarke. Pp. 1- 26, sees the majority of converts to Chrlstitlnityln Rome to have been the "God- fearing" Greeks and Orientals (not Romang) who were origInally attaohed to the Hellenistio syn ~l gogues. These Gentiles had adOPted (.l Judai sm without the shac kles of its nationaUsm. Jud", bm in the dt.; spora 1n Rome would be a h ~ lf - wa y houi e for Christianity, whloh I being organized 's omewhat on the synagogue system and sharIng its "ast would naturally appeal to Jewish proselytes . 1301\ series of separate 'S tudiOS would be required to s ubstant1llta the perspec tives opening out from the word ny04~o. 1 1n its distinct use in the l1tUl"gicdl rayer of Clement. Wh:lt follows i 3 s uggestive more them substantiated. This writer feelli it to be justified to suggest, if not prove I that Clementine use of the word fu!g~.mevo1 Inci'lcatcHl .') vaster conception of authority than what 1i met in the scrlpture.s . 90 no satisfactory cvidence is at hand. 1 Clement 1s 3 land··mark in Chl"istlan literature as far as attitude to autholity in general is concerned. I At a time when some earnest Christians 6l"e disposed to despair of the State and to retire into the inner world of grace where public affairs cannot penetrate, it 113 salutary to reflect lTon the noble fa1th of these persecuted Roman Christians. 1 1 The epistle carries Christian attltude to o!luthority furtho{ them the New Testament. It develops it, reinforces it by a cosmic theology. and reiterates it in the face of actual persecution. 1 Clement was written when Christianity knew itself ootter from exper1ence. That experience of authority in Rome's case 1s reflected in the letter. Roman Christianity, like other Otlental religions, from the start, was a minority group. By its origin, springing out of Juda.ism, and in apparent form somewhat wedded to it, it first enjoyed some of its pdvUegos before 90vernment. 132 But, dating from the Urc of July 19, 64 A.D., Christianity 131W.K.L. Clarke, First Epistle of St. Clem"qt, pp. 29-30. 132Legal status and right to form assoolaUons. The JewIsh merohant, in Rome since the third century, b.c., may have been indebted to the Caesars . But the Caosars were also Indebted to him.. There were Urnes, under Tibedus (14-37 a .d.) and Claudius (41 -54) when the Jewish population lost favor. But for the most part those of the diaspora experienoed profitable" exile" • Several monographs describe their poslt1om G. La Plana, "Pore1gn Groups in Rome during the First Centuries of the Emp1r'e," Harvard Theological Review, (1927); J.Juster, Las lulfs dans l'empireroma1n (Paris, 1914); J.8. Frey, "Las oommunautes Ju1ves a Rome aux premiers temps de PEgUsa," Recherohes de Solenoe Re1tgleu~, 20 (1930) pp. 269-297; 21 (1931), pp. 129-168: Idem, "Le Judatsme ~ Rome awe premiers temps de l'Eglise, "Biblical 12(1931), pp. 129-156: For an historical approach, Cf. EmU SchUrer, A Htsto!'X of the Jewish Pao21e in the Time of Iesus~, ed. Nahum Glatzer (New York: Schocken Books, Inc. I 1961). 91 was to be outlawed for throe hundred years. 13~ At bast I it was tolaratad. Its radix, Juda1sm had fallor~ 1n disfavor 11\ Palast1ne. But the di'S!lPord of Rome was reaarded as a tiny national S3ct minding its own business and contributing to the economy of Rome. It sald its prayers and attempted no nlis slonizaUon. 13 But Christianity was of itself missionary. It soon found itoil way into iVety strata of society. Before Petor, and certainly before Paul arrived it had flourished. Paul eVElU sdlutes Christians who are membars of "Caesart s household." (Pb1I .4:22). 'rl1a community whose wishes Clement expraSged quite probably was a rather Indei:>endent, heteroqeneous group, welded to gether by two persecutions and an aworsnass of its oneness in Chrlst. 135 133Tacltu., writing in Circa. 11S a.d •• alleges Nero used the Christians as scapegoat; ~nn. xv.44, as Cited In W.K.L. Clarke, p.5). "Non Ucat esse Chrlstianos" did not stop the Christian from gathering in spite of it. There were times of tolerance, but not 10 pOint of law; Cf. Frey, pp.216-271; Paul AUard. Histoire des Persecutions pendant les deux premiers Si@clf:; (Parts, 1911), pp. 112-174 1 34The Edict of Claudius 1n 49, a.d. served the Jews with a so- called expulsion. It also affected the ludaeo-Chdstlan and proselyte who lived 1n the shade of Judaism at the time, to what degree it 1s uncertain. But the expulsion was probably not very thorough, and by 95 or 96 the exiles would be fe-established in anothGr Roman generation. l'Whereas at Alexandria and Rome Judaism was ob1196d to exercise prudence. In Asia it was 1es3 threatened and could be more vlrulent. II Cited by 1. Dan lelou from G. Dix, Jew and Greek (London , 1953). pp.53-62 in Danielou, Theology of Jewish Christianity, p. 385 . 1 35.rhe independent foundation of Rome from Jerusalem may account lo.r its being the self-direoted group from which emitted 1 Clement. At first sight the Roman Church of 96 a.d. would seem to gather a1lits glory from Peter and Paul and the martyrs of its pGtsecuted community. But "vls1tors from Rome" (Acts 2:10) 1n Jerusalem were heard II speaking' 1n our own languages of the wonderful works of God. II (Acts 2:11). The sam 92 It had accomplished this in spite of wide cultural and sociological disparities among its converts. / How would such a religion appear to Roman authorities? 136 It was re- garded with disfavor as early as the writing of Acts: "everywhere spoken against." (Acts 28:22). Although the Jews scapegoated it for Roman eyes, it is not fair to lay the entire blame on them. Within itself Christianity held some of the causes. Some of these were inheoted from Judaism, and would appear glaringly when Christianity was seen separate from it. Unlike the Jews I Christians did not appear to the Romans as a nation. They were a religion, a new and perhaps intolerant religion. Roman religion represented religion in its totality . 137 ChrIstianity was A religion which took charismdtics were thought "full of new wine. " (Acts 2: 13) . Are not these the first Roman apostles of whom 1 Clement says "they went forth in the assurance of the Holy Spirit preaching· the good news that the Kingdom of God is coming. They preached from district to district, and from city to city, and they ap pointed their first co~w.erts , testing them by the Spirit, to be bishops and deacons of future believers." (1 Clem 42:3-4)? The Church of Rome had their own ministry, indigenous from the start, continued by "those appointed by them. or later on by other eminent men, with the consent of the whole church. " (l Clem 44: 3) • Would this not explain its mature ec.clesiological love in our Epistle? It would expla1n also the concern for a Church which would depose its ministers "who have blamelessly and holily offered its sacri fices," (1 Clem 44: 5) "despite their good service." (1 Clem 44: 6) . 136The attitude of Minutius Felix may be indicative: itA people of profane conspiracy. • •• a secret race, avoiding the light, silent in public, chattering in corners •••• (who) recognized one another by secret marks and signs, and loved one another almost before they knew one another, calling each other by the suspicious name of 'brother' . " From Octavius ,cc. 8, 9, 31 as cited in Charles Gore, The Church and the Ministry , (revised by C . H . Turner) (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1919), p . 25. .. A people of profane conspiracy. " .• an interesting comment from secular authority. The notes of defensiveness slight eccentricity. and love reaching out to strangers, are distinguishable. 137See F.C . Grant, "Religio Licita," in Studia Pdtristica, (ed.) F . L.Cross (Berlin: Academie-·Verlag, 1961). pp.84-89 . If Roman disfavor was toward Christian intolerance, one can imagine that the later Apologists played right into their hands . 93 issue with others by way of its missionary monotheism. It was ,not as narrow as its Jewish forbears but carried over from it some of its exclusivism. / In any social framework it opposed polytheism I idolatry and state cultic forms as being untrue to its conception of life. If Roman persecution singled it out I perhaps only to drive its intolerance deeper I the blame may be laid in part to Christianity itself. This would be all the more true where Jewish converts were in the majority. 1 Clement is a gentle exhortation to peace. All authority receives respect and divine mandate. The Christian hearing such a letter would feel more at one with h1s environment. There is no desperate plea to hold on to the faith until a soon to come" D.:lY of the Lord" would liberate the believer, The per secutors and persecuted were mingling daily. 138 The Chufc,h had to settle down to live with the fact. It is to the credit of the Church of Rome that it could formulate a message so necessary and so replete with imagery t style and tone from the Graeco-Roman world. Behind the many scriptural and doc trinal statements is a redactor acutely aware of the contemporary scene. What is so often taken as a typically traditional Reman manifesto t is a very original reshaping of the message of Christianity. When the troubles at Corinth had long sinee passed I it was still reud for the Qene.fit of citizens of God' 5 Kingdom who were also subjects of Rome. l38Ughtfoot, 1, p.382 . 94 Conclusion Clement's ten uses of the word nyou.mevoi [ill show that th8 a uthoriies designated by it have a religious function a nd a ma ndate from God. The two clear references to church nyoumevoi. both judging from the text and its con- text, are allusions or literal dependents on Christ's discourse on Christian leadership at the Last Supper. The word in Clement may have the prophetio overtones of Lucan usage. But the meaning and use of the word is subject to a turn of mind which is not exhausted by a practical concern with Corinthian ministerial issues. The sub structure of the letter is Clement's natural cosmic theology. Life in Christ for Clement must be in accord with the general order, peace and harmony of the universe . The particular strivings o.f the Christian must be . s.ubordinated to the divine ordering. God 1s dbove all the God of peace and harmony. His will is that man might unite himself to Christ in wnom the Father-Creator-Ma ster is imaged perfectly. Human authority helps order man's service to God. The biblical eler.'lents in the letter and informing the word under study are controlled and used at the service of this deeper thought-pattern of the redactor. The prophetic and community principles are ostensibly the means by which Clement attains his purpose . But these also are tempered by the ethic and transformed by the Hellenistic conception of God and man. It is difficult to reconstruct the thought of Clement and artificial to t ry to separate the specifically Christian, Helleni stic or Jewish influences which are brought to bear throughout the letter and on a given word. There 95 is no evidenc~ that one or the other is vying for attention. The word nyoumevoi i s a case in point . It has a history of secubr, Jmvish and I Christian usage . In 1 Clement, probably for the first time it harmoniously embraces previous use and meanings, 'Nhile serving to emphacize leadership in all forms as a unity of service set up by God fot obtaining the peace and harmony He wills . This is most strikingly seen in the closing prayer of 1 Clement. The word study has taken such a direction that the student is left with more questions than answers. The veneration and prayer for both Christian and imperial authorities poses the question: Could the Corinthian Church problems have been a symptom of a more radical disillusionment with ClU- thority In general? The persecutions and internal ecclesiastical strife may have been a vicious circle of cause and effect. If this were even partt~lly true, one can understand better the particular effectiveness of 1 Clement . In a letter exhorting to peace, under a single word it convincingly argues for Christian obedience to authorities as conceived according to three different cultures. The function of authority is sacred in any form . Clement's use of the word nyoumevoi• I shows t h'at there 1S common ground for Christian and pagan morality. This appears to be the specifically Christian contribution of 1 Clement. When the letter from Rome was read in the Eucharistic assembly \, it became an expression of Christian faith . There I the meaning of the word::;, \ the examples from contemporary 11fe or sacred history were transformed so ~ as to have a force greater than they could have had by themselves . It was in the unity of that assembly that perhaps what was best of East and West, Christian or Pagan, in the conception of nyo~mevoi found oneness in Jesus Christ. 96 BlBl-tQGRAPHY / BOOKS I. Prlma{l SQUfOe~ . Bauer r W. s;iriess;:hlsch-d2utsches WOrterbuoh zu den Schdften des Neuen Ts;!>taml}nt§ unsl der ubrigen yrch!1stl1chen Literatur. Fourth Edition (1949-1952) as revised and translated into Engl1sh by W. F. Arndt and F. W. Gingrich; A Greek- En.glish Lexicon of the New Testament and othgr §ady ghr!s$ian Literature. Chicago~ Univer sity of Chicago Press, 1957. 8attenson I Henry. (ad . trans.) The Early C hrlst1an Fathers. 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