DOCSLIB.ORG

Danijel Dzino Sabaiarius: Beer, Wine and Ammianus Marcellinus in 365

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Danijel Dzino Sabaiarius: Beer, Wine and Ammianus Marcellinus in 365 Danijel Dzino Sabaiarius: Beer, wine and Ammianus Marcellinus In 365 CE the rebellion of the usurper Procopius was raging in Asia Minor, endangering the position of the newly proclaimed emperors Valentinian I and his brother and co-ruler of the East, Valens. 1 Valentinian let his younger brother deal with this rebellion on his own, being already militarily engaged on the northern frontiers. Valens was distracted by simultaneous problems arising on the lower Danube and the eastern border and thus faced initial troubles in dealing with the rebellion.2 In late 365 Valens was besieging Chalcedon, an important stronghold of the usurper. 3 It was a military stand-off; despite many attempts, imperial troops could not take the city by assault, and there was no time for a long siege as the attackers lacked provisions, and rebels could not get out and break the siege.4 Nothing really important for history and the historian seems to be there in that particular moment. However, one of the insults shouted by Procopius' supporters from the walls of Chalcedon was so strikingly significant that the source of historian Ammianus Marcellinus, most certainly one of the eyewitnesses, remembered it well. 5 Ammianus, never being really fond of Valens and Valentinian, 6 singled this insult out and preserved it for posterity. The choir of Cf. R. Till, "Die Kaiserproklamation des Usurpators Procopius", Jahrbuch far friinkische Landesforschung 34/35 (1974/75), 75-83; R.C. Blockley, Ammianus Marce//inus: A study of his historiography and political thought (Collection Latomus 141) (Brussels 1975), 55-62; N.J.E. Austin, Ammianus on Warfare (Collection Latomus 165) (Brussels 1979), 88-92; J. Matthews, The Roman Empire of Ammianus (London 1988), 191-197, for a different aspect of the rebellion. 2 The sources: Amm. Marc. 26.6-10; Zos. 4.5-8; Socr., Hist. eccl. 4.3-8. Cf. Amm. 26.6.4-5; 8.2; 31.1.4; Socr., Hist. eccl. 4.8. 4 Valens adopted a vigorous but unsuccessful strategy in 365, trying to take Constantinople and extinguish the rebellion as soon as possible (Austin, Ammianus on Warfare, 89). He was almost captured by the rebels after retreating from the siege ofChalcedon (Amm. 26.8.2-3). 5 Cf. E.A. Thompson, The Historical Work of Ammianus Marcellinus (Gronningen 1969), 20- 42, esp. 39, on the oral sources of Ammianus Marcellinus. N.J.E. Austin, "A Usurper's Claim to Legitimacy: Procopius in AD 365/6", Rivista storica dell 'antichita 2 ( 1972), 182, argues that the source was favourable towards Procopius. 6 These were largely unsupported allegations by Ammianus, as the brothers did not show more (or less) capability for ruling the empire, nor were they more or less cruel than other rulers (A. Alfoldy, A Conflict of Ideas in the Late Roman Empire: The clash between the senate and Valentinian I, trans. H. Mattingly [Oxford 1952], 3-4, 118 n. 1; Blockley, Ammianus, 46 ff). Ammianus merely reflected a variety of contemporary opinions, cf. M. Humphries, "Nee metu nee adulandi foeditate constricta: the image of Valentinian I from Symmachus to Ammianus", Feast, Fast or Famine. Food and Drink in Byzantium, ed. W. Mayer and S. Trzcionka, Byzantina Australiensia 15 (Brisbane 2005), 57-68. 58 Danijel Dzino defenders repeatedly ridiculed the emperor, calling him 'sabaiarius' .7 Sabaia was, as Ammianus described it, a liquor made from barley or some other grain, usually drunk by the poor in Illyricum; therefore it was a kind of barley beer. 8 Thus sabaiarius meant nothing more than a 'beer-man', or rather a 'beer drinker'. 9 The emperor was of Illyrian origin; his father was born in Cibalae (modern day Vinkovci) in Pannonia. '°From Ammianus' account we also know that Valens was a pot-bellied fellow, 11 perhaps because of his love for sabaia. This insult from the rebels most certainly made him angry for a while, as he could not do anything about it; it was some time at least before he got his revenge, demolishing the walls of Chalcedon in order to construct baths in Constantinople. 12 This paper will try to see why sabaiarius was such a derogatory expression and analyse what Ammianus perhaps wanted to say with that label, besides the obvious insult of Val ens as a drunkard and barbarian. 13 In order to understand the immense complexity hidden behind that word, it is necessary to look into the beer geography of ancient continental Europe, the different drinking cultures of Mediterranean and continental Europe, and Graeco-Roman contempt for beer drinkers, returning finally to the Pannonian emperors of late antiquity and the episode described. What are the other references to sabaia and beer drinking in Illyricum? St Jerome, born and raised in Stridon, in the hinterland of Tarsatica, 14 mentioned that a drink named sabaium was made by the native population in Pannonia and Dalmatia, and he described it as a kind of zythos (beer brewed in Egypt). 15 Cassius in J.W. Drijvers and D. Hunt (eds), The Late Roman World and its Historian (London and New York 1999), 117-126. Cf. n. 60 below. 7 Amm. 26.8.2: " ... cuius e muris probra in eum iaciebantur, et irrisive compellebatur ut Sabaiarius." 8 Ancient beer was a malt liquor close to ale. Cf. R.C. Engs, "Do Traditional Western European Practices Have Origins in Antiquity?", Addiction Research 2(3) (1995), 236 n. 5. 9 As it seems, sabaia I sabaium was a native word from Illyricum, (indoeuropean *sab- = liquid) (H. Krahe, Die Sprache der Jllyrier [Wiesbaden 1955], 38, §29), and sabaiarius could also be a word for a beer-brewer ( as in cervesia-cervesarius CIL 13.10012. 7), A. Meier, Die srache der a/ten Jllyrier I (Vienna 1957), 287-288. 1 Amm. 30.7.2; Alfoldy, A Conflict of Ideas, 9. 11 Amm. 31.14.7: " ... exstanteque mediocriter ventre". 12 Socr., Hist. eccl. 4.8; Amm. 31.1.4. Cf. Amm. 26.10.6-14; Zos. 4.8.4-5; Eunapius, FHG 4.35 (= R.C. Blockley, The Fragmentary Classicising Historians of the Later Roman Empire 2 [Liverpool 1983], 50 [6.34.9]) on the ferocity of Valens' revenge against the supporters of Procopius. 13 "L'injure etait done double elle faisait apparaitre Valens comme un buveur et comme un barbare", in M.A. Marie (ed.), Ammien Marcelin: Histoire, vol. 5 (Paris 1984), 244 n. 107. 14 The hinterland of the modem city of Rijeka. See M. Suic, "Hieronimus Stridonian - Citizen ofTarsatica", Rad JAZU (The Works of Yugoslav Academy of Sciences and Arts) 426/24 (1986), 213-278, who provides the best modem location for the otherwise unknown Stridon, located laconically by Jerome, De vir. Ill. 135, on "Dalmatiae quondam Pannoniaeque confinium". 15 Jerome, Comm. in lsai. 7.19: " ... gentili barbaroque sermone appellatur sabaium". Jerome was not of native origin, nor did he speak the language(s) of the native population in Illyricum (Suic, "Hieronimus", 268-270). A. Valino, "La cervesa en las fuentes romanas: base textual y .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Roman-Barbarian Marriages in the Late Empire R.C
    ROMAN-BARBARIAN MARRIAGES IN THE LATE EMPIRE R.C. Blockley In 1964 Rosario Soraci published a study of conubia between Romans and Germans from the fourth to the sixth century A.D.1 Although the title of the work might suggest that its concern was to be with such marriages through- out the period, in fact its aim was much more restricted. Beginning with a law issued by Valentinian I in 370 or 373 to the magister equitum Theodosius (C.Th. 3.14.1), which banned on pain of death all marriages between Roman pro- vincials and barbarae or gentiles, Soraci, after assessing the context and intent of the law, proceeded to discuss its influence upon the practices of the Germanic kingdoms which succeeded the Roman Empire in the West. The text of the law reads: Nulli provineialium, cuiuscumque ordinis aut loci fuerit, cum bar- bara sit uxore coniugium, nec ulli gentilium provinciales femina copuletur. Quod si quae inter provinciales atque gentiles adfinitates ex huiusmodi nuptiis extiterit, quod in his suspectum vel noxium detegitur, capitaliter expietur. This was regarded by Soraci not as a general banning law but rather as a lim- ited attempt, in the context of current hostilities with the Alamanni, to keep those barbarians serving the Empire (gentiles)isolated from the general Roman 2 populace. The German lawmakers, however, exemplified by Alaric in his 63 64 interpretatio,3 took it as a general banning law and applied it in this spir- it, so that it became the basis for the prohibition under the Germanic king- doms of intermarriage between Romans and Germans.
    [Show full text]
  • Emperors and Generals in the Fourth Century Doug Lee Roman
    Emperors and Generals in the Fourth Century Doug Lee Roman emperors had always been conscious of the political power of the military establishment. In his well-known assessment of the secrets of Augustus’ success, Tacitus observed that he had “won over the soldiers with gifts”,1 while Septimius Severus is famously reported to have advised his sons to “be harmonious, enrich the soldiers, and despise the rest”.2 Since both men had gained power after fiercely contested periods of civil war, it is hardly surprising that they were mindful of the importance of conciliating this particular constituency. Emperors’ awareness of this can only have been intensified by the prolonged and repeated incidence of civil war during the mid third century, as well as by emperors themselves increasingly coming from military backgrounds during this period. At the same time, the sheer frequency with which armies were able to make and unmake emperors in the mid third century must have served to reinforce soldiers’ sense of their potential to influence the empire’s affairs and extract concessions from emperors. The stage was thus set for a fourth century in which the stakes were high in relations between emperors and the military, with a distinct risk that, if those relations were not handled judiciously, the empire might fragment, as it almost did in the 260s and 270s. 1 Tac. Ann. 1.2. 2 Cass. Dio 76.15.2. Just as emperors of earlier centuries had taken care to conciliate the rank and file by various means,3 so too fourth-century emperors deployed a range of measures designed to win and retain the loyalties of the soldiery.
    [Show full text]
  • The Developmentof Early Imperial Dress from the Tetrachs to The
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Birmingham Research Archive, E-theses Repository University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. The Development of Early Imperial Dress from the Tetrarchs to the Herakleian Dynasty General Introduction The emperor, as head of state, was the most important and powerful individual in the land; his official portraits and to a lesser extent those of the empress were depicted throughout the realm. His image occurred most frequently on small items issued by government officials such as coins, market weights, seals, imperial standards, medallions displayed beside new consuls, and even on the inkwells of public officials. As a sign of their loyalty, his portrait sometimes appeared on the patches sown on his supporters’ garments, embossed on their shields and armour or even embellishing their jewelry. Among more expensive forms of art, the emperor’s portrait appeared in illuminated manuscripts, mosaics, and wall paintings such as murals and donor portraits. Several types of statues bore his likeness, including those worshiped as part of the imperial cult, examples erected by public 1 officials, and individual or family groupings placed in buildings, gardens and even harbours at the emperor’s personal expense.
    [Show full text]
  • The Saracen Defenders of Constantinople in 378 Woods, David Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Fall 1996; 37, 3; Proquest Pg
    The Saracen defenders of Constantinople in 378 Woods, David Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Fall 1996; 37, 3; ProQuest pg. 259 The Saracen Defenders of Constantinople in 378 David Woods RITING ca 391, the historian Ammianus Marcellinus has left us a vivid description of the Roman defense of W Constantinople against the Goths shortly after their crushing defeat by these Goths at Adrianopolis on 9 August 378 (31. 16.4ff): Unde Constantinopolim, copiarum cumulis inhiantes amplis­ simis, formas quadratorum agmimum insidiarum metu ser­ vantes, ire ocius festinabant, multa in exitium urbis inclitae molituri. Quos inferentes sese immodice, obicesque portarum paene pulsantes, hoc casu caeleste reppulit numen. Saracen­ orum cuneus (super quorum origine moribusque diversis in locis rettulimus plura), ad furta magis expeditionalium re­ rum, quam ad concursatorias habilis pugnas, recens illuc accersitus, congressurus barbarorum globo repente con­ specto, a civitate fidenter e rup it, diuque extento certamine pertinaci, aequis partes discessere momentis. Sed orientalis turma novo neque ante viso superavit eventu. Ex ea enim crinitus quidam, nudus omnia praeter pubem, subraucum et lugubre strepens, educto pugione, agmini se medio Goth­ orum inseruit, et interfecti hostis iugulo labra admovit, effusumque cruorem exsuxit. Quo monstroso miraculo bar­ bari territi, postea non ferocientes ex more, cum agendum appeterent aliquid, sed ambiguis gressibus incedebant. 1 1 "From there [Perinthus] they [the Goths] hastened in rapid march to Con­ stantinople, greedy for its vast heaps of treasure, marching in square forma­ tions for fear of ambuscades, and intending to make mighty efforts to destroy the famous city. But while they were madly rushing on and almost knocking at the barriers of the gates, the celestial power checked them by the following event.
    [Show full text]
  • An Apostle to Ankara from the New Jerusalem: Montanists and Jews in Late Roman Asia Minor*
    An Apostle to Ankara from the New Jerusalem: Montanists and Jews in Late Roman Asia Minor* Stephen Mitchell 1. An Epigraphic Perspective on Religious History Most of what we know about the religious history of late antiquity rests on patristic literature, which survives in abundant quantity. It is widely acknowledged that orthodox Christian authors offer a partisan historical perspective, but it is harder to find approaches to the period that allow us to nuance their one-sided views or place them in the wider scope of social and religious developments. The mainstream writers of late antiquity ignored, misrepresented, or demonized the beliefs and practices of pagans, Jews and heretics. The writings of these groups were often suppressed. The problem is made more acute by the fact that the Roman state aligned itself with Christian orthodoxy, and the emperors repeatedly put out laws which aimed to restrict or abolish other forms of religious activity. This legislation also creates the impression that non-orthodox religion had been successfully marginalized, and that the institutions of the Church were virtually unchallenged in society at large. Inscriptions provide one of the few alternative sources of written information that do not conform to this overall pattern. Inscriptions with a religious content, which form the great majority of texts from late antiquity, represent the viewpoint of those that set them up. In many cases they provide a perspective that differs significantly from the patristic norm. The purpose of this study is to explore the implications of a single gravestone set up by one of the most important non-orthodox Christian groups of late antiquity, the Montanists.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Western Perceptions of Eastern Romans Undergraduate Research
    1 Western Perceptions of Eastern Romans Undergraduate Research Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with honors research distinction in Classics in the undergraduate colleges of The Ohio State University By Kaelyn McAdams The Ohio State University April 2017 Project Advisor: Professor Anthony Kaldellis, Department of Classics Chapters Introduction 2 Issues of Roman Identity: Western Perceptions of Eastern Romans 2 Claudian: In Eutropium 3 Context 3 In Eutropium 4 Conclusion 10 Sidonius Apollinaris: Panegyric on Anthemius 11 Context 11 The Panegyric for Anthemius 13 Conclusion 18 Cassiodorus: The Variae 20 Context 20 Cassiodorus and the Variae 21 The Variae: Looking Deeper 22 Conclusion 31 Procopius: On the Outside Looking In 34 Context 34 Procopius’ Wars of Justinian 35 Conclusion 44 Wrapping Up 46 Conclusion 46 Bibliography 49 2 Introduction Issues of Roman Identity: Western Perceptions of Eastern Romans This thesis seeks to explore and interpret perceptions of eastern Romans from Latin political rhetoric produced by western authors. The study begins in 395 CE after the death of Theodosius, and continues through the reign of Justinian. The two sections provided below confront perceptions of eastern Romans through the authors Claudian and Sidonius. Although Claudian and Sidonius are writing at different time periods, they are both writing at a time when the Roman emperors are puppets for semi-barbaric leaders. Roman authors propagate to their audience that Roman culture continues to dominate, and particularly that western Romans are superior to even the eastern Romans. Claudian proclaims western dominance by asserted that the east is made effeminate by Eutropius, and therefore the eastern Romans defaulted to being subordinate to masculine westerners due to gender stereotypes.
    [Show full text]
  • The Experiences and Education of the Emperor Julian and How It
    COMPANION TO THE GODS, FRIEND TO THE EMPIRE: THE EXPERIENCES AND EDUCATION OF THE EMPEROR JULIAN AND HOW IT INFLUE NCED HIS REIGN Marshall Lilly Thesis Prepared for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF NORTH TEXAS August 2014 APPROVED: Christopher Fuhrmann, Major Professor Laura Stern, Committee Member Robert Citino, Committee Member Richard McCaslin, Chair of the Department of History Mark Wardell, Dean of the Toulouse Graduate School Lilly, Marshall. Companion to the Gods, Friend to the Empire: The Experiences and Education of the Emperor Julian and How It Influenced His Reign 361-363 A.D. Master of Arts (History), August 2014, 108 pp., bibliography, 114 titles. This thesis explores the life and reign of Julian the Apostate the man who ruled over the Roman Empire from A.D. 361-363. The study of Julian the Apostate’s reign has historically been eclipsed due to his clash with Christianity. After the murder of his family in 337 by his Christian cousin Constantius, Julian was sent into exile. These emotional experiences would impact his view of the Christian religion for the remainder of his life. Julian did have conflict with the Christians but his main goal in the end was the revival of ancient paganism and the restoration of the Empire back to her glory. The purpose of this study is to trace the education and experiences that Julian had undergone and the effects they it had on his reign. Julian was able to have both a Christian and pagan education that would have a lifelong influence on his reign.
    [Show full text]
  • The Romans Demilitarised: the Evidence of Procopius
    The Romans Demilitarised: The Evidence of Procopius J. Η. Wolf G. Liebeschuetz The classical Romans had a powerful sense of the meaning of Roman citizenship and the obligations it imposed on the men privileged to utter the proud boast: civis Romanus sum.1 Of these perhaps the most important was readiness to fight, and if necessary to die for the res publica. It was this aspect of the Roman char­ acter which made it possible in time of war to call up for service in the army an extraordinarily high proportion of available manpower, and to raise the vast armies and to replace the very heavy losses of the Hannibalic war.2 Subse­ quently the same qualities won the Roman Empire. In time the Romans granted their citizenship to more and more of the sub­ jects of the Empire until in 212 AD the emperor Caracalla issued the Constitutio Antoniniana which conferred Roman citizenship on all inhabitants of the empire (except the dediticii).3 The expansion of Roman citizenship was however paral­ leled by a progressive demilitarisation of the core provinces of the Empire. Un­ der the emperors fighting ceased to be a duty of the citizens and the Empire came to be defended by professional soldiers, who had been recruited in frontier provinces, if they were not the sons of veterans.4 The development stretched over centuries, but the outcome was that when the existence of the Empire came to be at risk in the late fourth and early fifth century its defence was entirely in the hands of mercenaries, some natives of the Empire, others recruited among barbarians, settled within the Empire or even outside its frontiers.5 The citizen- soldier could not be brought back, not even in the face of the most frightening danger.
    [Show full text]
  • Honorius, Galla Placidia, and the Struggles for Control of the Western Roman Empire, 405-425 C.E
    University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 5-2013 Crisis of Legitimacy: Honorius, Galla Placidia, and the Struggles for Control of the Western Roman Empire, 405-425 C.E. Thomas Christopher Lawrence [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Lawrence, Thomas Christopher, "Crisis of Legitimacy: Honorius, Galla Placidia, and the Struggles for Control of the Western Roman Empire, 405-425 C.E.. " PhD diss., University of Tennessee, 2013. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/1751 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by Thomas Christopher Lawrence entitled "Crisis of Legitimacy: Honorius, Galla Placidia, and the Struggles for Control of the Western Roman Empire, 405-425 C.E.." I have examined the final electronic copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a major in History. Michael E. Kulikowski, Major Professor We have read this dissertation and recommend its acceptance: Christine Shepardson, Maura Lafferty, Thomas Burman Accepted for the Council: Carolyn R. Hodges Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) Crisis of Legitimacy: Honorius, Galla Placidia, and the Struggles for Control of the Western Roman Empire, 405-425 C.E.
    [Show full text]
  • Defining a Roman Identity in the Res Gestae of Ammianus Marcellinus: the Dialogue Between ‘Roman’ and ‘Foreign’
    Defining a Roman Identity in the Res Gestae of Ammianus Marcellinus: the dialogue between ‘Roman’ and ‘foreign’ A thesis submitted to the University of Manchester for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities 2018 Guy A. J. Williams School of Arts, Languages and Cultures Defining a Roman Identity Contents List of abbreviations ....................................................................................... 5 List of tables ................................................................................................... 7 Abstract .......................................................................................................... 8 Declaration ..................................................................................................... 9 Copyright statement ...................................................................................... 9 A note on Ammianus’ text ........................................................................... 10 Acknowledgements ...................................................................................... 11 The author .................................................................................................... 12 Introduction ................................................................................................. 13 0.1 Ammianus Marcellinus and Roman identity .......................................... 13 0.2 The ‘foreign’/ ‘outsider’ perspective ................................................. 17 0.3 A new type of Roman ........................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Breaking Silence in the Historiography of Procopius of Caesarea
    DOI 10.1515/bz-2020-0042 BZ 2020; 113(3): 981–1024 Charles Pazdernik Breaking silenceinthe historiography of Procopius of Caesarea Abstract: Procopius employs the motif of “grievinginsilence” to describethe deliberations preceding Justinian’sinvasion of Vandal North Africa in 533 (Wars 3.10.7– 8) and his vendetta against the urban prefect of Constantinople in 523(HA 9.41). Theparticularity of Procopius’ languageinthese passages makes their collocation especiallypronounced. The distance between the Wars and the Secret History,which represents itself breakingthe silence between what the Wars can state publiclyand the unvarnished truth (HA 1.1–10), may be measured by two “wise advisers” who speak when others are silent: the quaestor Proclus, warmlyrememberedfor his probity,and the praetorian prefect John the Cappadocian, afigure universallyreviled.Discontinuities between the presentation of John in the Wars and the merits of the policies he endorses prob- lematize readers’ impressions of not onlyJohn but alsothe relationship between the Wars and the historical reality the work claims to represent. Adresse: Prof.Dr. Charles F. Pazdernik, Grand Valley StateUniversity,DepartmentofClassics, One Campus Drive, Allendale, MI 49401, USA; [email protected] I Twointerrelated episodes in Procopius of Caesarea’s Wars and Secret History,re- spectively,present similar but incongruous images of deliberations within high councils of state in the later Romanempire. The more straightforward of the two concerns the fateofTheodotus “the Pumpkin,”¹ an urban prefect of Constantinople duringthe reign of Justin I, whose success in cracking down against the excesses of the Blue circus faction in 523CEthreatened the interests of Justin’snephew, the future emperor Justi- nian I.
    [Show full text]
  • Popular and Imperial Response to Earthquakes in the Roman Empire
    Popular and Imperial Response to Earthquakes in the Roman Empire A thesis presented to the faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Christopher M. Higgins June 2009 © 2009 Christopher M. Higgins. All Rights Reserved. 2 This thesis titled Popular and Imperial Response to Earthquakes in the Roman Empire by CHRISTOPHER M. HIGGINS has been approved for the Department of History and the College of Arts and Sciences by Jaclyn Maxwell Associate Professor of History Benjamin M. Ogles Dean, College of Arts and Sciences 3 ABSTRACT HIGGINS,CHRISTOPHER M., M.A., June 2009, History Popular and Imperial Response to Earthquakes in the Roman Empire (120 pp.) Director of Thesis: Jaclyn Maxwell This thesis examines popular and imperial response to earthquakes in the Roman Empire period from the reign of Augustus through the reign of Justinian. It examines religious and scientific attitudes towards earthquakes throughout the classical period and whether these attitudes affected the disaster relief offered by Roman emperors. By surveying popular and imperial reactions throughout the time period this thesis shows that Roman subjects reacted in nearly identical manners regardless of the official religion of the Empire. The emperors followed a precedent set by Augustus who was providing typical voluntary euergetism. Their responses showcased imperial philanthropy while symbolizing the power and presence of the Roman state even in far off provinces. The paper also examines archaeological evidence from Sardis and Pompeii each of whose unique archaeological circumstances allows for an illustration of methods of reconstruction following earthquakes of massive and moderate size.
    [Show full text]