UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO The
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Second Generation
HISTORY The New Mexican-Americans in Wartime America: riots reflect the state of the Mexican American pop How the "Z-Oot Suit Riots" and the "Second Generation" events shape the future of the Mexican American c Transformed Mexican-American Ethnic Politics Brady Dvorak In this paper, l will show how the unique state oft especially the first US-born generation of Mexican Abstract second generation) - coupled with the anxiety of\ This paper looks at the unique demographic, economic, and cultural state of ethnic Mexicans living of racial tensions in Los Angeles. And, I will sho\\ in the United States during World War II and how the "Zoot Suit Riots" both refl ected the wartime riots" created by the sensationalistic press affected ethnic relations between Latinos and Anglos and influenced the future of Mexican American civil campaign in two ways: (1) Popular interpretation< rights movements. In particular, the riots will be examined within the context of the emergence of a American youth, bridging a correlation between et pachuco youth culture within the second generation of US-born ethnic Mexicans. Newspaper there being any racial discrimination during the ric articles of the time and complimentary research will also show how popular public perception of perception of there being no racial element of disc the events affected the way in which Mexican American community leaders would negotiate the communities. With Mexican American activists or ethnic politics of civil rights until the 1960s. anti-Mexican sentiment, they preached uncompror while ignoring the more complex problems of disc Introduction disparity between Latinos and Anglos in the Unite ne of the most notorious episodes in the history of US ethnic relations, and certainly in Mexican Americans, Pachucos, and World 0 Mexican American history, was the so called "zoot suit riots" that took place in wartime Los Angeles. -
“Mexican Repatriation: New Estimates of Total and Excess Return in The
“Mexican Repatriation: New Estimates of Total and Excess Return in the 1930s” Paper for the Meetings of the Population Association of America Washington, DC 2011 Brian Gratton Faculty of History Arizona State University Emily Merchant ICPSR University of Michigan Draft: Please do not quote or cite without permission from the authors 1 Introduction In the wake of the economic collapse of the1930s, hundreds of thousands of Mexican immigrants and Mexican Americans returned to Mexico. Their repatriation has become an infamous episode in Mexican-American history, since public campaigns arose in certain locales to prompt persons of Mexican origin to leave. Antagonism toward immigrants appeared in many countries as unemployment spread during the Great Depression, as witnessed in the violent expulsion of the Chinese from northwestern Mexico in 1931 and 1932.1 In the United States, restriction on European immigration had already been achieved through the 1920s quota laws, and outright bans on categories of Asian immigrants had been in place since the 19th century. The mass immigration of Mexicans in the 1920s—in large part a product of the success of restrictionist policy—had made Mexicans the second largest and newest immigrant group, and hostility toward them rose across that decade.2 Mexicans became a target for nativism as the economic collapse heightened competition for jobs and as welfare costs and taxes necessary to pay for them rose. Still, there were other immigrants, including those from Canada, who received substantially less criticism, and the repatriation campaigns against Mexicans stand out in several locales for their virulence and coercive nature. Repatriation was distinct from deportation, a federal process. -
Borderlands of the Rio Grande Valley: Where Two Worlds
BORDERLANDS OF THE RIO GRANDE VALLEY: WHERE TWO WORLDS BECOME ONE by Nora Lisa Cavazos, M.A. A thesis submitted to the Graduate Council of Texas State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts with a Major in International Studies August 2014 Committee Members: Paul Hart, Chair John McKiernan-Gonzalez Robert Gorman COPYRIGHT by Nora Lisa Cavazos 2014 FAIR USE AND AUTHOR’S PERMISSION STATEMENT Fair Use This work is protected by the Copyright Laws of the United States (Public law94-553, section 107). Consistent with fair use as defined in the Copyright Laws, brief quotations from this material are allowed with proper acknowledgment. Use of this material for financial gain without the author’s express written permission is not allowed. Duplication Permission As copyright holder of this work I, Nora Lisa Cavazos authorize duplication of this work, in whole or in part, for educational or scholarly purposes only. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would sincerely like to thank my family for inspiring me to write about the reality of such a complicatedly beautiful place. Without the love and support from my Mom, Dad, Linda, Melissa, David, Noah, and Jaeden, none of this would have been possible. For all the times they extended their home, their food, and their stress relieving techniques, I am undoubtedly thankful. A big thank you to Dr. Paul Hart, Dr. John McKiernan-Gonzalez, and Dr. Robert Gorman for encouraging my study of the Rio Grande Valley, the place I love the most, and for pushing me beyond what I knew I was capable of. -
Los Veteranos—Latinos in WWII
Los Veteranos—Latinos in WWII Over 500,000 Latinos (including 350,000 Mexican Americans and 53,000 Puerto Ricans) served in WWII. Exact numbers are difficult because, with the exception of the 65th Infantry Regiment from Puerto Rico, Latinos were not segregated into separate units, as African Americans were. When war was declared on December 8, 1941, thousands of Latinos were among those that rushed to enlist. Latinos served with distinction throughout Europe, in the Pacific Theater, North Africa, the Aleutians and the Mediterranean. Among other honors earned, thirteen Medals of Honor were awarded to Latinos for service during WWII. In the Pacific Theater, the 158th Regimental Combat Team, of which a large percentage was Latino and Native American, fought in New Guinea and the Philippines. They so impressed General MacArthur that he called them “the greatest fighting combat team ever deployed in battle.” Latino soldiers were of particular aid in the defense of the Philippines. Their fluency in Spanish was invaluable when serving with Spanish speaking Filipinos. These same soldiers were part of the infamous “Bataan Death March.” On Saipan, Marine PFC Guy Gabaldon, a Mexican-American from East Los Angeles who had learned Japanese in his ethnically diverse neighborhood, captured 1,500 Japanese soldiers, earning him the nickname, the “Pied Piper of Saipan.” In the European Theater, Latino soldiers from the 36th Infantry Division from Texas were among the first soldiers to land on Italian soil and suffered heavy casualties crossing the Rapido River at Cassino. The 88th Infantry Division (with draftees from Southwestern states) was ranked in the top 10 for combat effectiveness. -
Trends in the Hired Farm W( Force, 1945-J
? Aq& ■CJ ^afís, UnMed States *ii! Oepartmjintof Agricunure Trends in the Economic Research Service Hired Farm W( Agriculture Information Bulletin Force, 1945-J Number 561 Victor J. Olivetra ^ 'f W' 917698 Want Another Copy? It's Easy. Just dial 1-800-999-6779. Toll free. Ask for Trends in the Hired Farm Worl< Force, 1945-87 {AIB-561 ). The cost is $3 per copy. For non-U.S. addresses, add 25 percent (includes Canada). Charge your purchase to your VISA or MasterCard, or we can bill you. Or send a check or purchase order (made payable to ERS-NASS) to: ERS-NASS P.O. Box 1608 Rockville, MD 20850. We'll fill your order via 1st class mail. Trends In the Hired Farm Work Force, 1945-87. By Victor J, Oüveira, Agriculture and Rural Economy Division, Economic Research Service, U.S. Department of Agriculture. Agriculture Information Bulletin No. 561. Abstract New technology, nonfarm labor conditions, farm prices, and government policies have altered both the size and composition of the hired farm work force. Average annual farm employment dropped 70 percent between 1945 and 1987. Although family members continue to provide the major portion of agricultural labor, hired farmworl<ers contribute relatively more labor now, 36 percent in 1987 compared with 22 percent in 1945. The numbers of domestic workers and legally admitted foreign nationals doing hired farmwork have stabilized in recent years after wide variations responding to wartime labor shortages, changes in government work programs, and increased mechanization. The number of illegal aliens working in U.S. agriculture is unknown owing to lack of accurate data, but the increase in apprehensions of these aliens after 1965 suggests a large population. -
Sample Pages
Table of Contents Preface . .vii How to Use This Book . .xi Research Topics for Defining Moments: The Zoot Suit Riots . .xiii NARRATIVE OVERVIEW Prologue . .3 Chapter One:Caught in the Currents of Empire and Conquest . .7 Chapter Two: Rising Tensions in California . .25 Chapter Three: A City on Edge . .43 Chapter Four: The Trial of the 38th Street Boys . .59 Chapter Five: The Zoot Suit Riots . .75 Chapter Six: Release from Prison . .91 Chapter Seven: Legacy of the Zoot Suit Riots . .107 BIOGRAPHIES Fletcher Bowron (1887-1968) . .125 Mayor of Los Angeles during the Sleepy Lagoon Trial and Zoot Suit Riots José Díaz (1919-1942) . .128 Mexican Farm Worker Whose Murder Resulted in the Sleepy Lagoon Trial Charles William Fricke (1882-1958) . .131 Judge Who Presided over the 1943 Sleepy Lagoon Murder Trial Alice Greenfield (1917-2009) . .134 Civil Rights Activist and Member of the Sleepy Lagoon Defense Committee v Defining Moments: The Zoot Suit Riots Henry “Hank” Leyvas (1923-1971) . .137 Mexican-American Defendant in the Sleepy Lagoon Murder Trial Carey McWilliams (1905-1980) . .141 American Journalist and Attorney Who Headed the Sleepy Lagoon Defense Committee Edward Roybal (1916-2005) . .145 First Hispanic-American Member of the Los Angeles City Council and Longtime U.S. Representative George Shibley (1910-1989) . .148 Defense Attorney in the Sleepy Lagoon Murder Trial PRIMARY SOURCES Anglo Squatters Swarm Mexican-Owned Haciendas in California . .153 Examples of Anti-Mexican Discrimination in 1930s America . .156 Depression-Era Los Angeles Targets Mexicans for Repatriation . .161 A Los Angeles Police Officer Issues a Racist Report on the Mexican “Element” . -
Finalinvoluntary Deportations Lesson Plan
Identity, Immigration and Economics: The Involuntary Deportations of the 1930s (For use with Episode 2) Lesson Overview This particular lesson examines the involuntary deportations of Mexican immigrants and U.S. citizens of Mexican heritage during the 1930s. This displacement is only one of many legally sanctioned, forced relocations in our nation’s history. It also is an example of how a certain population may be scapegoated during times of economic downturn — and how there is an ongoing tie between immigration policies on the one hand, and economic trends on the other. Students analyze primary accounts and images from the 1930s, develop new vocabulary related to relocation, and demonstrate their understanding through creative writing. (Elements of this lesson were adapted from http://www.learnnc.org/lp/pages/4042.) Grade Level: 7 – 12 Time: 2 – 3 Hours (1 – 2 class periods) Materials • Internet access for research and viewing segment (Los Angeles Deportation) • Copies of student handout, Involuntary Deportation Images and Writing Prompts • Paper and pencils for note-taking and assignment writing/completion • Dictionary (print or online) Lesson Objectives The student will: 1. Define and discuss the difference between immigration, repatriation, deportation, resettlement and internment. 2. Identify the deportation of documented Mexican immigrants and Mexican Americans during the Great Depression. 3. Present her/his learning to the class in the form of a vivid description of the individuals being deported and participate in a class debate on reasons for and against deportation. 4. Understand the importance and significance of the involuntary deportations of the 1930s. 5. Analyze the deportations in the context of immigration policies as connected to economic factors. -
UC Santa Barbara Journal of Transnational American Studies
UC Santa Barbara Journal of Transnational American Studies Title Excerpt from Zoot Suit: The Enigmatic Career of an Extreme Style Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/78k1r8vc Journal Journal of Transnational American Studies, 4(2) Author Peiss, Kathy Publication Date 2012 DOI 10.5070/T842015761 eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Excerpted from Kathy Peiss, Zoot Suit: The Enigmatic Career of an Extreme Style (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011). 6 For JTASZooting Around use the World only ‘‘ ome authorities feel that the only thing to do is to let the whole myste- rious business wear itself out and disappear through inner exhaus- Stion of its possibilities,’’ reported Agnes Meyer in the wake of the Los Angeles riot.1 In fact, it was much harder than those authorities thought to shrug off the zoot suit. During the war and for decades there- after, this style traveled across time and place, appealing to youths whose lives otherwise diverged. It turned up in wartime Great Britain and Aus- tralia, despite orders by their governments to conserve cloth for the du- ration. Bahamian farm hands, brought to Florida to pick crops, surprised their hosts by appearing in zoot suits. Canada had its own versions of zoot-suit unrest in the summer of 1944, and in occupied France, zazous sporting long coats and narrow trousers outraged officials. After the war, young people in other countries—from the stiliagi of the Soviet Union to the tsotsis of South Africa—picked up and adapted elements of an extreme style that had originated in American culture. -
The Bracero Program (1942-1964) a Critical Appraisal
THE BRACERO PROGRAM (1942-1964) A CRITICAL APPRAISAL JORGE DURAND ABSTRACT. Because of its dimension and duration, the Bracero Program (1942-1964) has been perhaps the most relevant example worldwide of a Temporary Workers Program. However, it has been widely criticized and not thoroughly studied. This article uses documents from the time to reappraise the pros and cons of the Bracero Program and re- formulates the possibility of a future program of temporary workers for Mexico and the United States. KEYWORDS: Bracero Program, Migration, Temporary Workers, Mexico, United States. 2007 SECOND SEMESTER 25 MIGRACIÓN Y DESARROLLO JORGE DURAND THE BRACERO PROGRAM INTRODUCTION he discussion about the relevance of a bilateral agreement to develop a new program for migrant workers makes it essential to look back on the Bracero Program. Although it is an old topic, it still contains rectifi- able mistakes and wise examples. The Bracero Program has ultimately Tbeen the largest and most far-reaching and consistent effort to think and reflect on this topic and the problem of temporary contracts for migrant workers. The immediate background of the Bracero Program was the labor-recruiting system known as enganche (“hooking”) and the mass deportations from the 1920s and 1930s. Both modes of recruiting and managing migrant labor were dreadful. The enganche system, a private business of the recruiting agencies, was a model of extreme exploitation that left recruitment, transportation, salaries, internal man- agement of labor camps and work loads in private hands. The consequences of this system were unfair contracts, eternal indebtedness, miserable life condi- tions, child labor, private police and recruitment agencies (Durand, 1993, 1994). -
Quiz Study Guide 1 Sp 2013.Docx.Docx
MAS 10B Quiz #1 Study Guide Acuña: ● What is wrong with the myth that the U.S. “liberated” the land which was “unoccupied?” And to what extent was America NOT the “land of opportunity” for people of Mexican descent in the early 1900s? ● Name at least one positive outcome of the mining strikes and labor organizing in the mines. ● What led to the dramatic growth of population in the Southwest? ● Why were growers and capitalists forced to look toward Blacks in the South and Mexicans in the Southwest for the labor force at the end of the 1800s and into the early 1900s? ● What were some of the characteristics and conditions of the different types of labor (railroad, mining, farm work, for example)? ● How did Mexicans respond to the poor labor conditions in the fields and orchards? ● Flores Magon Brothers ● Why did Anti-Mexican hysteria develop as a result of the Great Depression of the 1930s? How does the nation react, both through policy and the treatment of Mexican Americans? Give specific examples of policies that affect Mexican Americans. ● Mutualistas ● Why was there a sharp increase of Mexican migration north during 1910-1920? ● “Mexican Schools”/Lemon Grove Incident ● Explain “Barrioization” and the factors that lead to the creation of ethnic enclaves. Describe the experience/s of at least one urban Mexican American community as detailed in Acuña. ● Repatriation/Federal Deportation Programs ● When did the Repatriation acts take place? ● What does Repatriation mean literally? ● What were the main causes of the Great Depression? ● Emma Tenayucca ● Rosalio Ronquillo ● LULAC ● Why did LULAC want to separate themselves from Mexican Immigrants? ● How was the participation and goals of the U.S. -
Chicano Latino Studies 139 the Bracero Guest Worker Program
Chicano Latino Studies 139 The Bracero Program Winter 2010 ELH 110 Gilbert G. Gonzalez, Instructor Esther Castillo, Sociology, TA SSPA 4123 SSPA 4102 [email protected] Office Hours: By Appointment Hours: Mon. & Wed. 1:30-2:30pm [email protected] ph: 4-5273 ph: 4-9908 (only during office hours) Course Description In 1942 the United States negotiated a guest worker agreement with Mexico known as the Bracero Program. Proponents, primarily corporate agriculture, justified it as a means for overcoming a wartime labor shortage. However, other reasons were involved in the decision making. The conventional explanation for the Program remains to this day a shortage of labor, but labor unionism was widespread in the 1930s, especially in California, and appears to be the more important reason for implementing the Program. The Program lasted into 1964, long after the war ended, and brought into the United States an untold number of men, and only men, estimated by some to number about 5 million to work mainly in agriculture. During the 22 years of the Program a number of severe criticisms were directed at the Program which ranged from accusations of outright slavery to a means to destroy labor unionism in agriculture. However, the U.S. government, which administered the Program, and the employers of braceros consistently maintained that highest labor standards were strictly observed. Via an emphasis on film, the course will examine the Program in detail, including but not limited to: the reasons why the Program was implemented; the work performed; the treatment of the men; their wages and living standards; the effects on the economy of Mexico; the main beneficiaries and a host of other aspects relevant to the Program. -
Braceros, Mexicans, Americans, and Schools: (Re) Imagining Teaching and Learning in Mexican America
Braceros, Mexicans, Americans, and Schools: (Re) imagining Teaching and Learning in Mexican America Francisco Guajardo, University of Texas-Pan American Stephanie Alvarez, University of Texas-Pan-American Miguel Guajardo, Texas State University Samuel García Jr., Texas State University José Ángel Guajardo, Mexicano Elder Jocabed Márquez, Texas State University This article examines the stories of Braceros, Mexican contract workers who participated in an international labor agreement between the United States and México between 1942 and 1964. The stories Braceros tell challenge some conventional historiographical notions that they were powerless agents and victims of exploitative labor practices. The stories shed new light regarding the kinds of agency and power Braceros actually displayed in negotiating certain circumstances specific to their work. Ángel: Prisciliano de La Cruz y yo nos Angel: Prisciliano de la Cruz and I met in conocimos en el 1941 cuando teníamos seis 1941, when we were six years old and años y éramos alumnos de primaria en la primary school students in a rural school in escuela rural en rancho de San Felipe, en el the village of San Felipe, in the northern norte de México en el estado de Nuevo León. Mexican state of Nuevo Leon. Our school La escuela fue construida como parte de una was built as part of President Lázaro iniciativa rural del Presidente Lázaro Cardenas’ rural development initiatives of the Cárdenas durante los años treinta. Prisciliano 1930s. Prisciliano and I formed a strong bond y yo formamos una buena relación de amistad as kids and shared experiences that would como niños y vivimos experiencias juntos que last a lifetime, even though we spent time durarían una vida entera aunque sólo together only during that one year in school.