Lished by the General Assembly in 1972 to Be an Internati

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Lished by the General Assembly in 1972 to Be an Internati The United Nations University is an organ of the United Nations estab- lished by the General Assembly in 1972 to be an international community of scholars engaged in research, advanced training, and the dissemination of knowledge related to the pressing global problems of human survi- val, development, and welfare. Its activities focus mainly on the areas of peace and governance, environment and sustainable development, and science and technology in relation to human welfare. The University oper- ates through a worldwide network of research and postgraduate training centres, with its planning and coordinating headquarters in Tokyo. The United Nations University Press, the publishing division of the UNU, publishes scholarly and policy-oriented books and periodicals in areas related to the University’s research. Enhancing global governance Foundations of Peace Note to the reader The United Nations University Press series on the Foundations of Peace ad- dresses themes that relate to the evolving agenda of peace and security within and between communities. Traditional or conventional conceptions of security, primarily military and interstate, have been supplemented, or perhaps even sur- passed, by a definition of security which rests upon much broader tenets, includ- ing human rights, cultural and communal rights, environmental and resource se- curity, and economic security. To resolve the dialectic between state security and human security it is necessary to envision a wide agenda of international peace and security that embraces these tenets and the potential tensions that exist be- tween them and the interstate context. International actors, such as the United Nations and non-governmental organizations, are also increasingly playing a cen- tral role in building the foundations of sustainable peace. This series promotes theoretical as well as policy-relevant discussion on these crucial issues. Titles currently available: Peacekeepers, Politicians, and Warlords: The Liberian Peace Process by Abiodun Alao, John Mackinlay, and Funmi Olonisakin Human Rights and Comparative Foreign Policy edited by David P. Forsythe Asia’s Emerging Regional Order: Reconciling Traditional and Human Security edited by William T. Tow, Ramesh Thakur, and In-Taek Hyun Conflict Prevention: Path to Peace or Grand Illusion? edited by David Carment and Albrecht Schnabel Enhancing Global Governance: Towards a New Diplomacy? edited by Andrew Cooper, John English, and Ramesh Thakur Enhancing global governance: Towards a new diplomacy? Edited by Andrew F. Cooper, John English, and Ramesh Thakur United Nations a University Press TOKYO u NEW YORK u PARIS 6 The United Nations University, 2002 The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations University. United Nations University Press The United Nations University, 53-70, Jingumae 5-chome, Shibuya-ku, Tokyo, 150-8925, Japan Tel: þ81-3-3499-2811 Fax: þ81-3-3406-7345 E-mail: [email protected] (sales and marketing) [email protected] http://www.unu.edu United Nations University Office in North America 2 United Nations Plaza, Room DC2-2050-2058, New York, NY 10017, USA Tel: þ1-212-963-6387 Fax: þ1-212-371-9454 E-mail: [email protected] United Nations University Press is the publishing division of the United Nations University. Cover design by Andrew Corbett Printed in the United States of America UNUP-1074 ISBN 92-808-1074-X Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Enhancing global governance : towards a new diplomacy? / edited by Andrew F. Cooper, John English, and Ramesh Thakur. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 92-808-1074-X 1. International organization. I. Cooper, Andrew Fenton, 1950– II. English, John, 1945– III. Thakur, Ramesh Chandra, 1948– JZ4850 .E54 2002 341.2—dc21 2002005674 Contents Preface................................................................. vii 1 Like-minded nations, NGOs, and the changing pattern of diplomacy within the UN system: An introductory perspective......................................................... 1 Andrew F. Cooper 2 The future of the UN Security Council: Questions of legitimacy and representation in multilateral governance . 19 W. Andy Knight 3 The new diplomacy at the United Nations: How substantive? . 38 David Malone 4 Why is the USA not a like-minded country? Some structural notesandhistoricalconsiderations ............................... 55 James Reed 5 Global civil society and the Ottawa process: Lessons from the movement to ban anti-personnel mines . ......................... 69 Maxwell A. Cameron v vi CONTENTS 6 The United Nations, NGOs, and the land-mines initiative: An Australianperspective............................................. 90 William Maley 7 Harnessing social power: State diplomacy and the land-mines issue................................................................ 106 Iver B. Neumann 8 Peace, justice, and politics: The International Criminal Court, ‘‘newdiplomacy’’,andtheUNsystem ........................... 133 Alistair D. Edgar 9 Between counter-hegemony and post-hegemony: The Rome Statute and normative innovation in world politics. ........... 152 Philip Nel 10 Industry regulation and self-regulation: The case of labour standards........................................................... 162 Virginia Haufler 11 Negotiating a code of conduct: A Canadian experience. 187 John English 12 Doing the business? The International Chamber of Commerce, the United Nations, and the Global Compact . 203 Brian Hocking and Dominic Kelly 13 Codes of conduct and children in armed conflicts . ........... 229 Deirdre van der Merwe and Mark Malan 14 Smarter, sharper, stronger? UN sanctions and conflict diamonds in Angola . ....................................... 248 Kim Richard Nossal 15 Securityinthenewmillennium................................... 268 Ramesh Thakur Acronyms.............................................................. 287 Contributors........................................................... 290 Index................................................................... 293 Preface This edited collection is derived from papers presented at two confer- ences, one in Canada in September 1999 and another in Japan in July 2000. The conferences focused on the theme of the United Nations and ‘‘new diplomacy’’. Participants at these conferences analysed both the structural and the situational conditions opening up (and imposing con- straints) on a diplomacy that is changing in form, scope, and intensity. The operating assumption guiding the research project was that alterna- tive sources of innovation were developing through bottom-up modes of leadership from both so-called ‘‘like-minded’’ states and the enhanced role of civil society in contemporary diplomacy. The questions of how and where these alternative leadership forms were expressed through the UN system underpinned the papers and the discussion. To gain a better insight into this dynamic the Canadian conference ex- amined two specific cases, namely the development of the Ottawa Treaty to ban anti-personnel land-mines and the campaign to establish an inter- national criminal court. In the case of the land-mines initiative, the trigger- ing effect of organizational frustration was brought to the fore. Deemed to be an inadequate means of resolution, several states and a variety of NGOs mounted what can be called an ‘‘end run’’ around the Conference on Disarmament. In some ways, therefore, the land-mines case rep- resented a challenge to the established power/institutional structure. In other ways, though, the case demonstrates the capacity of the UN system to allow improvisation and innovation. Similar lessons can be drawn vii viii PREFACE from the case of the International Criminal Court. As in the land-mines episode, the creation of the ICC faced formidable opposition not only from members of the P5 in the UN Security Council but also from lead- ing jurists associated with the existing International War Crimes Tribu- nal. Yet, akin to the model developed on land-mines, support for the ICC was mobilized by a diverse coalition of like-minded countries and NGOs. Both of these cases were thought by the participants at the conference to emphasize the diffuse and uneven nature of the emerging international system. While some expressed concern that the effect of these initiatives would be to overextend the UN system, others expressed enthusiasm about the implications these ‘‘end runs’’ would create in terms of frag- menting authority. The Tokyo conference helped sustain a variety of themes that emerged from the Canadian discussions. Moreover, a number of other important points were developed more fully. For one thing, the question of the ge- neric or exceptional quality of the land-mines and the ICC campaigns was examined. Although the land-mines and ICC cases possessed many unique features, both practitioners and academics felt that there may be lessons to be learned from the land-mines treaty/ICC for other humani- tarian issues such as child soldiers and small-arms trafficking. For another thing, the question of individual as well as collective leadership within the United Nations was brought into the equation. In both the land-mines and the criminal court campaigns, the majority of the P5 on the Security Council were opposed until well into the campaign, yet the Secretary- General gave strong support to the movement, especially in the case of the land-mines campaign. Finally, the question of whether
Recommended publications
  • 'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
    ‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath.
    [Show full text]
  • The Evolution of the Israeli Party System Gyula Gazdik
    The evolution of the Israeli party system Gyula Gazdik he Israelis pride themselves in being the only democracy in the Middle East. At first sight this claim seems to be the case. It is true to say that while the region's TIslamic countries made numerous attempts during the past decades to reform their institutional system - by contrast to the Jewish state - they made little progress with respect to the liberalisation of society and executive control. However, such comparison can only be ostensible, since the exercise of power is largely influenced by the historical and cultural diversity of the countries under scrutiny. The situation of the Palestinian population of Israel is the primary target of various critiques with respect to Israeli democracy.1 Israel - with a population of six million - is a multiethnic, multi-religious and multicultural country.2 Eighty per cent of the population is Jewish and - besides the 17 per cent-strong Arab community - there are also Druses, Circassians and other minorities. The coexistence of three regional monotheistic religions makes the country unique. While one half of the Jewish population was in Israel, the other half comprises immigrants from 70 countries. As a consequence of the wave of large-scale immigration from the successor states of the Soviet Union at the end of the 1980s, approximately 800,000 people arrived in the country. This enduring multicultural environment had an intrinsic effect on national integration. Whereas this persistent hostile environment, which has endured since the creation of the state in 1948, coupled with the feeling of insecurity following the Arab- Israeli conflict reinforced this process, the continuing division between the various Jewish communities retarded integration.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • D290 Roy Macleod Collection
    University of Wollongong Archives (WUA) D Collections D290 Roy MacLeod Collection Creator: Professor Roy MacLeod Historical Note: Roy MacLeod is Professor Emeritus of History, and an Honorary Associate in the History and Philosophy of Science and the Centre for International Security Studies at the University of Sydney. He was educated in History, the Biochemical Sciences, and the History of Science at Harvard University, in sociology at the London School of Economics, and in History and the History of Science at Cambridge, where he received his PhD in 1967. In recognition of his work, he has since been awarded a Doctorate of Letters from Cambridge (2001), and an honorary doctorate from the University of Bologna (2005), and has received prizes and honours from several institutions in Germany, Sweden, Belgium, and Britain. In 1971, he co-founded the quarterly journal Social Studies of Science, and was its co-editor until 1991. Between 2000 and 2008, he served as Editor in Chief of Minerva, and currently serves on the editorial boards of several other journals. He is the author or editor of twenty-five books and some 150 articles in the social history of science, medicine and technology, military history, Australian, American and European history, university history, research policy, and policy for higher education. The Nuclear Archives at Wollongong reflects the nature and content of research and graduate course work begun and led by Professor MacLeod for over three decades. The archives date from 1945, and hold much material relating to the Australian Atomic Energy Commission (AAEC), and its successor, the Australian National Nuclear Science and Technology Organisation (ANSTO), as well as the history of uranium mining, weapons testing, environmental reportage, and nuclear diplomacy, both in Australia and around the world.
    [Show full text]
  • Why One-More-Heave Is Likely to Fail Labour
    THINK PIECE #89 Big but brittle: Why one-more-heave is likely to fail Labour Matthew Sowemimo September 2017 Matthew managed Christian Aid's campaign THINK PIECE against international tax avoidance. He has equipped grassroots campaigners all over the world #89 with the skills to hold decision makers to account on issues ranging from disability to a living wage. He was Director of Communications at The Cystic Fibrosis Trust and spearheaded the charity's high profile campaign on lung transplantation in 2014. Matthew has published academic articles on Labour and Conservative party politics and is a Compass Associate. This paper has benefitted from the observations and comments of Barry Langford and Neal Lawson, although the political judgements are the authors own. ABOUT THIS PUBLICATION Whether the next general election is sooner or later it will almost certainly be hotly contested. Is Labour’s surprise showing in June 2017 a base to build from or a high water mark? Should the Party go for a one more heave approach to get over the line or adopt a more hegemonic and alliance based approach? This Think Piece look at the evidence and suggests Labour may have reached a glass ceiling and this combined with a new level of voter volatility demands a fresh electoral strategy. We are keen to keep exploring these key issues and would welcome any comments or ideas about how. Published September 2017 by Compass Compass Think Pieces are shorter, sharper and By Matthew Sowemimo more immediate responses to key issues. The ideas © Compass and the thoughts are always those of the author, not All rights reserved.
    [Show full text]
  • Averting a Nonproliferation Disaster
    Decision Time on the Indian Nuclear Deal: Help Avert a Nonproliferation Disaster August 15, 2008 Federal Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier Federal Foreign Office Auswartiges Amt 11013 Berlin Germany Dear Minister Dr. Frank-Walter Steinmeier: Your government and other members of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) are being asked to consider the Bush administration’s proposal to exempt India from longstanding NSG guidelines that require comprehensive IAEA safeguards as a condition of supply. As many of us wrote in a January 2008 letter (“Fix the Proposal for Nuclear Cooperation with India” http://legacy.armscontrol.org/pressroom/2008/NSGappeal.asp, India's commitments under the current terms of the proposed arrangement do not justify making far-reaching exceptions to international nonproliferation rules and norms. Contrary to the claims of its advocates, the deal fails to bring India further into conformity with the nonproliferation behavior expected of the member states of the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Unlike 178 other countries, India has not signed the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). It continues to produce fissile material and expand its nuclear arsenal. As one of only three states never to have signed the NPT, it has not made a legally-binding commitment to achieve nuclear disarmament, and it refuses to allow comprehensive, full-scope International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards. Yet the arrangement would give India rights and privileges of civil nuclear trade that have been reserved only for members in good standing under the NPT. It creates a dangerous distinction between "good" proliferators and "bad" proliferators and sends out misleading signals to the international community with regard to NPT norms.
    [Show full text]
  • London School of Econmics and Political Science Anna M. Pluta A
    London School of Econmics and Political Science Legitimising Accession: Transformation Politics and Elite Consensus on EU Membership in Poland, 1989-2003. Anna M. Pluta A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September, 2010. 1 UMI Number: U615B49 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615B49 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 it'iniU S' Acknowledgements First of all, I would like to thank my supervisor, Dr .Piers Ludlow, for his kindness, challenging feedback, and the care he put into reviewing my work. I am also much indebted to Dr.Abby Inness for her very valuable comments. The thesis could not have been formulated without the input the interviewees and I would like to thank them for the time and the insights they offered. Fieldwork in Poland was made possible by funding from the Department of International History at the London School of Economics, for which I am very grateful. I would also like to thank Dr.Kirsten Schulze, without whose support and encouragement this study could not have been completed.
    [Show full text]
  • The Australian Nuclear Disarmament Movement LH Proceedings
    Jonathan Strauss, “The Australian Nuclear Disarmament Movement in the 1980s”, Proceedings of the 14th Biennial Labour History Conference, eds, Phillip Deery and Julie Kimber (Melbourne: Australian Society for the Study of Labour History, 2015), 39-50. ISBN: 978-0-9803883-3-6. The Australian Nuclear Disarmament Movement in the 1980s Jonathan Strauss* In the 1980s, a large, diverse and vibrant nuclear disarmament movement arose in Australia. This paper uses findings from archival research and interviews conducted by the author over several years to show that strategy in the movement was contended and the movement’s debates and internal development had a substantial impact on its rise and decline. The views of movement activists about how to campaign for its demands, such as an end to uranium mining and, especially, for the closure of nuclear war-fighting bases in the country, differed greatly. The appearance of the Nuclear Disarmament Party highlighted divergent views that had arisen in the movement about how to relate to the Australian Labor Party. A potential for alternative political and social leadership underlay the insurgent movement’s arguments. For the last four or so decades, the numbers of people that social movements in Australia have been able to mobilise in protest actions has tended to grow, although the movements have become less sustained and have not provided the same context for political radicalisation. In anti- war campaigns, this can be found in the journey from the Vietnam Moratoriums to the February 2003 marches against the second Gulf War. In between, in the 1980s, the Australian nuclear disarmament movement has been part of this.
    [Show full text]
  • Christian Democracy in Poland (19Th–21St Century)
    DOI:10.17951/k.2017.24.1.179 ANNALES UNIVERSITATIS MARIAE CURIE-SKŁODOWSKA LUBLIN – POLONIA VOL. XXIV, 1 SECTIO K 2017 Jan Kochanowski University in Kielce, Poland MAGDALENA MONIKA MOLENDOWSKA Christian Democracy in Poland (19th–21st Century) ABSTRACT Christian parties, which emerged as organized parliamentary powers in the second half of the 20th century, have a long history and initial phase, which is presented in this paper. The period of their histor- ical, progressive development was a breakthrough, and a transition from the pre-revolutionary era to the post-revolutionary world, characterized by the liberalization of a strong state, industrialization and the emergence of social problems, new ideologies and processes of secularization. The development of Christian-democratic parties in Poland took place with almost two decades of delay in relation to the flowering of Christian democratic parties in Western Europe. The first Christian democratic parties appeared in Poland only in the interwar period. During this period, the weakest point of Polish Christian democrats was the small share of intelligence in its ranks and lack of support from the Catholic Church. In the early 1990s, numerous Christian democratic groups began to appear on the Polish political scene, but none of them retained their positions for longer. First of all, it was characterized by a huge gap, almost arbitrary programme, which often had more to do with conservative ideology than with Christian-democratic one. Key words: Christian democrats, Catholic Church INTRODUCTION This article attempts to answer the question: why is there no Christian party in Po- land, a country where the majority of citizens declare their affiliation to the Catholic Church [Sozańska 2011: 27]? Additionally, it will demonstrate a place for Christian democracy on the Polish political scene.
    [Show full text]
  • US-India Ageement (PDF)
    AUSTRALIA SHOULD BLOCK US-INDIA NUCLEAR DEAL Joint Statement from Australian civil society groups to the Australian Government Before the end of the year the Australian Government will have the opportunity to oppose the US- India nuclear deal at both the IAEA Board of Governors meeting and block the deal at the 45-nation Nuclear Suppliers Group. We urge the Government to oppose the deal for the following reasons: 1. Supporting the US-India deal is inconsistent with the Rudd Labor Government's principled policy of prohibiting uranium exports to India and other countries which have not signed the Nuclear Non- Proliferation Treaty (NPT). 2. Nuclear trade with India undermines the fundamental principle of the global non-proliferation regime – the principle that NPT signatories can engage in international nuclear trade for their civil nuclear programs while countries which remain outside the NPT are excluded from civil nuclear trade. The precedent set by nuclear trade with India would increase the risk of other countries pulling out of the NPT, building nuclear weapons, and doing so with the expectation that civil nuclear trade would continue given the Indian precedent. 3. The US-India deal would allow nuclear trade with India with no requirement for India to dismantle its nuclear arsenal or to join the NPT. This would legitimise India's nuclear weapons program and make it less likely that it will disarm. The US-India deal contains no commitment from India to curb its weapons program, no commitment to refrain from testing nuclear weapons, and no commitment to sign and ratify the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.
    [Show full text]
  • Papers on Parliament Lectures in the Senate Occasional Lecture Series, and Other Papers
    Papers on Parliament Lectures in the Senate Occasional Lecture Series, and other papers Number 68 December 2017 Published and printed by the Department of the Senate Parliament House, Canberra ISSN 1031–976X (online ISSN 2206–3579) Published by the Department of the Senate, 2017 ISSN 1031–976X (online ISSN 2206–3579) Papers on Parliament is edited and managed by the Procedure and Research Section, Department of the Senate. Edited by Ruth Barney All editorial inquiries should be made to: Assistant Director Procedure and Research Section Department of the Senate PO Box 6100 Parliament House CANBERRA ACT 2600 Telephone: (02) 6277 3078 Email: [email protected] To order copies of Papers on Parliament On publication, new issues of Papers on Parliament are sent free of charge to subscribers on our mailing list. If you wish to be included on that mailing list, please contact the Procedure and Research Section of the Department of the Senate at: Telephone: (02) 6277 3074 Email: [email protected] Printed copies of previous issues of Papers on Parliament may be provided on request if they are available. Past issues are available online at: www.aph.gov.au/pops Contents Small Parties, Big Changes: The Evolution of Minor Parties Elected to the Australian Senate 1 Zareh Ghazarian Government–Citizen Engagement in the Digital Age 23 David Fricker Indigenous Constitutional Recognition: The 1967 Referendum and Today 39 Russell Taylor The Defeated 1967 Nexus Referendum 69 Denis Strangman Parliament and National Security: Challenges and Opportunities 99 Anthony Bergin Between Law and Convention: Ministerial Advisers in the Australian System of Responsible Government 115 Yee-Fui Ng Trust, Parties and Leaders: Findings from the 1987–2016 Australian Election Study 131 Sarah Cameron and Ian McAllister iii Contributors Zareh Ghazarian is a lecturer in politics and international relations in the School of Social Sciences at Monash University.
    [Show full text]
  • New Parties in the Long Decade of ALP Government
    New parties in the long decade of ALP government Jonathan Strauss Working class party identification and support changed in the ‘long decade’ (1983-1996) of ALP government. Intense identification with the ALP declined and within the class several attempts were made to form new parties. The pluralist understanding about the relationship of party and class - a party appeals to a class and, if successful, provides that class’ identity - is inadequate for understanding this development. An alternative argument is that a critical mass of especially interested and socially connected people is the basis of collective action not only for social movements but for a party based in the mass of a class. This paper will consider whether or not working class party formation and activity during the long decade provides evidence supporting this argument. The Australian Labor Party won parliamentary majorities and formed the federal government from 1983 until 1996. The electoral basis for that ‘long Labor decade’ (Beilharz 1994, ix) was support from the bulk of the working class. During this decade, however, the character of identification with the ALP within the working class changed. In relation to that change, several attempts to form new parties were supported in the working class. This paper will explore the formation and activity of new parties in the working class during the decade. It will consider whether or not this provides evidence for an argument that a critical mass of especially interested and socially connected people is the basis of collective action not only for social movements but for a party based in the mass of the class.
    [Show full text]