The Formation of Class-Based Civic Interest Groups in Transnational

Abstract This paper examines the emergence of class-based civic interest groups in contemporary Taiwan. These groups evolved to compensate for the inability of ethnic party politics in Taiwan to adequately represent the class-based interests arising from Taiwan’s growing role in the transnational economy. The KMT developed a system of education designed to Sinify Taiwanese and realign their national interests with a Chinese identity through a school system that demanded Mandarin language proficiency and knowledge of KMT party ideology. This was possible through the construction of a network of examinations that controlled access to higher education and professional certification. This effectively drove up the market value of these qualifications creating significant class division but a response to this was inhibited by martial prohibitions against class-based organizations. The later emergence of an ethnically-driven party politics following the lifting of martial law failed to contribute to the formation of a class-based public discourse. The contemporary situation has found largely intact many of the institutions created by the KMT to maintain control over social mobility and class formation. Aspiring members of the transnational professional class are caught between the inability of government institutions to adequately deal with their class needs and a political discourse driven by ethnicity. The result of this has been the formation of non-partisan civic groups aimed at promoting the interests of an aspiring transnational professional class. This paper draws from a range of sources to describe the emergence of politicized civic interest groups in contemporary Taiwan. It begins with an historical analysis that details transformations that left unaddressed the class interests of large groups of Taiwanese citizens. Through interviews with members of volunteer civic groups, it then outlines the basis of this group membership in an emerging civic culture operating outside of conventional partisan politics. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications of these findings for future political and professional organization in Taiwan.

The Construction of a Professional Class in Taiwan Beginning in the early 1950’s the KMT began a series of reforms whose goal were to transform remnants of colonial Japan into a Chinese state. A key element in this transformation was control over the system that lead into professional certification and the employment system in which these professionals could work. The KMT established a system of education that controlled access to university education through examinations that defined key legitimate knowledge as Mandarin language ability and knowledge of political information. The importance of these qualifications for entrance into the professional workplace was assured by an economy that was almost entirely owned by the government of the ROC. As such, the KMT held the power to define the knowledge that would determine professional employment.

Following their 1949 flight to Taiwan, the KMT found that Japanese language and customs developed during the colonial occupation continued to dominate in both the private and public lives of Taiwanese. Almost immediately, the Ministry of Education established reforms aimed at the elimination of Japanese colonial education policy and the promotion of Chinese traditions, heritage, and national characteristics (Wu, 1964). Initially, school curriculum was the main conduit through which this would take place. From 1950 onward, Mandarin was established as the official language of school instruction and enforced through the employment of hundreds of teachers who had fled from China with the KMT. To reinforce the conception that Taiwan was now China, instruction was established in Classical Chinese, the geography and , and in KMT party doctrine based on the Three Principles of Sun Yat-sen. In 1953, military instruction became compulsory in schools.

By the end of the decade, the KMT had established far more powerful institutions of control to regulate the attainment of education and certification necessary for professional employment. Through the Ministry of Education (MOE), the Joint College Entrance Examination (JCEE) became virtually the only avenue through which entrance to university was possible. In its fully developed form, the JCEE defined university entrance through compulsory Mandarin-based tests that examined, among other things, Classical Chinese and KMT party doctrine (Yuan, 1997). The certification necessary for professional work became regulated by the . While the Examination Yuan was established as a branch of KMT governance during Republican China, it was never able to exert more than marginal control over the appointment of government officials and professional workers (Strauss, 1994). In Taiwan, the Examination Yuan expanded to become the primary gatekeeper to professional employment through its ability to set and legally control professional licensing examinations.

The demand for Mandarin language fluency on university entrance and professional licensing examinations provided a profound advantage to Mandarin-speaking refugees from China and their children. As a result, among the generation of Taiwanese educated immediately following the War, mainland-born Taiwanese had far higher levels of educational attainment than other Taiwanese ethnic groups (Tsai & Chiu 1993, Chen & Lin 2004). For native Taiwanese, it established this body of knowledge as a legitimate professional knowledge base, and for those who achieved professional status, it helped develop bonds with the KMT through their monopoly over the State as a legitimate provider of affluence and stability.

Even though the knowledge base that determined admission to university and eventual professional employment was largely political in nature and lacked strong vocational preparation, the KMT through their control of the government were able to regulate admission into preferred jobs. Companies controlled through either the KMT or directly through the government dominated the employment of university graduates and other professionals. Banks and finance companies, as well as large production firms, were directly owned by the government. Regardless of the large political component contained in the educations of Taiwan professionals, graduation and certification through the government-mediated examination system was necessary for professional work. Combined with direct employment in schools and the civil service, the state was able to control what kind of knowledge would lead to employment opportunities.

All through the 1950’s and into the 1970’s, state-owned-enterprises (SOE) were major players in the Taiwan economy, accounting for a large portion of capital formation and employment (Crane 1989). During the 1950’s, SOEs consistently accounted for more than half of all industrial production. The 1970’s saw a shift to companies directly owned by the KMT which eventually grew to control large parts of the economy. By the end of the 1970’s, production from party-owned enterprises (POE) accounted for 6.2% of the GNP (Matsumoto 2002).

Throughout this period, the KMT military government was able to control the supply of professional workers by strictly regulating the number of universities and hence the number of graduates. Through the expansion of the secondary school and junior college systems, the supply of literate workers was maintained without providing an increase in the size of the pool of potential professionals (Chan & Chan 1989, Wang and Wang 2002)

It is perhaps little surprise then that even into the 1980’s, Taiwanese descended from Chinese refugees would still be able overrepresented among managers at state enterprises and in the government (Sheu 1989). Considering the role of the KMT in the policy creation of the professional class, it is little surprise that even among native Taiwanese length of education correlates with support for the KMT (Chang 1989, Wu & Lin 1993).

Examination under Democracy Democratization has largely bypassed the world of politicized examination. While schooling and curriculum have been altered by a series of dramatic reforms, examination continues to reflect knowledge that has little meaning other than its necessity as an answer for questions on official tests.

The dramatic education reforms that followed the 1987 lifting of martial have touched virtually every aspect of schooling. Reforms such as the Nine-Year Plan and the pro-Taiwan educational reforms implemented by the DPP following the election of Chen Sui-Bian in 2000 have altered many aspects of schooling and education, some say almost beyond recognition. Yet despite these structural changes, mastery of much of the political-based examination knowledge established by the KMT has continued to be the foundation of education and professional certification for Taiwan.

The Examination Yuan remains a major source of archaic examination information. Since its members are appointed, rather than elected, the Examination Yuan reflects partisan interests more strongly that those of elected officials. As a result, conservative elements have retained a very powerful grip. Particularly since the 2000 presidential election, there have been a number of controversies surrounding the contents of Examination Yuan exanimations. Most of this involves attempts to remove archaic politically-loaded knowledge from examinations and replace it with more relevant or vocational information. The most significant of these has been the discussion to address the continued examination of ancient Chinese on examinations for professional qualification.

Language continues to be one of the most fundamental issues. A Mandarin monopoly has continued in examination despite popular demands to expand the roles of local and international tongues. While Taiwanese-language instruction had initially begun as a result of early local victories by the opposition DPP (Hsiau, 2000), the Ministry of Education under the KMT swiftly began plans to incorporate instruction into the national curriculum. The 9-Year Curriculum and Chen Sui-Bian’s surprise election as president of the ROC in 2000 was a landmark event in this respect. The strong identification of the DPP with Hoklo language and culture was taken as a commitment that the language would once again become important in Taiwanese life. None of this has come about. Even after years of implementation, public school Hoklo instruction under the DPP has yet to hire any full-time teachers or even agree on what script the language should be written in. Without a generally agreed upon script, no effective examination in Hoklo has been possible. Despite this, some pro-Taiwan government officials have attempted to promote the use of Hoklo in examination. Examination Yuan member Dr. Lin Yu-Tee commissioned an exam with script that referenced Taiwanese pronunciation (Examination Yuan prompts 2003, Hakka leader 2003). More recently, Dr. Lin and other members have raised the issue of the removal of all ancient Chinese from examinations (Chinese literature test 2008). However, to date, none of these suggestions have resulted in long-lasting changes and archaic information continues to play a significant role in professional qualification. Under the pressure of this Mandarin monopoly on examination, Hoklo, has not been able to transcend its origins as the language of the ethnic group it represents.

Problems introducing Hoklo reflect a more widespread issue of language in examination. The form of English instructed in Taiwan public schools is descended from a method of language learning developed during martial law. The curriculum and contents of examinations that reflect this method are widely known to be ineffective in creating English language proficiency. Virtually no one in Taiwan educated only through public school instruction is able to reach a reasonable level of proficiency in English. Even though the central government has discussed an expanded role for English (Rising to the challenge, 2002) and extended English instruction into elementary schools (Students should begin, 2003), English instruction in secondary school and on official tests continues to test for archaic knowledge of English. Increasing official pressure for communicative competence in students has resulted in a paradox. Public school curriculum and examination contents have not veered at all from their traditional contents despite their inability to produce proficiency. As a result, universities have been saddled with the responsibility of creating high levels of proficiency in students among students selected for their knowledge of arcane English.

The continued role of and culture was made clear in the 2007 national college entrance examination. Although the test was part of an admission process meant to replace the JCEE, more than half the questions addressed China-related topics. Almost 75% of the Chinese-language section dealt with ancient Chinese script (Exams, 2007). So it seems that despite attempts to break with the traditional examination processes, the body of knowledge that questions are drawn from has changed little. Students who wish to enter and go on to work as professionals must still master a large body of knowledge that has no practical purpose other than to reproduce a political order created during the 1950’s. So rigid and stable are the institutions designed to assure that students and professionals have mastered this knowledge that despite major structural reforms, it continues to be the foundation of qualification.

Examination and Globalization The inability of democratic reforms to affect the supply side of education has not impacted the demand for a different type of job preparation. The economy of Taiwan was dominated by firms either owned or controlled directly by the government or the KMT, and as such qualifications for high quality employment were also defined by government-controlled forces. The years following the lifting of martial law have seen Taiwan’s entry into a transnational economy and the emergence of a internationalized workplace incorporating a different kind of worker.

The transformation of Taiwan’s economy from import substitution to export-driven has been credited with powering Taiwan’s economic ‘miracle’ (Amsden 1979, Amsden and Chu 2003). As long as Taiwan university graduates worked within a workspace operated by the KMT-dominated state, qualifications that the KMT/State defined as significant for employment and promotion really did result in a higher chance of preferred employment, promotion, and earning (Wang & Wang 2002).

A more recent global economic transformation, however, is challenging Taiwan to enter a transnational economy and a world of global cities (Sassen 1991, 2000). In such a workspace, KMT-dominated firms are loosing their ability to define workplace merit. Instead, it is increasingly being replaced by a definition of merit created by private firms, both local and international. Employees in this new economy increasingly work for firms that transcend borders and the professionals they employ increasingly need skills that position them to take advantage of opportunities and communicate with professionals in other countries.

Among the most significant problems are those that involve the use of the English language. The globalized world that Taiwanese are increasingly working in is dominated by English as a medium of communication (Nickerson 2005). The archaic form of English instructed in public schools and tested for in exams administered through the MOE and the Examination Yuan are virtually incapable of producing a high level of proficiency. So extreme is this situation, that lack of English ability is consistently reported by foreign employers as one of the leading problems of doing business in Taiwan. As long ago as 1999, twenty-seven percent (27%) of American Chamber of Commerce (AmCham) members reported “lack of English language proficiency as an obstacle to doing business” in Taiwan (American Chamber of Commerce 1999). This was a higher proportion than those reporting work visas or waste disposal as an obstacle. Such concerns have been repeatedly expressed in AmCham’s annual White Papers (AmCham 2006, 2007), in other business forums for foreign investors, and interviews with foreign business leaders.

The Public and Its Response While examination in Taiwan has continued to focus on mastery of a body of archaic knowledge, international commerce has placed pressure on the Taiwanese workplace to develop a wide range of skills that public schools are not concerned with. The public response to this has been largely market-based. An enormous number of marginally legal commercial schools have emerged to instruct workplace skills missed out in public schools.

The most illustrative example of the desperation of parents and students to find the vocational they need is once again found in conflict associated with language education. Following the lifting of martial law, newspapers that had once been heavily censored almost immediately began carrying ads for students posted by commercial language schools for the native English speakers who continue to be the preferred teachers in these schools. The speed with which this change appeared has outstripped legislation. As early as 1993, the National Police Agency was reporting that almosr 2,000 Americans had overstayed their visa and were probably illegally working as English instructors (Illegal Americans 1993). This was only the beginning of a powerful trend in English-language instruction. Beginning in the late 1990’s, the legitimacy of foreign teacher instruction spread into preschool instruction and urban began to see the spread of vast numbers of kindergartens employing native English speaker teachers as teachers. By the end of the decade, the urban landscape became dominated by what were colloquially referred to as ‘bilingual kindergartens’ commonly employing foreign instructors. Typically these schools provided all-day instruction in English to preschool-age children. ROC labour allow the hiring of foreign teachers for supplementary schools that instruct children already in attendance at public schools, but there is no legal provision for foreign teachers to receive permits to work in kindergartens. Despite their nebulous status, bilingual kindergartens have continued to thrive.

In 2002, the Ministry of Education had begun a series of initiatives aimed at bringing this situation under official regulatory control. Initially, illegally-employed foreign teachers were provided with a way to work legally at kindergartens. Within a year, all this had changed (Ministry of Education prohibits, 2003). Citing regulations that define kindergartens as places for socializing children into society, legal and regulatory authorities began cracking down on all-day English instruction for preschoolers and foreign teachers working illegally. This has continued until today.

This situation is taking its toll. Increased pressure to study is having severe effect on children’s behaviour. Children are getting less sleep and suffering from other serious health problems. (Taiwan kids 2007). More than three-quarters of Taiwanese children report they have too much homework. More than half describe themselves as unhappy (Survey paints 2005). It is little wonder that some 30% of Taiwanese children report having considered suicide and one in four say they have attempted to do this (25% of teens 2008, Suicide among young 2003).

Under such conditions, parents are increasingly pressuring public schools to take on some of the responsibilities of preparing students for the workplace. Some of these actions are difficult to separate from partisan politics: for example, the 2003 demonstration of the Parent’s Association of Taoyuan against the National Teacher’s Association action taken on Teacher’s Day (Parents’ body says 2003). While groups like this are able to attract media attention, there appears to be a growing number of parents more concerned with direct influence on the form of instruction being given children.

Even formal organizations like the PTA are willing to take drastic action to address what they perceive as shortcomings in curriculum. This situation was first brought to my attention during an unrelated study in which I was interviewing teachers and principals of elementary schools. The president of a local PTA asked me to help him recruit foreign teachers for his school. In the past, the school had hired several foreign teachers, but they had left. This was particularly striking since the school was already involved in the elementary school English program. In fact it was their English teacher who had introduced me to the school, and even she expressed doubts to me that the elementary English program could have any effect at all. So desperate was the school to find more effective English instruction that even when it became clear the school had previously hired illegal foreign teachers, it was not at all bothered by this knowledge.

More significant is the formation of formal groups aimed at addressing curriculum shortcomings. The Reading Fun Association is the English translation for the name of a lobby group formed to pressure Taichung public schools into replacing some of the time they currently spend on test preparation with reading for pleasure. The group was formed in 2005 and is composed of about 40 people living in the Taichung area. Members include come from a broad range of professional occupations including computer engineers, librarians, museum curators, as well as housewives. The leader of the group explained to me that they were currently looking for corporate sponsors who will assist in a further project to buy books for public schools. When I spoke with the group, they had just meet with Taichung mayor Jason Hu to promote their project and were approaching corporate sponsors for support.

Final Comments The emergence of examination as a method to regulate control over the professional class has had a profound effect on Taiwanese education. While the structure of schooling has been reformed dramatically since democracy, the body of knowledge needed to enter educated life has remained relatively the same. This body of knowledge does not reflect dramatic changes in skills needed for the workplace. The increasing globalization of Taiwan’s economy is placing pressures on professional workers far outside the skill level demanded for attainment of professional status. I have discussed some of the responses of professional parents to understanding that their children are not being adequately prepared for work. Increasingly parents are organizing into groups to place pressure on educational and political officials to adopt curriculum changes more in-line with the skills needed to function in a globalized workplace.

I have discussed a tentative description of some of the groups and individuals involved in these groups. This research is still in its formative stage and this description is not complete. Further work is needed to clarify in more detail the scope and work of such groups.

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