MAHAkANI JIND R*
A Dissertation submitted to THE PUNJABI UNIVERSITY, PATIALA in lieu of one of the papers for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in HISTORY 1977-78
Supervised by i DR. KIRPAL SINGH
EPAR7MENT 01- IS1 >RY 'NJABI UNIVERSITY, PATIA' A
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MAHARANI JIND KAUR
A Dissertation submitted to THE PUNJABI UNIVERSITY, PATIALA in lieu of one cf the papers for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in HISTORY 1977-78
Supervised by i Submitted by : DR. KIRPAL SINGH HARPREET KAUR
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY PUNJABI UNIVERSITY, PATIALA MAHARANI JIND KAUR
A Dissertation submitted to THE PUNJABI UNIVERSITY, PATIALA in lieu of one of the papers for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in HISTORY 1977-78
Supervised by i Submitted by : DR. KIRPAL SINGH HARPREET KAUR
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY PUNJABI UNIVERSITY, PATIALA 2.1*2II I £ AIM
Certified that Mies Harpreet K ur, student of M.A. (History) class of the Punjabi University,
Pati8lat hse worked under my guidance and that the accompanying dissertation entitled "Maharani Jind Kaur whioh she has submitted, herewith, is her genuine work.
( DR.JKIEPAL SINGH ) Department of History, Puaiahi tJniversity, PATlAlA. l|O^C I
Rani Jind Kaur, the most remarkable vowpn in Sikh history was the youngest wifs oi Maharaja Rsijit Singh Maharani Jind Kaur had a fascinating personality. She was the Queen-Mother of the lest Sikh Sovereign Maharaja Dali - Singh and is oailed Queen-Mother by the various European writers as well as contemporary writers. She was popularly known as Rani Jindsn or Jind Kaur. Of all the wives of Maharaja Rsnjit Singh, only Real Jindan was destined to play an important role in Sikh history. The topic of this dissertation was suggested by my respected teachers and I too was interested arid attracted towards this great personality who had played a very significant role for the freedom of Punjab from the British yoke. We don't find any detailed aooount about her early career. However this thesis has been based on the contemporary sources like Smyth, Lala Sohan Lai Suri, MacGregor, Fearse Hugh, Lady Login JSteinbech ,Broadfoot and Cunningham etc. Important secondary souroes have also been consulted. I a& thankful to my respected tssoher and supervisor Dr. Kirpal Singh who painstakingly read and criticised my manuscripts, and helped me with innumberable books and suggestions and always found time to help me in completing this work. It is due to his ever-ready help that this work has been mads possible. I take this opportunity to express my sincere appreciations for the indispensable guidance he rendered to me. I also wish to oonvey my special ii. gratitude to JDr, Pauja Singh, Head of the Department of Hi8tory, Punjabi University, Patiala for his valuable suggestions. I an also thankful to Dr. Sarjit Singh Bel
ft and Dr. S.K. Baja^ for their valuable suggestions. I am elao thankful to ay departmental library, Central State
Public libraxyt Patiala; Bepartmmt of Punjab Historical Studies Library, Punjabi University, Patialai atiai Mohan o w. ingh Vaid, Section of Punjabi University, Patirlr and also Punjab State Archives and its staff for their cooperation
I as also thankful to ay dear elder sister Kanwal who inspired me and help me to accomplish this vork. I am grateful to all my friends particularly Versha Sarin for her unmitigatinj enoouragamant and cooperation.
t HARPREET KAUR $ 0 S. nOoAa-n 5i*^ T^^liflA, 45- c, motLd 7^r) PoJriahx.
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CHAPTER
I. EARLY LIFE AND BliiTH OP DALIP SINGH...... 1
II DELATIONS VJITH DOGRA FBQM 1843-45...... 14 III RANI JIND KAUR AND FIRST-SIKH WAR .,27 IV CIRCUMSTANCES LEADING TO H, R BANISHMENT...40 V HER STRUGGLE POR INDEPENDENCE 57 VI THE LAST PHASE 72 VII CHARACTER AND ESTIMATE 90 I • At LETTERS OF MAHARANI JIND KAUR TO JOHN LAWRENCE 1 APPENDIX »B' LETTER OF MAHAKANI JIND KAUR TO RAJA SHER SINGH ATTARIWALA .10 MBLIOGKAPHY !•*? -KLi uvi am BIRTH OP DAiiir sniaa
Jind Kaur vas the daughter of Sardar Manna Singh, an ulakh Jat. who helled from a small village Checher 1 district Gujaranwela, now In West Pakistan. Aulakh Jat or urek, Jat tribe, whose headquarters were mainly situated in Aarltsar District. There they owned twelve villagesi they were also found in the northern Malwa; Territory in the South of Sutlej. They were said to he of the Solar descent, and their ancestor Aulakh lived somewhere in the Majha territory viz. territory between the Beas and Ravi.
longwlth the 41* rthe *t Malwa the Aulakhs vere also found in Majha. Bat another etory make© their »••• est or one Baja
* lui Lak, a Luner Raj put • They vere related to the iTfchu and
Deo tribes vith vhom they 4 • inter-marry. In AmritBar district Aulakhs give their following pediagree t Ram Chander Majang Kasab Markhanb Geo i haul I Raghu Mendel I UdeRun Danich Para Aulakh 2
lla£;e Cher in the Pii&lab Chlnf But that does not appear to be correct 2. vinoe. H.A. Rose Vol. II p.25, at i el a, 2
This Pedigree makes Aulakhs akin to the Pannu Jats aald that the ancestors of Pannua were also 8 j puts, believed that they are also to ba the Solar descent. They are ohiefly found In Amritear and Qurdaspur Districts but they owned acme villages in Sialkot District. According to the following Pedigree Pannua era descendants of Raghu, an ancestor of the AulakhB.
Reghu
Hamohander Lahu i Parlchhat i Taloohar Shah Achraj Dhanioh I Pannun In course of time the Aulakhs were converted to Islam. The Muslim Aulakhs have a ourious tale of their conversion. According to A Glossary of the Castes and and tribes of Punjab and North est Frontier Provinoe. it is said that a complaint was made to Emperor Humayun that Pir Muhammad Raja drank 'bhang' In defiance of the Luranio prohibition. So the Emperor punished the saint. The saint had to walk along a narrow path beset with poisoned words, and even a ferocious elephant pursued hlnu But one of his disciple killed the elephant with his 3 staff and as he walked the turned Among the Jiaperors courtier was Raja Aulakh, Punwar Rajput, who at once embraced I elan* The saint returned and oonvertcd Aulakh followed him, conquered the country t)i« the Balun and gave it to the Fira. She emperor aleo pleased and conferred it in the Jagir. though the Aulakh continued to administer it until about 175 years when their pov/er declined 1 Similarly some of the iailekhe came under the influence of Sikhisa during sixteen and seventeen centurlesa Aulakh Jets
Aaritsar district played a promin ti# during Maharaj Ranjit Singh time. The father of Haharanl Jlnd Xaur waa a Aulakh Jet.
* We don't find much details shout the early life of Jlnd Ksur due to paucity of sources* Jlndsn's father S. Manna Singh waa a Aulakh Jat. At an early age he entered the service of Ranjit Singh as a dog-keeper. He waa a lumedan in the Darhar of Maharaja Ranjit Singh on the establishment maintained for looking after the department
hunting • !• Thua oecause job he waa in direct conteot with Maharaja Kan jit Singh2 Rani Jind Kaar waa born, in 1817 A.3). in his native village Chache three milaa from the Oujronwale, now in West Pakistan. She waa the third daughter of her parents. She grew to be very beautiful as well ae charming girl. Since she wee very beautiful ahe wee called Chanda , which in Punjabi meana "moon**.
1. t Frontier Piovince Vol. II p. 25 2. p.9 3. ft Major G.C. Smyth p.92, 4
She combined great personal chara with characteristic strength i of man , Her dazzling beauty must have attracted Maharaja Ran jit Singh and it can explained aa that in the ye or 1828 Ranjit Singh, while in the neighbour-hood of Gujrenwala wae told about her beauty. Ihe Maharaja sent for Jawalla Singh Puddanio, eon-in-law of Manna Singh* He wae married to the eldest daughter of Manna Singh. The result of these inquiric was that Ranjit Singh sent proposals to Manna Singh for his daughter Chsnda. Ths old chief arrived at Amritsar. Smyth writes, the girl Ghanda waa for the first time ushered into his presence, and he seamed much disappointed and not a little angry on finding, that instead of being
I sixteen or seventeen years of &i,e, as represented by Dii Kunaoo who was a servant of Ranjit Singh and others who had first spoken of her to him, she was only between nine and t«» wever. aha had some beauty and a promising look, ten* As• ffi- that she should be retained in ths Zenana on •2 stipend of two rupees her di i*M
The above version doe a *:• eeems to be all correct
does not get confirmation »)« any Indian sources Sacondly on one eide G#C, Oayth wrote that Maharaja
not «M« iwn Manna Singh father of Jind Kaur. Maj
Smyth had • •••« that before this Maharaja and Manna
Singh vera not ««»• wn to each other. But at the seme time he also writes this that Manna Singh, father of Jind Kaur,
e. Hov.30, 1975. Rami Jindsn Kmr eauty of the 19th Century Punjab" by an M. Khilnani. ol ths P.95 5 entered the service of Ran jit Singh as a dog-keeper at an
•arly age. If the latter version ia taken to •;i CO
^^^^^^^M^^^^^^^M^B^B^B^B^B^B^B^B^B^B^B^B»S»S»S»S»S»S»S»S»S»S»S»S»S»S»S»^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^1 then Ranjit Singh would have known Manna Singh. Thus theae veralona are conflicting most probably the first version seems to be right because when Manna Singh was s houss servant of Renjit Sin** then Maharaja must bs known to him.
.1-^ We • • mot get any account of early life of Rani Jind Kaur. Whatever the Britisher a had given is bssed on scandals and rumour a. They are contradictory in detail as is clear from another example. One European writer states i
i "Capitalising on Maharaja's weaknesa for women. Manna Singh used to praise the beauty of his dsughter Jind Kaur. She wae endowed with extraordinary beauty snd great talent. Her father was s man of much humour and fun, and used to take great liberties with the old lion of Punjab, often rallying him jocularly on the atate of his harem, snd ssking him to make a queen of hie little daughter. He used to perch the pretty • »• •ulder. and run Br alongside of the Maharaja' a Palki when he made his -u tranoee into Leiiore, declaring the girl was getting burdensome and heavy, ianna Singh •)* stantly telling
Maharaja that ti9 daught the *<•• beautiful creature in the world, whom he would give to the Maharaja as his wife, and ahe would make the old monarch young m ain
The Maharaj «•• desire for a young spouse in age and particularly vhen he was much run down due protracted illne last the Maharaj persuaded by Manna Sinsh and said, "Very well, bring her". Ranjit Sin^x did this as Manna Singh used to banter him about hie age and he was very sensitive as to his personal deoay1. According to another version just to get rid of Manna Singh's implorations, Maharaja Ranjit Singh sent en arrow and sword to his village to which Jind Kaur was symbolically married in 1835 A.D. . Sat G.C, Smyth wrote that when she was brought before Maharaja she was only nine or ten. Then she was sent to /mritear because she was too young. Ranjit Singh ordered that she should be retained in Zenana on a stipend of two rupees per day. And further wrote that Ranjit Singh never took any notice to the girl. Bit this oee not seen to be true because when she was brought in Zensna with the orders of Maharaja then how it can be possible that Maharaja had not noticed the girl. a.C.Smyth has particularly taken pains of malign end degrade the
* mother of Khalsa who had offered a very tough resistance to the British army. He has recorded all types of scandals and rumours. He writes, "Manna 3ingh was an object of buffonery* Just to put en end of the buffonery Ranjit Singh
J one day eased the shoulders of his would be f ether-in-law by committing the girl to the care of one Jawahir Mall a rich Hindu Merchant (of Amritsar District). Once he was
December 27, 1844. 7 a Governor of Kashmir province, and then In attendance at the Maharaja*a court. Shis man received orders to take the young Chanda noma with him, and the rear her up at hie houee In Amritaar. Mama Singh waa overjoyed at this happy result of hie labour, and In his exultation ventured to tall the Maharaja that ea the world had now recognised him Mem a Singh, as hla father-ln-lsw . In the fallen for the valiant Queen, Smyth found no virtue out all vioea. a» haa bean painted In the darkest ooloure. Ha writes, "The young Chanda waa sent to Amrltear, where aha remained for four or five years in the house of Jawahlr Mall* flaere she might have remained In quiet much longer, her guardian reoeiving for her maintenance forty-five rupeaa a month - but that she had even at so early an age won for hereelf a character for pertnese, forwardness, and something even worse* So loose and immodest was her conduct that Jawahlr Mall, fearing perhaps that the oontagion of her vloaa might spread to the members of his own virtuous family. Informed the Maharaja that he could not allow the young Chanda to remain in his house any longer1. As a reason for praying to be releaeed of his charge, ha represented, that though the girl waa then only thirteen or fourteen years of age, she was in the criminal intercourse not only with one Jawahlr Singh Busathenee. (U'ater Carrier) whose house adjoined his own, but that she had made 1* P.93 8
f»'« re then one paramour in the very bazar8 of Aaritsar. This Jswahir Singh iiussthenee, a youngman and a servant of the Maharaja, when questioned on the matter, candidly confessed all, and that to Ranjit Singh himself. The old i monarch wee well pleaeed to have such dieolocures made in the presence of the girl's father, Manna Singh, whose confidence he enjoyed. Moreover, anticipating considerable eement from that pertneea and forwardness whioh the girl was eaid to exhibit, and from her generally precocious oharacter, Ranjit readily consented to relieve Jswahir Mall of hie charge, and the young lady was brought to
* Lahore to enliven the night scenes in the palace. Here she enacted a character almost similar to that which her father had perfozmed before her, that of a licensed buffoon. her business being to put to shame allt both men and women, who were in any degree less dspraved or lese shameless than herself. numerous were the amours in which she was new engaged, some with others without the knowledge and consent of the MaharajaC1). 2b give a detail of these affairs and of scenes aoted in the presence of the old chief himself and at his instigation, would be an outrage on oommon decency suffice it then to say that, Ranjit actually encouraged and forwarded the amours of this woman". Prom this description it appears that Smyth has abandoned logic and decency in maligning the queen of
1. P. 94 9 the Maharaja. How it can be poeelble that a emrvant rank could riate up with the ladies of royal household. She Maharaja was known for hia stern administration. Thit has been not admitted by all Britiah writers. To admit all * these stories is to low lie the great administrative qualities of the Maharaja. B.J. Haarat has rightly ststed that Major G.C.Smyth's account may be regarded as a scandalous magnatum. This is a account by the confirmed scandal monger and a scalawag. He thrivea on profuse exercises of vilifioation1. To quote another example of vilification he writes, "In the year 1834 the Maharaja had a favourite in one the behlshits, (Water Carriers) attached to his person named Culu, a young and forward Muh&.imdan, who had been placed by the Maharaja Incharge of Hira Singh. Oulu was prinoipal favourite of Ran jit Singh and allowed to mount his favourite saddle horeea and to ride close to and in front of him. He had also frse aooeaa to the royal Zenana, and having beoame acquainted with Chanda. he establiahed a criminal fa«ilerity with her. The alleged intimaoy, the chronicle adds, beoaae torious not only in the Palace but even in the Berber Ran jit Singh himself was eware of the State of Affairs, but Gulu was a hot favourite of his, and no steps were taken to put s stop that time, however, tha Maharaja never viaited the lady or allowed her to appear in his presence.
Bikramjit Heeratj sesm p. 226,227, Hoahierpur, 1977 10
> hen in the winter of 1836 he was told that she was in en interesting condition, he merely replied with a grim look. Gulu behletl (Water Carrier) continued to be e favourite of the Maharaja till Feb. 1837* when the birth of e eon was announced to hlm« den hie equanimity gave way, but eoon afterwards Gulu fell ill of a disease which carried him off within a few week of the birth of the ohild"1. Thie ie inoontradiotlon of other contemporary British writers for instance £• Delhousle login In the book L Recollection wrote, **He (Dalip Singh) end his elder brother, Khurruck Singh, were the only two eone of Ranjeet Singh, who were bom on hie wives end "acknowledged** by their father**. It ie further stated that **Delip Singh's mother was the beautiful and notorious Maharanee Jinde or ("Chun.ua") sometimes known as the Messelina of the Punjab . From I. Delhousle login's writing it ie evident that Maharaja Delip Singh was the youngest son of Maharaja Ran;)it Singh from hie youngest Rani Jind Xenr. Thus Siyth' s viewe about the birth of young
• Prince are absolutely wrong. This is most fantastic thot the Maharaja should have not known what is happening in hie Palace. No poreon even of the highest rank could take liberty with the ladiee of the harem. Evidently this account is based on rumour end hearsay and had not even a iota of truth in it. According to another account in the harem the little
P. 95 2. , E.Dalhousle login p.85, atiala, 11 beauty used to gambal end frolic end tense Ranjit Singh, and managed to captivate his in a way "that "'t te the real wives the jealousy - So ranch i'* that Ranjit Singh when thirteen years of age t itorit end genre her an
f allowance of 5000 rupees per month. Raja Bhyan Singh * had oharge of her and this contributed to that able courtier's influence. Ha took her baok to Lahore, treated her with great dignity, and ultimately effected the celebration of the Karewa. tantamount to the C , marriage ceremony, 1 «•; tween her and Ranjlt Singh'. This writer is quite igBDraut about the cuetom of karswa or 0 which was always done in the case of widows. It is written by one and all that Jind Kaur was not a widow when she was married to Maharaja Banjlt Singh. All these acoounte have been written to malign Jind Kaur
-* _ she opposed the British »[#)«• from very beginning and also in her later phase.
According to Umdat-U'f-Tawarikh, "on the 23rd of Bhadeon Sambat 1895 (6th September, 1838 A.D.) the glorious Sahibaada was bom to KsA Jindan ( Jind Kaur ) at Lahore. The sinoere near attendants felt greatly pleased. They said MaJL (Jind Kaur) sent the news through Munshi Go bind Bam Sahai to the Barker. The aforesaid person presented himself to the Sarkar and convoyed the blessed news* On hearing the tiding the Sfjjftqr expressed 1. Soldier end Traveller - Memories of Alexander Gardner B^Bm^Bm^Bm^Bm^Bm^Bma 12
unlimited pleasure. On receipt of the news the Raja Dhlan Sln&h, aocording to the custom of the hilly regions, put freeh things (fruit and vegetables) over the head of the munshi. A few days leter gold ornaments, such as Hasei and bangles etc* were given to the munshi. and he was sent towards Lahore alongwith large sum of money. The horoscope of the (Dalip Singh) wed the presence of the zodical signs of Acquarius and Pisces. Therefore it has not been written. Any intelligent man could easily comprehend the meaning thereof the Saxkar would earnestly desire, it would be stated ..1 . On learning the birth of the child the Maharaja ordered that the child should be called Dalip Singh, a name famous st the time after having been propecied by a holyman of Thane sar . According to usual custom Raja Sachet Singh was appointed manager of the young Rani's household. The Britishers has put many allegations on the character of Jind Ksur. Actually this is unjust* All their versions which were used by them are based on rumours and ecandsls. These versions do not get sny confirmation from any Indian source. Moreover it is unbelievsble that inferior people or the
ther servants of the Msharaj *'* uld dare to touch the wife of the greet Maharaja. We do not get any such account from Indian sources, like the contemporary Persist! sources 1. Ill, Cohan Lai Suri y v.s. aurx, p 5, Delhi, 1961 2. "tfwITW11 Jiud Kaur. p. 10,11. 13 etc. Alaoat all the Britishers hove written against her because she was the first lady who understood the policies and intentions of the Britishers in Fun jab. That's why they have badly criticieed her she was a Cueen of Greet Maharaja who was proclaimed as a regent of her minor son Dalip Singh v CHAPTER I
RKIiATIQNS wITH lOGK. FBOM
Maharaja Ranjit Singh'a death on June 27, 1839 created oonstemetion throughout the kingdom. The star of the grand monarch eet in. Lahore wee plunged in bloodbath, tiller after ruler aBCended the precarious throne only to be Bordered in oold blood by the rival claimant. Jindan wife of Eanjit Singh and her son remained in obscurity at Jamnru till 1841, when during the reign of Mattaraj Sher Singh and Ehian Singh, the Prime Minister fell out. The J brothers in order to. stabilize their position and power •»• brought to the notice of the Army the existence of Dalip Singh. Soon after the young Prince was brought to Lahora in August 1843, on the plea that hie mother was ill. Both the Bogra and Sandhaiwala Chiefs conspired to find out means to replace Maharaja Sher Singh with Dalip Singh1. In September 1843, however, both Prince Slier Singh, Prime Minister Bhian Singh were assassinated and Hira Singh eon of Union Singh with the help of the Army end Chiefs wiped out the Eandhanwala faction. Shortly afterwards Hira Singh captureo the fort on 16th Sept. 1843. The three days between the 15th and 17th of September, nearly a thousand mem including the Maharaja Sher Singh and his eon Partap Singh, the Prime Minister and nine
1. p. 228 15
ether leading dignitaries of the court lost their lives . A Mafaarals
Army proclaimed minor Prince Dalip Singh ae the new sovereign of the State and Hira Singh iogra was appointed the fcasir on 23rd March, 18442. Dalip Singh at this time was only five years old and was the youngest surviving son Maharaja Ranjit ingh. Two other Princes, Peahaura Singh and Kashaira Singh, has aa good a claim as this little ho
l
out neither suited to Hira Singh's purpose »* these princes had received training in the Army and the Government. But, they being about the same age aa Hira Singh, who could not be expected to enjoy the measure of authority he would have with Dslip Singh on the throne. Their olaim therefore, 3 appeare to have deliberately ignored*'. The aucoeeeion of Dalip Singh raised Bsni Jind Ksur to the position of regent and enabled her to play a prominent role in the Sikh history. Being the mother of the minor Sikh
sovereign, she c to Vt called as . ai or the ueen-liother ss she waa the only surviving widow of Maharaja Banjit Singh4.
Hire Singh I * was the Prime Minister of Maharaja Dalip Singh arranged that Hani Jind Kaur should continue to look after her son, and her brother, Jswahir Singh ould supervise the education of young prince. For the , Sit* Xohli p.69, , Xhuswant -ingh
4. "Maharani Jind Kaur" p.11 16 routine of edmini at ration, ralea of procedure were laid down Secretaries were instructed to submit their papere through Pandit Jalla, who was appointed Mas lr-i-khas. and who recommendations regarding civil and revenue were to • i. regarded as final. Hira Singh retained for himself charge of the army. He immediately sanctioned the promised riee in pay, that of a common soldier was increased by fe.2/- per month. Besides the general rise in salary, all those who had aotually taken part in the siege of 16-17 September, received a gratuity amounting to one month's salary1. Hira Singh appointed Jawahir Singh, who was the maternal uncle of Delip Singh, as the guardian to Maharaja. This appointment had raised him to the position of one of the most responsible dignitaries of the State, a man who apart from his humble origin is described aa 'ill-clad and loitering in the streets of Lahore with a hawk perched on his hand', and also •drunken and debauched' • SfcMfe Rani Jlndau had two brothers one was Jawahir Singh who WBB the elder and the other brother Hira Singh was only
- 15 years old. fiani always favoured her elder brother. She was Interested in appointing Jawahir Singh aa Prime Minister. So she was not happy with the Raja Hira Singh, who himself easumed the position of Prime Minister. Jawahir Singh very soon conceived the idea of ousting Hira f the Sikh -apire M . p.70 2. "gahoiQat-e-Cheshti". Maulavi Hoor Ahmad Che At i, (Lahore) 17
Singh from power end replaced him by Suohot Singh, w « * was the younger brother of Uhlan Singh Dogra. In thie design he had the approval of his sister Jind Ksur, who was aaid to have been intimate with Ouchet Singh beoauee for six years, he had been manager of her household. Suchet Singh readily accepted the offer of help from
the Rani • * her brother aid prepared himself to make bid for the Prime Ministership. Rani waa much against Hira Singh and became louder in her demands day by day* She complained that her eon waa aeoluded by Hira Singh; that she was not regent during hie minority, and that the minister had rejected a proposal of marriage made to Delip
Singh by the * ft par. Qttlab Singh the other ogra brother in vain etrove to paoif y Rani, who threatened to take her son from Gaddy. It is eald that Maharani Jindan was so much irritated by the attitude of Bogra family that she has aeked final Beer Singh who was a famous saint to oome to Lahore and release her end her eon from iaprinnmeatr.
Sac i-fa Singh was dissuaded by his elder brother Gulab Singh, who came to Lahore to oandole with Hira Singh, on the death of hie father, Xhian Singh and attend the DuBafhra Larbcr. ioiled thus, Jawahir Singh tried another. stratagem. He took the infant Maharaja on a elephant to
1.
2. Ram Oupt 170, Abstract of Intelligence the Punjab Laho 29th April, 1844, Hbehiarpur, 1956 18 the cantonments outside the and told the soldiers who hod assembled on parade, that ee the Maharaja was not safe with Hira Singh, it was upto them either to remove the Eogra Minister or to enable the Prince tad himself to esoapt across the Satlej and seek asylum with tho British at Peroaepur1. The troopers refused to be taken in, removed the Maharaja from Jawahir Singh*e lap and informed Hira u. Singh. Hira Singh displayed both firmnees end tact. f \* rewarded the soldi ere for their loyalty and ordered Jawahir Singh to be taken in chains aid incarcerated, In the hjEfilJ, of the late Maharaja Kharok Singh, His position in the young Maharaja's household was given to Lai Singh, a cleric of the 2 Bat the troops recommended that Jawahir
Singh should be leni :•• t re ated they attribute ahare the business entirely to the instigation of Raj Sachet Singh, brother of Hbien Singh Ifcgra. This recommen dation probably saved the life of Jawahir Singhj but the Minister, thoutfit that the least punishment that could inflicted upon him was to put him in irons and plaoe him in close oonfineawt5. Due to the imprisonment of Jawahir Singh Hani's relations with Hire Singh were strained. Rani was *»• t happy with him. Although after aame time Jawahir Singh vao released through the intervention of the eimy.
1. a.» , Kauahyo Lai, p. 367, Patlolp,1968 2. M P.71 3* it p. 100-101 19
At the beginning of 1044, Kashmir a Singh and Pe ah aure Singh, reputed tone of Ranjit Singh, were induced by Suohet Singh to rise the standard of revolt at Sialkot. Several of the more discontented Sikh regiments joined them end for nearly two months they succeeded in holding out against Gulab Singh, who with his own troops and a large detachment from Lahore, was sent to invest their stronghold. At the end of month of Kerch they agreed to oaptiulate, on condition that they should be allowed to depart with all their troope and personal with all their troops and personal possessions. She operations against the princes had been regarded by the Khalsa with great displeasure. /ad it was only by promising the axmy that no violence should be offered to them, the serious revolt was averted, Although this revolt was prevented but it had shaken the position of iiira Singh. Khalsa Army had turned against him'. Dae to the deeds of Pandit Jalla, the Khalsa Army and all the Sikh Chief a turned against Pandit Jalla as well aa Hlra Singh. Raja Gulab Singh absorbed a large proportion of the revenues of the oountry, and seriously embarrassed the Sikh Government by his overgrown
ft * *er and influence. "It was primarily requisite to keep the axmy well and regularly paid, and hence the Pandit proceeded without scruple to sequester several of the 1. w 1, C.H. Payne, p.154, 20
•ad iMkl& of the Sardars, and gradually to In i •• the soldiery with the necessity of a march against JaEnau"1 Pandit J alia made the additional mistake of forge ttin that the Sikhs were not jealous of Gulab Singh alone. He had forgotten that they were Slkha and Hhalsa rd to unite the high and low. H. showed no respect even Sardare of ability and means . She Pandit again In arroganoet had ventured to use some expressions of impatience aid disrespect towards the mother of the Maharaja, end ha had habitually treated Jgwahir Singh, her brother, with neglect end contempt. i Hire Singh began to confiscate the Jaglrs of the nobles aa well a. other Sikh Chiefs* There was financial crisis in the state. Monthly military expenditure had risen. - J lire Singh had to fulfil the promisee with military. For
this purpose money was needed* Treasury was already empty • So he turned towards the Jagir. of the courtiers and other chief a who turned against him. He could not fulfil the promise which he had made with army. So army also turned against him.
The relations between the Rani and Hira Singh were further strained when to celebrate the day of
/ on 13th Baoember, 1844t Rtfii Jind Keur collected . number of articles inoluding pieces of gold and silver to be given 1. p. 157 2. Cunningham p. 239, London, 1849 21 away in charity, as vaa customary with her on euoh occasions. Pandit Jalla who was a tutor and s great favourite of Hira Singh prohibited Rani from doing so and aeked her to state acoording to whose order she waa going to do that. He
| also questioned her right to give away eo much wealth from the treasury. He remarked that if she needed safety and welfare she mast prevent herself from taking that step, otherwiee ahe would he put in prison . He is said to have used abusive language . the Queen mother was not to tolerate suoh over bearing remarks, that led to open rupture, the Rani had her contacts with the Xhalsa Army. So through her brother, she appealed to Xhalsa soldiers for pro tec t ion* • By this time Khalss army had their punches who guided them in their activities. According to Cunningham these punches kept the army in discipline. Appeals were made by the amy Panohayats. As army was already very fed up from the behaviour of Pandit Jalla because of confiscation 01 jsgire of the courtiers. Once more they demanded the surrender of Pandit Jalla. This vae refused by Hire Singh. Lsls Sohan Lsl Suri, the Court historians gives the following description how Hirs Singh end Pandit Jails were murdered, " In the early hour a of the morning of 9 th Poh IV (1839-45) A. D., Sohan Lsl
» 1972 V p. 579 p. 88
v. 22
(21 December) Hira Singh and 8 party loaded with oaeh and jewellery on elephants etealhily left their reeidence. Their intention wee to run to Jammu; but the troops of Khalea were in hot pursuit. They had hardly cleared the Taxali gate, when they were noticed by a oompany of Sikh soldiers. The newa were flashed to the military lines and a body of 6000 troopers led by Sham Singh Attariwala went in pursuit. They over took the fugitives at a distance of thirteen mile8. Sham Singh and Lai Singh being ahead attacked them. Hira Singh, Jalla and someother party members entered a village. Sham Singh reached there and set the village on fire, Hira Singh, Jalla and their company came out after a desperate resistance of an hour. They were overpowered and slain on December 21, 1844 A.D. ', Their heads were carried to I*ahor* md vere exhibited. Thus army and some of the chiefs headed by Rani and her brother succeeded in destroying Dogre hegemony in the Durbar, But they had no plan for putting a workable administration in its placet nor were the interests of the army, the chiefs and the Rani identical. Rani Jinda naturally looked after the interests of her son. and brother* The chief s wanted to have their jagire secured BO that should not be confiscated. The amy wanted salary in the increased rates* Above all treasury was empty and revenue was not forthcoming dtte to Chaotic conditions. Ttie reault was thot instead of improving the situation, 23
f't re was virtually no government In the Punjab, no organisation strong enough to steer the vessel of the state sway from anarchy1. After the death of Hire Singh a grand lurbar was held at Lahore at which the Sardara
I congratulated another •1* obtaining deliverance from cuppreeeive Xogra rule Jawahar Singh pressed hie
| ee for Priaa Ministerahlp• But neither the army, nor the chief a were willing accept him. Hhe propoeal Attar Singh Kalianvala was similarly rejected on the ground that he waa barber by caste. Hani Jind Kaur, In any case waa In no hurry to fill the post as she was in favour to appoint her brothers
She new Govern&ent was not ssuoh stable. Troops told Rani that they vere the rulere, but would suffer ]
son t provided he paid regularly and if he did not they would find a substitute. The immediate demands of the troops were satisfied by the issue of three Months pay* The Ban! and her brother promised the azmy a further inorsasa of pay to the extent of to. 14 instead of to»11-K On. 27 and 28 Deo. 1844, the troops dsmendsd the fulfilment of the promises made by Rani. Several conf orencea with military officers took plaoe. At one of these, the army chiefs said that army would not let the Government work. The increase of pay waa however, not conceded, nor was it
definitely refused. The Army t loudly that the M 1. "aafleet 9* W . , P.90 Rani and her brother vera unworthy to reign and must be imprisoned or put to death and Pashaura Singh enthroned She atao sphere of uncertainty encouraged Peshaura Singh, a son of Maharaja Renjit Singh, to try his luck. With the elimination of the Legrae, any descendant of Ranjit Singh eeemed likely to aucoeed. Pehsuare Singh left Ludhiana with the oongniaance of the British / ant On arrival at Lahore on 1st January, 1845, ha waa advised by Rani Jlnden to accept a Jagir worth te.40,000/- and live in peaceful retirement removed from the haearde of Lahore, She von over the amy with the promise of an addition of half - a- rupee in the monthly salary; so that the nnchavata also advocated retirement of the Prince. Meanwhile the Government remained at a standstill. For routine administration a sort of working oouncil was set up with Jind Kaur ae President, her brother Jawahir Singh and Bhai Ram Singh as members, assisted by Bakahi £bagat Ram, Divan Dina Nath and Fakir Hor-ud-din aa Senior Seoretarlee* All military dispoeitiona, were however, made under the aole authority of the Army Panchayata .
low Rani Jindan waa finding a proper person for Wasarat. Some chief a favoured the name of Raja Gulab
b.", p.413-14 25
Singh because Jawahar -ingh waa not liked by anyone. Gulab Singh* a account with the Darbar waa in arraara. Hi a accumulated wealth had long been an object of envy to the army. Ha had appropriated the propertiee of hie brother,
9 Suohet Singh and hie nephew Hira Singh. Hia unpaid dues were estimated aa amounting to something like a crore of rupees. The Khalsa Army therefor* planned an expedition to the hill a early in 1845| their prograame auited the Rani #ea convinced that peace and quiet in the capital could be achieved, if the major portion of army were employed elsewhere. The Hani deep atoned a email number of her own trusted Sardars and Secretaries to negotiate with the Raja Gulab Singh; among them were Sardar at eh Singh Mann, Divan Rattan •a* Chand Duggal, Sardar Sher Singh Attarlvala and Baba Mian Singh Badi. The Raja received them with greet coordiality and entertained them sumptuously for over a week and lavished gif ta upon them. Aa a result both the parties began to perceive the error of Rani and her brother in the management of the at ate revenue. They forgot the mission on which they had been sent by Rani. i. ew daya after negotiation' a were oonoluded on 28th February. Gulab Singh agreed to pay four lakhs of rupees as earnest of the full diecharge of hia obligations to the State. Raja Gulab Singh waa a very shrewd man. The money whloh he had handed to S. Fat eh Singh waa brought baok to Jaomu by killing Sardar Pat eh Singh 26
1 and hlB own Kaelr Bachna . lo doubt, the plana of killing were the secret instructions of Raja Gulah Singh but hie taota and gifts enabled him to win a eafe conduct from the soldiers* He decided to aooompany them to Lahore personally to settle his accounts* He arrived at Shahdara on 4th April, 1845. Singh* a arrival et Lahore was not liked Jswshir Singh. He despatched some soldiers across the Ravi to overawe the Raja. But his supporters were ready for war. 'Xhia was averted by Hiai Ram Singh and other dignitaries of the oourt sent by the Rani. luring the night of 4th April. Rani sent a special message to Raja Gulab Singi. She sent her good wishes and a guarantee of safety, Gulab Singh agreed to proceed the oity. On the 8th of April laja Oulab Singh was invited to the palace. Rani, * • like many other of Sikh nobility, believed that Raja Gulab Singh was among the few who could restore stability to the kingdom end control the army, day went as far as to offer him the position of azir. Bat he refused politely. He gave to. 2,700,000 to Government by way of arrears. Early in July he obtained leave to return to Jemou . 1. pi* Puni«b Chlafn. Griffin; Lepel p.81, Lahore, 1865 sohna was a Jet of Sheikhpura Pargana, who managed the hill estates of Hlra Singh under the supervision of Pandit Jallo. When Jails transferred to Lahore in 1843, he became the general Manager with the title of Wazir. After ira Singh* a death he was summoned to service in darbar. Baal having failed to pereuade Gulab Singh to 8°©«! the Wazirat, decided to inatal her brother Jawahnr Singh in tliia poaition. Till now Rani was quiet becauee all the chiefs and troops disliked Jawahir Singh. Upto this time he vtis only nominal wamir. About this time there was a severe outbreeic of cholera in Lahore* Preoccupied with the epidemic f ear, neither the Sardara nor the soldiers were in • mood to question the decision of Hani, The formal ceremony of installation wee performed on Jeth 3 (14 May)t vhen the courtiera aaaembled to present nazrana and Sew arena to Jaw shir Singh1. When Jawahir Singh became Minister; Har Singh was treated with great favour for he had married as
his aecond wife •%•• aunt of Maharani Jindan. Jgwaher Singh's appointment to highest office in the State did not cause him to mend hie ways. He indulged himeelf more then ever vith undeeireable ana people of lo* origin. He indulged himeelf with Palace maid-servants. He had illicit relatione with Msngla, the attendant of hi a sister. Although Hani had made all efforts to
1. It was re orted that General Mehtab Singh was prohibited by the Panchayata from molesting the Prince, because he was Ranjit Singh's eon, and also because they wished necessary, to use him as a oounter against Dalip Singh -
2. tne Punjab. Vol. I, p.450, in and Mesey, Lahore, 1940 28 propitiate Gulab Singh, yet he gave >i ouraganant to prince Peahaura Singh to presa hie claim again at Dalip Singh. 3ie instructed General Mehtab Singh to go to Bialkot and seize the estate of the Prince. The prince put a strong reaistanoe.
* But hie followere proved incapable of standing upto the powerful artillery of Lahore Army. Again Jawahir Singh sent Chatter Singh Attariwala whoa* daughter had reoantly been betrothed to Maharaja Dalip Singh and Peteh Khm Tivana from Dera I email Khan to finiah the On 31st August the Prince wee thrown into a dungeon and strangled to death Jawahir Singh had never been populr r with the eBay, who, from the day whan he threatened to-fimrow him aelf to the protection of the Britiah, had not ceased to regard him with auapiclon. Whan aurdar of Prince Peahaura Singh became «•» iwn. atom of indignation arose eting ermy had by this time effectually aeauaed the power of Government* Xhe army reaolved, on 19th Septanber, that Jawahir Singh uuet die ae a traitor and oommunicated the decision to him and to the Bani, The ueen-Mother wae told that aha mu; t handover her brother, or elee, ahe and the Maharaja might have to share the eame fate.A aeeeage of Khalsa army wae sent by Fakir iur-ud-din that Jawahir Singh mast preaant himself to the new Government on 21st September • Hani bagged mercy for her brother from the Punches. She even offered to increase their pay to fifteen rupees. But their promisee and humble entreaties were alike ineffectual. 1. ;; A ghort njst 164 2. M 90 a 29
On 21st September, Jawehir Singh saw that it was now useless to keep himself shut up any longer therefore invited hie slater to accompany him and mounting an elephant with the young Maharaja Dalip Singh, in his arms, he left the fort escorted by about a thousand man. When he reached tjC- fore the hie mahout was compelled to make the elephant kneel little Maharaja wae snatched away from the arms of Jawehir Singh and he was stabbed to death in the hovdah on hie elephant. Thu8 Jawaher Singh wae put to death by Army on 21et Sept. 18451. Maharaja Dalip Singh wae handed oyer to her mother who wae forced to stay In the 2 nearby tent • The Ban! wae quite Inconsolable for many weeke after the catastrophe She ..# erwed her lamentations every day. V ith her long dlrfiavelled hair* accompanied by her slave- girls, efee walked through the streets of Lahore and exposed herself to the public game. Bey after day ehe paid her visit to the Semadh of her brother, in a garden outside the aerosa the parade ground where ehe gave free vent to her teerB. Rani decided to keep herself aloof from state affairs. But the troope sought to make their peace with the Rani. After a few days Rani called meeting of the and Serdare at the Burj When all hod assembled, ehe declared that she would satisfied if her enemies were seised end delivered up to , Ir.W.M.Khilnani,
" P. 150-51 30 her. Jowaher Mai, formerly the Lewen of Sachet Singh itho had been Involved in the plot and who wo* present at the time, WBB accordingly seized end made over to the Rani.
As for Prithi Singh • others of the logra party •greed that they toi diould be seised and delivered npto her.
The murder of Jewahir SingSh left the adnlni strati on once more in the hcnds o£ army* aid the II (C t In daily Council to dictate the polioy of the State. The Beni and the officers of her Government were completely at their mercy1 • Now there was again a problem for waairship. It was decided to leave the directions of the affaire in the hands of the Rani assisted by a Council Secretarl such as Dlwsn Una Hath. Fakir Nur-ud-dln and Bakshi tihegat Ram with the final say in matters of importance resting always with the Xhalsa Army. In the
* month of November a grand Durbar wee held at Shalimar Gardens. At the Darbar Hwan Lina Nath offered the Rani's proposal, that Lai Singh be appointed Wazir and Tej Singh Comman er-in-ohief of the armies, with unlimited authorit: in the event of hontilitie And the troops as nominee s. About the relations of Lai Singh there is great controversy. Lei Singh who had been raised by Raja Hire
P.1 41* 31
Singh to the statue of courtier. he was a great favour!tee of Rani Jindan. According to G.C. aeyth, "Airing the times of Khurafc Singh and Nsu Hihal Singh en intimacy grew up between (Hie Hani) Chanda and Lai Singh and during the ehort reign of £fcer Sin** it had ripened into the closest connection. Biic intrigue was favoured end forwarded by Manila, a slave girl snd personal attendant of Rani, with ell her power - Lei Singh than having oharge of one of the goshriehanas or treasuries". But all these versions of Major G.C. aayth ere merely allegations on the character of Maherani Jind Keur. J.B.Haerat haa rightly stated that all the versions of Smyth are based on rumours snd scandlee. So doubt that Lai Singh was a great
* £ avouritee of Mabaranl bat there was no any type of oheap relations with him or anyone elec. She wes a great Hani of the Lion Monarch of Punjab. Che was bold and of high character strong willed lady. from a long period Meharani was waiting for the time to make Lai Singh Wezlr because he was a greet favourites end yesaea of Rani. Now the time has come for which she was anxiously waiting. Rani now openly evinced her preference and favour for Lei Singh. In the month of November Lai Singh was openly declered Waair by Rani. He openly took upon himself the duties of s Wazir under the authority of ,ueen-mother1.
Although Lai Singh wee made the Prima Minister end
• ii •ill •••»—•! aw. ^•^•^•^•^•^••1 32 Tej Singh Commander-in-chief still the Rani and the officers were completely at the mercy of the army because amy was the ell powerful. There was no strong ruler to break the poer of army and to establish a government under which they could once more enjoy same security. There were three distinct and mutually antagonistic parties the court, the Sardare and the Army. But the very omnipotenc of the army of the Khelea was the cause which led to its destruction. Now the problem for the Rani Jind Kaur and Raja Lai Singh was how to face the Khalso army. The same Khalso army whioh had conquered the whole of the Punjab under the HLion of the Punjab", began to kill all those who came its way1. Under the circumstances there was no way out for the Rani and Raja Lai Singh to deal with the Khalsa Assy except to make them fight against the British. There are two versions regarding Rani Jindan*e responsibility in First Sikh War. One wes that Rani vanted to lessen the power of the Kholea amy by making them fight against the British. For this purpose she was sending messages to various Sardars to fight against the British. However scoordlng to Shah Muhammad she is alleged to have sent a confidential letter to the Britieh Resident that die would despatoh the Sikh army towards them, as is clear from hiflstanzaa^H^^^H^^^H^^^^^^H^^^H^H 33
" «^t fetft 3W ast $>gt ufafc
ite fE3St B*3 ilite ^f% «1 ( Shah Mohggnmod ) She poet Shah Moheamads writing point of view about the Maharanl and the Khalsa army was the seme as of the common people of that time. In reality there ie no * each proof to indicate that she wrote in advance to the British. There ie no evidence to support Shah Mohammad on this points It ia possible that die wanted to divert arrays1
4 attention to a different channel inorder to he free from their unnecessary interference in the administration, she therefore excited the Khalea army more and acre against British*'. Perhaps her object of doing this vas that in
• case the Khalea Army won a victory over the English it would mean inoreass in the territories of the Sikh Kingdom and if it was defeated it would mean considerable weakening of their power* But this does not appear to be the correct position* The British policy towards the Lahore Darbar had made the war inevitable as MfQre&>r says, "The Queen-Mother Jind Keur vai not in favour of war but the edvioe of the Ranee end many of the Sardare disapproved and objeoted, "says General Mcleod Innea In hla Sir Henry Lawrence." but they were patriotio and joined the khalea . It la clear from the McGregor's point of view thrt Rani Jlnd Kaur was not In much favour of war. a*e was helpless In this matter* Shah Mohammed's charge that Hani Jindan did not send Gunpowder to the army did not seem to be corrects Although ehe was against the Khalea away on certain iaeueet becoiee of the murder of her brother and wanted to control the powerful army, yet she aenrer wanted that Khalea army should be defeated at the hands of British. Because she hated British like anything from the first day* It apears that thle allegation wae concocted on Rani Jind Kaur only by the Britishers because they wanted to degrade her in the eyes of Khelsa army and Sikh community• The modern researches have proved beyond doubt that responsibility of war was ouch more on the Britishers then of Khalea army because It were the Britishers who actually provoked the war. While the Internal anarchy had been sapping the vitality of the state, the attitude of the troops towards British neighbours had grown more and more hostile.
It is said that by the year 1845f the British invasion of Punjab wae a constant theme of discussion at the 35
Aasembliee of tha Pflnchavata. The hostility wee not tha outcome of racial antipathy. It was the belief of the Sikha that tha policy of the Britishers was territorial aggrandizement1. And later on thia belief proved right. It was aleo believed that the Britiehera were awaiting a favourable opportunity to add the Punjab to their dominion a. Daring the previous five years various oircumstances had contributed to atrengthen thia belief. The annexation of Sind in 1843 was taken as evidence of the desire of the British to extend their power, and the troopa aent to occupy the province were regarded as a direct menace to the district of Multan. The establishment of a garison a Peroaepur and the military poets on Sutlej frontier also strengthened this belief. According to Payne various circumstance a combined to precipitate the etora. Die Britishere for a long time
• past had been casting their covetous eyee on the Punjab. They had given a solid proof of their ulterior motives against the Punjab even during the day* of Ranjit Singh when they had forced the Maharaja to withdrew forces from Shikarpur in 1836 and had themselves ocoupled it. Lastly they had stopped the advancement of Ranjit Singh toward* Sindh end had themselves forced the Amire of Sindh to accept a British Resident at Hydrabad in their territory. * Hot only thie, but Mr. Oaborne the Military Secretary of Governor-General wrote to Governor-General in June, 1838 V p.167 36
that the first task that they would have #••• ionediately after the death of Ban;} it Singh was to occupy the CJf tire Punjab 1 From this we can very well imagine the intention
the Britisher the desire 4 « MI; 4 that the boundary line of Britiah territory should extended up to river Indus* The British had for long been following &x aggressive policy towards the Silch kingdom and ultimately they were first to violate the treaty of friendship of 1809 atgned between Maharaja Ranjlt Singh and the East India Company. long before the Sikh forces crossed the Sutlej* Upholding the position of the Lahore Sarbar, Major <*«C# Smyth writes, "We have been told that the Sikhs violated the treaty by crossing the river with their army but the question,... I only ask, had we not departed from the rules of friendship first? The year before war broke outf we kept the island between Ferozepur end the Punjab, though it belonged to the Sikhs... Regarding the P unjab war, I am neither of the opinion that the Sikhs uprovoked attack nor that we have acted towards with great forbearance. If tha Sikhs were to be considered entirely and independent State in no way answerable to us, we tfiould not have provoked then, for to aaaert that bridges of boats brought from Bombay was not a o but merely a defensive measure la absurd, besides the Sikhe have translations of Sir Charles Napier*e Speech as it appeared in the stating 1. "V that if they (the robbers of Soinde) were left undisturbed while Scinde was quiet, they would beooat turbulent and troubleisme when the British army was called on to move into the Punjab". The Seikhe thought it as well to be first in the field. Moreover tJtey wars not encamped in our territory but %ieir own1. It ie, therefore, dear that Britishers provoked war. ttiey had started preparations for war against the Sikhs longagD. Xhs British had been preparing in advance for such an ventuality la proved from the following facts. Till 1858 Iudhiana was the only cantonment of tha British near the Lahore frontier with only 3,000 men and 12 cannon. By the end of 1838 Ferozepur had been converted into a British Cantonment with 5,000 men and 12 cannon. Catttonments ware also established by tha British at Astasia, Kasauli and Simla and 14,000 European troops and 46 cannon were stationed there. After his arrival in Inula lord Herdinge further increased the strength of his forces in these cantonments by 22,000 men and 28 cannon, while just before the First Sikh War, their total strength was increased to 44,000 men and 2 100 ceruion • The t3ikhs never denied to right of the British to make military arrangements as they pleased for tha security of their own territories, but this concentration of British forces on the Sikh borders for no apparent reason was 30
Again during 1844 and 1845, Hthe facta were whispered abroad and treasured that the Engli ring bo at a at Bombay to make Bridges aoross the Sutlej, that troops in Sind were being equipped march on Multan and that the various garrisons of the Borth-West Province were toeing gradually reinforced while some of them were abundantly supplied with the munitions of War as well as with the troops* Hone of these things were • HfHfl icated to the Sikh Government, hut they were nevertheless believed by all parties, and they were held to denote a campaign not
• of defence but of aggression. Cunningham rightly concluded by saying that 'further inquiry will show that the policy pursued by the English themselves for several years was not in reality well calculated to ensure a continuance of pacific relations and they cannot, therefore, be held wholly bloe&eless for a war which they expected and deprecated and whioh they knew could only end in their own aggrandizement • The possession of Lahore Darbar territories on the left bank of Sutlej by Britishers aroused the Sikhs against share also believed that the peo the villages were being compelled to pay tribute to the 2 Britl fcTCra«. . Lor* H8rdingefs letters to Lord ELlenborough indicate that Bani had proposed an alliance on basis of accepting a aubsidiary position. Moreover, Hardinge indicated that 1. "HiBtorv of the SikhaH. p.278-79. Ed. 1918 2. "A abort Hletory of the Sikhe" p. 1
\ 39
the ruling chiefs vers willing to undertake the filthy job of prompting the Khalsa troops to commit a number of acts, direct or indirect, which might provide an ostensible cause for the British interference, provided these influential persons were permitted to retain their agi their powers and their nationality the 1 nominal rule of their Maharaja . On 23rd Novemssr, in the afternoon, Raja Lai Singh, Sardar Tej Singh and the Generals
and Colonels eto# of the aiay regular and irregular, attended Hani Jindan*s Darbar and asked her to order the march of the troops to the ferries of the Sutlej. The Rani told them
that they might • « whatever they thought proper « The aiglieh were already bent upon war against the Sikhs but they did not take initiative. When Sikh army crossed the river Sutlej Britishers also declared war.
P.98 2. P. 420 OH/u R IV
CIBCUMST ISHMiHT
Just after the First Anglo-Sikh w»r there grow estsngement between Rani Jind Kmxr and the British* Pexhapa it was outcome of the oircumstances in which she had been placed. She never liked the progressive loss of independence re Durbar and perpetual domination of the British. The British followed the policy of divide and rule, They tried to isolate Jind Kaur and that was one of the major censes of ultimate estrangement between the two* Oie various stages from Treaty of Lahore to Treaty of Bhairowal clearly indicate the deterioration of their relations by and by. It was on the 13th of the February, 1846 that the British Army orossed the river lutle^ into the Sikh territory and occupied Lahore on the 20th February, 1046.
• About the J irst Ai »i ikh war Joseph Thaohwell writes, "If an employ, e of the Lahore, Raja Gulab Singh Iogra, the ruler of Jammu, had willed to help the Jlkhs by his men, the story would have bean written in different words But kept himself aloof from the war in order to grind his own axe. letting an opportunity he acted e medir tor to
t» 1 Oot • peace treaty signed by tno . ikiin and Britishers Thus the First Anglo-Sikh war oame to en end by signing of the Treaty of Lahore. Gulab Singh wee appointed the wazlr and got e written statement by the court offioials that
1. 41
they would abide by his decisions in ell cases. The Treaty of Lahore was signed on March 8,1846, the signatories on the side of the British Government were Fredrick currie and Henry X*Nrence, and on behalf of the Maharaja the signatures included the names of Lai Singh and Tej Singh. On the next day on 9th March it was solemnly ratified at the Darbar held in the Gove mo J> General e tent' According to the terms of the Treaty the Maharaja handed over to the British Governaent all territories laying South
of the SutlejJ; as also the Jullundur £oab9 the land between the Sutlej and Baas rivers. A war indemnify of one and a half crore of rupees was
imposed, Axmy was reduced to 20f000 infantry and 12,000 cavalry. The Maharaja also agreed to recognise the independent sovereignty of Raja Gulab Singh by a separate treaty. The -aheraja was precluded from employing my British, European or Amerioan subject without the consent of the British, Government , nor viae he to change the limits of
Lahore territories without the concurrence of the Briti i'l Government. the Although Rani Jlndan continued to act as a regent and Raja Lai Singh as Vfazir, effective power was vested in the British resident, Henry Lawrence. The young Maharaja Dalip Singh and hi a Darbar were Merely the decorative facade of a kingdom that had ceased to exist except in name^ . 1. Cunningham, p. 331 in olroumetanoea leading to the annexation of Punjab on p, 50 2. r • Vol.2! 1839-1973, Khuswant Sinbh p. 57-58, Delhi, 1977. 42
By the Treaty of Lahore 1846 the British government had undertaken to withdraw their forces from Lahore by the end of 1846. But keeping in view the growing unpopularity of
* Britieh they thought un esireable to withdraw the forces. In order to continue their military in Lahore it was essential to have another treaty with the Lahore Durbar. For thie purpose Henry Lawrence resident was aaked to sound the oourtiers. For the flret tJUae Rani Jinden openly oppoaed the British designs. She refused to sign the petition asking for the continuance of British Army at Lahore. Bile was very bold step for which she had to pay very high cost. In the
Darbar (9 Leo ember) she made a count er-propo sal t that rhe be formally recognised as head of the Government, She was eager to assert her own rights as Queen-Mother1. This waa t not acceptable to the British, nor did they encourage the Sardars to fall in with it. By the terms of this treaty which came to be known aa Treaty of Htiairowel British Government undertook the maintenance of the administration and the protection of the Maharaja during his minority. Till that time the British army was to Btay in Lahore and ita expenses were to be paid by the Lahore Darbar. Hani Jlndan waa deprived of all the power and pensioned off with the one and a half lakh of rupees per annum. J in dan. had strongly opposed the treaty and tried to persuade the Sardars that they could govern the N, p. 114 (Calcutta), 43 country without the British assistance, da Barber chief a had looked to the Britieh to protect their persona end properties from the rapacity of the Khelsa army. The British aaved them from the army but had exacted e heavy for doing so. Rani Jindan wae most p rturbed with the way things were going on'. The open clash between Rani and the Britishers made it evident that they would not tolerate the overbearing Begent for long. Her removal from the power wae therefore the first condition laid down by the British for concluding the Treaty of Bhairowel. Lord Has tinge categorically instructed Fredrick Currie, who was then negotiating, that, "in any agreement made for continuing the occupation of Lahore, her deprivation of power is an indispensable condition . The treaty of Bhairovalt thus sealed her fete. The resident forbade the Serdare (notably Sher Singh Attariwala) to visit Rani1 a private apartments.
The Maharanif the Begent for the minor M8harajef whose * opinion on the subject should have counted more than that of anyother person, was studiously excluded from all participation in the negotiatlona which were to determine the destiny of her son, beoauee she mate an attempt to event the Britieh from extending its tentacles in the Punjab by rallying round her the leading ohief a Nin a schema of independent government", and thereby threatened P« Vol. II, p.63 2. "The Pun •MP.84 44
to thwart the true intentions of the Governor-General . lhe Maharani not only had been studiedly excluded from participating in the negotiotione vhloh led to the ui^ning of the treaty of
* Bhalrowal, but ehe had, by that treaty, eleo been deprived of ell share in the Government of the State - in which ehe had till then been supreme.
Che treaty of Bhairoval had thua rudely shaken the Maharani out of her wits, although during the year ending with the signing of Bhalrowal treatly the people of the Punjab had already witnessed many more ehooJcs under the British hegemony, one of these wee the cow-row incident of 21st April, 1846 . Though JEShairowal had dipped her wings, ehe wee still considered powerful for attaining her past glory. MIf s good opportunity must occur". Herdinge wrote in March, 1847 A.D., "she must be sent away fron Lahore**. But upto this moment, the insurrection of her ill temper had been ao greatly xelt as to justify a her ah remedy without e good cause. A few months leter, it was considered necessary to Keep her baneful Influence from the young Maharaja". It is a meesurc, "Herdlnge aaid (in e Machiavellian way) for the welfare of the boy under British guardianship"'. The Maharani, having been outwitted by British Stateenanahlp, remained in embarrassttente Sir Fredrick Currie the resident in hie pereonal correspondence with the
3. "Maharani Jind Kair". p.50 45
Governor-General recommended that ehe should #. removed from Lahore; but the letter replied, "there Is an objection to 8eperate her from her eon on the ground of her political intriguea counteracting the measurer of the new government, aa it may be said that aha is punished in anticipation of any HI politioal offence ehe had committed"M . From than the Resident began to look out for a pretext which would &ive a aemblauoe of justification for thia step'. A oouple of month* later Sir Henry Lawrence found in
awe to be *•»* wn as the Prema plot. It wee good excuse for the val of tha Maharcni f •n the capital2* Jlnd Kaurfs first attempt to wreak vengeance on the British Be aidant 8nd the arch intriguer Tej Singh, who now headed the cubaerviant Darbar irt wever. crude in foim and limited in scope 3 a)
In Pabiunry 1847 f a conspiracy to murder the Lahore Eeaidant and TeJ Singh was unearthed* Prema* an old military retainer of Raja Gulab Singh, had been a rec B charitable allowance from the Darbar. Bie allowance oeaaed when Gulab Singh became the independent ruler of Jgnm end Kashmir. With several other discontented men and officers of the simy, Prerae secretly plotted to murder the British Resident and Te$ Singh whan they attended a fete at the the p.73 f the P. 132 3. vloneer A-rec- p.85 46
Shallmar Garden. This was discovered, a number of per eons * were arreeted and brought to trial before a court consisting
\ of senior members of the Council of Regency and three British officer a. Die evidence waa largely hearsay; no incriminoting documents of any significance were produoed by the prosecutors, and the Maharani only appeared in the picture because her •fltfVflHf Bute Singh was alleged to hare met Prema once or twice. The conspiracy was, however, leaked out three days ahead and Prema and his other active associates were
I apprehended in Jsramu on May, 1847 and brought to Lahore. Reporting to the Governor-General on 1 June, 1847, Henry Lawrence wrote, "the man Prema has now been four time before me; he says that Shal Maharej Singh an influential Sikh priest at Amritsar, regarding whose suspicious conduct. I have had many reporte. gave hiu to do whatever Maharanee ordered him and in the first instance to kill Dew an Deena Hath, Sardar Tej Singh, Sirdar Sher Singh; a favourite end Munshee of Maharanee met him thrice with messages from hla mist re 86 and told him that each end such troops and chiefs had joined* There ia entire connection between
SJ Prema'a statement and those of parties examined during the last two months". The Resident also wrote that for further investigations he had ordered Maharaj Singh to present himself before the Council1. However, the Governor-General was not satisfied that evidence had been provided to Justify the expulsion of the Queen-Mother2. 47
The Maharani throughout denied having had anything to do with the plot of Prema conspiracy, yet no one oould Imagine that the oonspiracy in which her trusted Monshi Bute Singh, the noble Bhai Meheraj Singh and many email ohief s and ldiera were involved could have matured without her connivance and secret support* But the failure of plot and the great repression which wae unloosed on the public by the indignant Resident was a bitter lesson for the Maharani
• She soon realized that each half-hearted attempt© would • •
# re hexm than goods Iready there was a cry in the British circlee that the Maharani ahould be deported from the Punj though Henry Lawrence, the Resident did not go so far In the matter yet her every activity was checked and reported
» directly to the Residents Lord Herdinge wrote to Currie his views about Rani1 a hand In this conspiracy. "The evidence in H Prema conspiracy*, wrote Lord Hardinge to Currie f is so vague and lndecealvle by Lawrence18 account, that nothing can be done., and I doubt whether it will be satisfactory proved that Her Highness has interfered with her loose reception of people around her and particularly fakirs, it is no difficult matter to compromise her; and every vagabond when detected, in policy desires to save his own neck by plausibly pretending his or her Innocence in the plot, he continues that "If we would fairly get rid of her, it would give the little boy (i.e. Maharaja Delip Singh) s better chance of beins educated . ' P.73,74 - Private letters from 10, 1847, is. P&R 1 Poona Record 48
lfcough Henry Lawrence did not go ao far ae a matter of polioy, ha certainly impoeed mora and Bora restriction a upon her in the palace. Sbe wae watched at every moment and all her movements ware rted directly to the Resi ent. She was even refused permission to visit her aetata at Dalipgarh with her eon, and finally on 10 June, 1847, even the ohiefa o: the Darbar were forbidden to aaa her, 8 * there being no necessity for anyone to go inside the Purdah,' the resident told them bluntly. 1 ro the very beginning of February restriction were imposed on Rani. The Maharani had already complained on 21 February, 1847 about the increased restrictions impoeed upon her, aaying that, 'her fate wae reaembling Maharani Chand Kaur'.
* It was during this period that the Maharani seems to have coae to the oonolusion that only a state wide uprising could, if at all, shake the British* For that whet rhe needed was not the sympathy of a few insignificant nan like Prema but the whole hearted aupport of the more powerful ohiefa and of the army.
Maharani Jind Kaur wae strongly oppoaed to Briti ah Government becauee her exclusion from the Lahore Darbar
blow to it eition. For that ahe needed support
chief a. &e first tried Mul Raj, the Gove • Multan To feci his pulee the Maharani aeoretly deepatohed to Mult an one of her trusted mai d- aarv ant a named Jowaie, 1. "Ta p.85 49 under the pretext of getting a few white ±£ plants for perfo:raing certain religious ceremonies, To her good luck Diwan wee equally frustrated with the British, end accord Jowaie cordial treatment at Multan and wae 'nost partlcul in hie enquiries after Her Highness1a health1. After few days liwan Mulraj made Jowaie depart with a Kftillat consisting pieces end 200 rupees alongwith the ik plant and a secret letter in which he pleaded with the Maharani to aider him her servant to command 1 The leakage of this gave the British another excuse. It had also provided Hani Jinda a kseful hint that Mul Raj could • I* ready to support her against the British. Mul Raj really helped her cause sarly next year when Mult an became the spearhead of the anti-British revolt. At that time Fredrick Currle the then Heeident at Lahore remained the Foreign Secretary* wrote to Elliot, about the hand of the Maharani in that revolt. He wrote, "You have not forgotten I dare soy her sending a slave-girl on a secret embassy to
Mooltan laste June or Julyf and her impudent excuse that she wanted a whits '/fc' tree for ehhantanientB. The "tree" now putforth its leaves and their 'rug muc have been expected «2 After a few months came the TeJ Eingh episode. c) T
Qxe Kesident desired to confer titles of «>t nour
7 Vol. Ill, pp. 180,186 m flahtera'.'p.86 50 on certain Sardars who had rendered services to the British during first Sikh-War, and with this view he arranged that the ceremonial awards should he Bade by the Boy Maharaja on the morning of 7th August, 1847'. Among these who were thu to be honoured vae Tej Singh9 who had played traitor to Lahore Darbar served the cause the British during the ware Maharani directed her son not to apply Tilak on the forehead of Tej Singh. And the young Maharaja acted aa he was directed by hie mother • When the time oaM to give awards the young Maharaja Delip Singh, refused to apply the qashaqa 3 ( Saffren mark) on the forehead of Tej ingh bout this inoident Resident Henry Lawrence wrote to the government, "all went off well, except for a momentary check, occaeloned by the decided refusal of the Maharaja, to make the Saffron "teaka", or marie of Rajaahip, on Sirdar 9 Tej Singh a forehead. Ihere cannot, therefore, •;c toubt that the young Maharaja had been carefully schooled by hie mother, not to take any part in the ceremonies of the day, further than as a mere looker-on, but more pnrticulr to refuse to have any hand in making a Bad a of a Sardar she so much dlslikec Raja Tej Singh4 p. 133 P.87 p. 133 - In Hardinge's words, The Hani, indignant that her enemies should be honoured, tutored the boy that he should affront the chiefs in the public Dsrbar when he had to dip hi a finger in the Saffr on paste and anoint their foreheads. He resolutely played his hart, put his little hands behind him, sat back in his chair, and one of the priest performed the oeremony. In the evening she would not allow the Prince to be dressed uoto see the display of fireworks", 4. Pun • P.75 51
Restrict
When the matter came up before the Council the day after the incident, the Resident and the Regency agreed that the Maharaja had acted under the influence of his mothert the Council recommended that Amir Batch, Hardayal, Jlwan Singh, Hira Singh and a mald-eervant Mangla, who were considered to constitute f a mischievous little group1, be removed from her service and sent away from Lahore. Thus the Ranif s personal movements were restricted within the
4 four walls of the palace. And she was stopped from giving audience so freely and frequently to people of her choice. The Resident considered that this would be constructed more as a warning than a punishment. He told the Council that it would be in the interests of the tranquillity of State, the gnooth xunning of administration, and the satisfactory upbringing of the Maharaja if the Rani were to leave Lahore1* * But Rani soon became disillusioned about the intentions of the Governor-General who aimed at giving to the British Resident at Lahore". Un-limited "authority in all the matters of internal administration and external relations", which for the practical purposes, meant the and of the independence of the Sikhs. Hiere was, therefore, 8 marked change in the attitude of the Rani and the chiefs of the Lahore Larbar . n t P.1M • P^29 52
Two days after the TeJ Singh incident the Resident decided that Hani should be banished from the unjab because ehe had troubled the British Government . Thus the real
* H i • tive In bmishing the Rani wae to "obviate present end embarrassaent" rather than sef ©guard the Maharaj intereeta or even of hie people ae was given out to the world * But to the great annoyance of Resident, none of the chiefs except Tej Singh was willing to take such an * extreme step*. The Resident over-ruled the Council and obtained the sanction of his Government to send Rani Jindan to live in the fort of Sheikhpura. Sir Henry Lawrence treated the
* matter aa 'top secret'9 not sharing his confidence even vith the Regenoy Council till arrangements regarding 011 and conveyance and the hour fixed for the departureo He made alto aire that the boy Maharaja, should be out on an excursion at that time and so obviate my possibility of on embarrassing scene.
On 19th Augu 1847 Rani was removed from Lahore to the way side fort of Sheikhpura 4 Thus within 0 few hours of the issuing of the order, the Meherani was hustled out of the oapital after her son wee mercilessly torn from her. If perchance, few courageous souls found
1. .P.75 2. 3. "The^ua , p.87. Secret despatch to Court of Bireotors, 3 June 1848 No.50 53
thameelves unable to endure the oriee ana laments of the widow of Greet Maharaja Ranjit Singh. In Justification o hie action, the Beeidant aeserted that Her Highness, *ha ever ainoe been intriguing to disturb the government and oarried her opposition so far ae quite to embraea and implede the public business'* In hie report to his government the Resident wrote that it was but", the fir at atep to the final banishment of the Ranee Jhunda from the country which she had so long disturbed. eikhnpura Fort from 20th Mgust, 1847 to 16th May, 1848 the Meharani wae held in the fort of Sfceikhpura under almost intolerable conditions. Her allowance wee arbitrarily reduced from to. 1,50,000 per annum to fs.46,000 per annum as additional punishment. All the coanunicstions with the outside world were completely out oi'f« A strict guerd was placed on her. But the more restrictions end dishonour the Britieh heaped on Rani Jinden, the more aha became the heroine In the eyes of the people. Most of the chief tain a openly expressed their sympathy for her • In reply to her complainte of 111- treetment ahd she wan informed on 2 Septa 1847 that (i) the separation from her son was delibrste act of the Gove mo r- General find would not be revoked^ (11) that during her Regency she had brought the Government of the Darber, 1 "to the verge of ruin (lii) that her conduct since 1846f
-• iin Mifrj" vo1,.°i1nx'MTn 54 vhen on her appeal a British force had occupied Lahore was of euoh a nature that it induced the Go ve rno r-Gene ral *no longer to entrust tha prince (Dalip Singh) to be brought up under her tuition*, and (iv) that it now remained *for Highnees to ba resigned to the decision which waa irrevocable daring the Mtfieraja's minority's Hot content with this, the Governor-General finslly warned her in the above letter that, H If her aotat either by letter, or by message ore of a nature to convince the government that she is 00 reckless as to pre severe in abusing the facilities which her present
1 residence may afford, by attempting to excite discontentment and disturbance on account of the separation from her son, even tha Governor-Gene ral will not hesitate to meka the next step of removing Her Highness out of tha Punjab in the just exercise of the power vested in him by the lote
The Maharani after persual of this reply could no longer be in the daifc about the ultimate intentions of the British, and being a woman who had never learnt to submit easily, she accepted tha challenge without hesitetion. enceforth the Maharani end tha British authorities were openly pitted ageinat one another. By well-planned atrategy she, on one hand, lulled the British authorites into a falee feeling of aaourity, by making occasional complaints about her allowancea, Jagire, and the restrictions imposed 55 upon her, while on the other hand she made full use of this unique opportunity to rouse the chiefs anu the army to make • bold attempt at ousting the British from her kingdom. She wrote letters to John Lawrence from Sheikhpure. In the letters addressed to the Aoting-Resident, Mr,John Lawrence, she referred to the helpless plight of the Maharaja at re and expressed her grief and indignation at having been separated from her son. "It is a of sorrow**, she wrote to the Resident, "that you
did #'• t weigh things before accusing me. You have me on the instigation of traitors.. The treatment 1 that you have given to MU is 4lt even to murderers She even said that you have not done justice to me end have kept no regard of the friendship of the great Maharaja. She continued, *we could never imagine that we could be put Into prison with baseless charges concocted against XKB. Produce any writings of ours. Prove any charges against me, Then you could do anything you like. She expressed her helpless condition in this way. "even water and food are not allowed to come in. Now that you persecute us in this way, 'If you administer justice to and good, otherwl shall appeal to London headquarters.. 2 lortunately her original letter in has been discovered and is preserved at Khalsa tori tsar. It has been stated that t
!,p.51, 52,53 56
"*H* «»U2» fng 3 r ^» a)3» | 5^ H»"3t fe*3 SH ?» 39 H»t gft ?5»6 W» , Sgr H 3g»ut wg^t 33t H ag$i fea vT 3 H Even In the second letter which in Hindi she cle etetee :- "£3 V3&3 3 f 3 3H ot * awa ^g»wt2 * afa$ *J3 *w« ag SH fca*5* * 3t w*i H at >H» h»y^ fca s»Ht ^t 3i ftgt fftj3 m»Hg to? 3H*J» P.57, 52, 53 57 CHAPTER V FOR BH&s-iilBBIO In March 1848 Fredrick Currie who was then Resident, received a report f rest Major Wheeler that oertain persona ^^^^^^^M^^^^^^^^PJBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBB—^S^S^S^S^S^S^S^S^S^S^S^S^P^^^^^^^^B^^^^^^^^M ^B ver« attempting to oorxupt the eoldiere under hie cozawnd. On May* 1848 a sensational plot was disclosed to British \ Commander Major Wheeler. The plan wae to seize Lahore fort * by a surprise attack from aiahdra side. The entire affair was reported by Mr. Currie to hi a government on 9th May in these words*, a sensation had been created in the city by the detection of o oonspirecy to oorxupt the fidelity of the native soldiers of the inf entryf Artillery end irregular oavalxy end the seizere, of the offenders". The enquiry revealed", continued the Resident, "thrt Maharani Jind Kaur the aother of the Maharaja ie the instigator end adviser of all their schemes end plot8f end they have produced letters said to have been written by Her Highness and other evidence in sib stent! at ion of their assertions"• The Beeiuent ordered to take precautions and secret agent set to won:. With the insurrection in Multan in April, however the Resident's suspicious were quickened and he appointed Major Lumeden to investigate the matter, tome British officers including Lumeden made a surprise raid on the residence of commandant Khan Singh in the city and seized his person oertain of his associates 58 were rounded up the next day and tried for attempting to subvert the loyalty of the troops. On 11 May the two main offenders Gange Sara end Ex-General Khan Sta • were also seized and beaten, and one amulet containing a secret paper was obtained from them. The British vere going to arrest a Sadh in Anaxkell, but he had escaped with Umrao Singh Poorbea to Multan. Dewan Mul Raj*a troops have retreated and fled. Xou have no friend now here. look to God and make some arrangement. Some day the Maharaja will be aant away from here". Tftara© Singh Hindustani, twice visited Sheikhupura secretly. The conveying of mat -r "» P.89,90 59 to and from Eheikhupura vae done by the Maharani'e servant •aranjen and Mohan and the eona of Mier Shiv Dyal. The Maharani had supplied large sums of money to he distributed among the native oepoys of the British regiments for their support for the insurrection . The Rani'a private papers vers subsequently searched , Bat neither there, nor from anyother source was any proof of her guilt, to be found. The Rani challenged her would-be accuser a and demanded a regular trial. But the Resident preferred to drop the matter on the grounds that 'a formal trial of Maharaja Ranjit Singh'a vidov vould be most unpopular and heartful to the people*. And yet he wished to give a semblance of constitutional proceeding to hie decision to be rid of her. He summoned the members of Regency Council to his rasidence-cum-office in the Anarksll building end obtsined their spprovsl of the Rani's banishment from Punjab end a further reduction in her allowance from forty-eight lakhs to tvleve. The Councillors, aooording to the Court Chronicler "gave their approval and each one individually signed and sealed, without demur the order of banishment drawn up by the Resident"'. Nothiag could daunt Maharani Jind Kaur. She was always trying her best to oppose the Britishers in every possible way. hen it became clear. Cuxrie did not think M. P.90 2. ft" (1846-49) P. 91 60 It advisable even to wait for orders from hie government to remove Maharaai from the Punkah. A party of the four senior ofi'ioiala of the Court, led by Khalifa Nur-ud-din with one regiment of cavalary wea despatched to Sheikhupure to escort the Maharenie She was led into the belief that she was being taken baok to Lahore, therefore she gladly accompanied themt when the party reached the suburbs of Lahore instead of entering the city, it took the road to Perozepur near Kahna-kaoha, Nur-ud-din, made over ohargc of the person of the Rani to a mounted escort of Major wheeler* a irregulars who had been sent to receive her . Thus on 16th May eh© wae secretly removed to Ferozepur and on 23rd May she was eent from there to ^anarast to be detained there under the personal supervision of Major M*o*gregor, the agent to the Britieh Governor-General. i She wee strictly forbidden to coaaunloate with anybody in the Punjab with a warning that, in case aha would not abstain from practice a and designs of tendency to Subvert the administration of the Punjab « On thie occasion her allowance was further reduced to fa. 1,000/- p.m. Although Ourrie took all necesaary precaution to am&ggle the Maharanl out of the Punjab, the newa waa soon spread end added fuel to the fire. To quote Currief the Resident it adversely affected the sentiments of the Lahore forces then advancing against Mai Rajf •• w p.91 61 under the command of Raja Sher Singh. 2he Sikh soldiers * unreservedly steted, wrote the Eeaident, that ahe was the Bother of all the Khalsa. and that as she was gone, and the young Daleep Singh in our (British) hands, they • *• longer any one to fight for and uphold, that they had no inducement to oppose Wool Raj and if he came to attack them, would seize the Sirdar and their officers and go o to him1 • de majority of the Darbar chiefs who did not approve of the Meharanifs banishment henceforth adopted, fa mo*e unconcerned attitude towards the whole affair11. At Banarae she was deprived of her jewels and other personal valuables* She protested to the Governor-General against this high handedness. She even engaged a British 4 lawyer from Calcutta, named Newmarch, under whose guidance sent on 12th October, 1848, s strongly worded petition t to the Govexncr-General protesting at her unlawful oonf ine- aent2. The Haharani enquired f xom the Governor-General ths reasons upon which the British Government were induced •first to s*xction her close confinement in the Fort of Sheikhupura and afterwards to exile her from her native land, daprlve her of her property and subject her to the most strict end jealous confinement1 • The document closes with the remark;, VI now commit ay course to God, Secret Consultation 70 October, 1>" 48 7 No.259 p. 58 by Sohan Singh Sital, Ludhiana, 1972 62 and to tha vaunted juetioe of the nation of which you ara tha representative, and sujjportlnti myself with the fiim t'# pe of a happy result, I shall andaavour by meeting rigour and Indignities ot my imprisonment in e calm and cheerful spirit to ehov that ay memory of the forbearance a with which the British uaad the advantages of victory ie stronger than my resentment at the severity which their too raady belief in the calumnies of my enemies haa induced than to use towards myatlf * • The Moharani «i*> esked for an increaaa of IU.250/- in her monthly allowance of to. 1,000/- on the plea that even on a very modeet aoele, her expenses including those of her personal estsblidfc Jit amounted to a.2,208/- per mensem detailed list of which waa appended to the petition. She further demanded a sum of fa. 500/- per mensem out of her gold and Jewellery than deposited et Benaraa. On 23rd October, 1848 Major MeoGregor forwarded theae petitiona to Calcutta with the remarks, 'The only objeotion which I see to the compliance of the Maharanee' request for inorease to her present allowance of to. 1,000/ per mensem ia that in ay opinion she would be able to save money out of her monthly allowance which might be applied, by her to some improper purpose*. As earoeeted, the Governor- Ganeral rejeoted the Meherani's request for an increased allowanoe and odvieed her to 'live within the in • •inn I p. 93 Seoret Consultation 25 Hoveaber, 1848, No.248 63 provided for her by the Lahore Berber*. Her appeal • fair trial met with the same fate on the plea'that her coaduet was examined by the Government of Lahore and was found to have been each ae to render necessary the measure of punishment and precaution whioh have since bean taken and that the Government of India sees no reason to renaiv. and declines to renew investigation a vhich have already bean completed and acted upon . At a time when the anti-British revolt at Multan had extended to the entire Lahore kingdom, with Raja Shcr Singh in the oamp of Dew an Mulraj, proving to the hilt the truth of Gangs Bern's statement made at the gallows five II * nths before* when the Sikh forces at Baram, HaEsro ana Peshawar had risen under the leadership of Sardar Chatter Singh and Dost Muhawaad Khan, the Amir of Kabul, had agreed to join the f reeoa struggle, the British had no recourse hut to he harsh and adamant with Mahsrani Jind Kaur, the inspirer, nay the originator of this great upheaval, lothing, however could daunt the tiaharani from persuing her designs. Though about a thousand miles away from the scene of aotion, deprived of her wealth end power and surrounded by the bayonete of her revengeful enemy, this intrepid queen still defied British surveillance end continued to urge the freedom fighters to struggle on hi P. 59 64 heedlees of further oone»auenc«e1. She helped the Punjab rebels financially and spirituslly. She wrote lettere to the leaders of rebels which were full of Inspiration. She even sold her omaaente inorder to eend money to t Punjabi .-* 1rf under the strong control Free • '• Pighters. Although of British Government yet ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^left no atone unturned ^ help the rebels. Alongwith Mahareni Bhai Maherej Singh played an iaportent role in organising all these uprieinge. How Mahareni Jin an end Bhei MeheraJ Singh were working in complete liaison for cresting wide-spread dieeentioua agsinst the British became known by the oonfeeeion mede b; Bam Singh Wemir of xHurpur State after his arrest in 1Q49. He asid that in eerly 1848 Mehsrani Jindan had sent him a secret message advising him to Join Bhai Maherej Singh and to act according to hie orders. Ae Bhei MaharaJ Singh wae then proceeding to Molten, Rem Singh could conteot him as f sr sway es Jliunf Maharaj Sin** Hereupon gave him efficient funds end sdvlsed him to return to the hill and orgsni revolt there. likewise ae e result ccnatant propaganda by Bhai Maherej Singh the peaeentry of the Punjab were already awaiting for en opportunity to measure eworde with the British2. As the British Government was slreedy very suspecious with the attitude of Maherani tovarde them, who they came to that the Mahareni helping the rebels, her activities were t« * re strictly watched p.94 tmdl Ahluw al i a, ».57 'jjini Hisftrrn* fi 65 At Benares Hani'a trusted band of servants had always stood her In good stead, and they kept her In touoh with the rebels almost to tha l8st. Through tham she continued to sand letters and messages to Daw an Mul Raj, Sarder Chattar Singh and Raja Sher Singh. Of course, the letter which reached Raja Sher Singh at Rawalpindi on 8 March, 1849 is most aignifleant. This letter to hnve written after the battles of Chillianwala and Ram Nagar. In appreciation of Sher Singh* a conspicuous gallantry in these actiona, the Maharanl wrote, 'A hundred praises on your gallantry. As long aa heavens and the earth lest, people will talk of your fame. The first thing to be done is to root out the stem end you must oontinue to effec hia by punishing the Perrsnges. Use towards these 'Maleohea the same wilea and artif ioee that they have used themeelvee and manege by some device to expel them from Lahore.... Above all be confident. 3key have no force in thia direction and are at dissension among themeelvee. Baoourage the Hindustanees aa much aa possible... I sent two men to you eorne time ego who have no doubt reached you. My thoughts nights and days are fixed on the Punjeb... Heaember me to Jhunda Singh". Oxe letter ia of importance because it provides a sufficient olue to the working of the Maharanee mind. She wes naturally feeling restlees end ill at ease when the fate of her kingdom was in the balance, and there can be no doubt that during this crucial period ahe decided to escape from the British 66 detention1. Rani Jind Ksur's confinement at Banaraa was even # irksome to the British. She was thought to be conspiring with the rebel elements in Punjab. Therefore it was deoi( to -W • her from Banaraa to the fort of Chunar On 4th April Major MacGregor reoeived inform * from Lahore about her recent communication with the rebels, which changed the aspect of the whole aituation. The Governor-General1 a agent 8t onoe decided to confine the Maharani in the fort of Chunar and next morning a Palaki placed before her room and she was foroed to enter It. Besides HacGregor, there were preaent Lieutenant Hal with two companion* Infantry and Basealah Irregular oavelery to enforoe obediente and eaoort her to Chunar. I transfer Banaraa to Chunar. her maid servant Hargo, with the help of Maharani could able to escape easily 2 though spprehended transfer from Banaraa Chunar fort was undoubtedly one of the most critical moments in ths life of the Maharani. She protested and wept over this arbitrary treatment of the British Government. Bit The above letter was dated 1 Phagan (10 February)which R*1a Sher Singh told was purposely ante-dated by about a month in order to mialead the authorities if inte— last resort the Maharani had also authorised him"to make"the British leave the Punjab on the condition of netting four annaB in a rupee of the State Revenues. But Henry Lawrence felt that this eentenoe was purposely, wit to mialaad the British into a falsa position. - secret Consultations, 26 May, 1849 Ho. 114 2. ".P.95 67 she wee compl tely helpleee and had to obey the o By ten O'olock she and her aixteen lady attendant reached Chunar and been locked in cells vlthin th fort. The fort of Chunar la situated in the district of Mirzapur, in U.P. State, at the Batik of the river Ganges, built of red-atone, there la a email town known by the same name. The fort ia very old, which was built during Hindu period. After 1818 A.D, the British Government used the Port as prison for the political offenders of the crown 72 known for torture and hard- labour given to the prisoner a1. Major MacGregor who had accompanied the party to Chunar personally, made over oharge of the State Prisoners to captain Rees, the Port immandant. At the time of handing over, the Governor-General Agent requested the Maharani to put out her hand to the * fort Commandant for idantifioetion which sha refueed to do the plea of being a lUrdaft-Lady. As a laat precaution Major MacGregor told captain Rees to'Remember her voice', and always to verify her presence by exchanging few words with her from outside. Before leaving Chunar Port, Major MacGregor again werned Captain Reea Mto be vigilant and visit the Rani frequently taking care to identify the 2 prisoner by the voice . ^^^^^^B9^B^B^B^B^BV p.86 68 For all the days Captain Bees continued to call to the Maharani regularly. He used to inspect the other arrangeaant8 and then only report to hi a superiors at Banaraa that all was wall. On 15th April he noticed that the voioa from inaida the oell had 'slightly thickened', hut on enquiry, received the reply that it was due to the oold she was suifering*. Captain Rees faithfully reported this to Major MacGregor as he was already Bending the reports about Maharani from the Port of Chunar. When the revolt at Molten by Dewan Mul Raj broke * out, Rani Jindau was in the custody of the English at Sheikhupura fort aa an exile. This also had created a lot of resentment amongst the Sikhs against the British Government. They thought that thia humiliation inflicted by the British on their respeoteble Sikh personality wae a national diafraoe. But the British Government accused the Rani of a conspiracy with the Punjabis with a view to expelling the aiglieh from the Punjab. Accordingly, a mock enquiry wae instituted against the Rani and in the course »nquiry their doubts were oonfi »!« that Maharani did excite the Sikhs ageinet them. She resident believed that, although "legal proof of the delinquency would not perhaps be obtainable**, she was deeply implicated in the conspiracy to temper with the loyalty of native soldiers . ;• V01.2, p.70 69 A verve of reaantment swept over the Punjab, At the time of the Mult an rebellion, there was perhaps no one vho would shoulder a musket at Rani Jindan1a bidding; a veak after she hed been raaoved f roa the Statet there were few who would not lay down their lives for her sake. The re aidant admitted to the Governor- General t*The Khalsa soldiery on hearing of the removal of the Maharani were much disturbed t They said that she was the mother of all the Khalsa, end that as she was gone, and the young Dalip Singh in our hands, had no longer any to fight for an uphold". Evan lost Mohammad of Afghanistan , expresaad sympathy with the people of the Punjab . The banishment of Jindan shook the confidence that the Darbar nobles had placed in the British. Till this time they had been loyal beoauaa the British had saved 1 •U<»» from the khalae army, guaranteed their possessions and privileges, and given them a eansa of aecurity. But the removal of Bani Jindan and the confiscation of the Jagi of thoat suspected of too close an ssaociation with hex oaueed them to question their attitude towardB their "protectors". Maharani Jindan was taken to Bmaras under heavy armed esoort| her allowance waa further reduced 2 000/ • per month . Seeing thie fate of Bani Jindan Army 1* *4J|4 can be no doubt that the Sikhs are daily becoming more and more discontented, soma have been dismissed from service while others have been banished to Hindustan, in ^articular the mother of Maharaja Dalip Singh,v-ho has imprieoned and ill treated. Suoh treatment is oonsidered objectionable by all oreeda and both high &low prefer death".Dost aohammad to captain Abbott,encloaire 13 in No.44, Parliamentary Papere (1847-49) 2j"" V Vol. II, p.71,72 70 at once cot flared up against the British and the Khalea army joined Sardar Chatter Singh and Sher Singh Attariva father and eon who were the loyal servants of Lahore Dar Moreover Sardar Chatter Singh'e daughter TeJ Keur was affl ««« M«haraj« Balip Singh . The Khalea army joined them against the British Government, The moment the Khnlea army joined the local revolt at Mult an, it became a revolt of the entire Punjab. The banishment of the Maharani was s a measure as unjust as it was unjudicial . This fact is from her letters which she wrote to Briti z't Whether her banishment was the delibrate Intention of the British Government or not, it did result in instantaneously exaepersting a large portion of the Khalea Amy, and most of the leadingo chiefs both in Punjab and outside, "The reports from Raja Sher Singh's ogap;are," Rani a dsportion, "that the Khalea soldiery on hearing of the al of the Maharani were auoh disturbed *i This national grievance which became the cause of universal discontent, WOB given a prominent place in the manifesto which Sher Singh issued soon after ha want over to Mol Raj. "It is well known", ran the manifesto inhabitant Punjab, to the whole of the Sikhs (and those who have be -•• oherlehed by the Khalsaji) and inf sot to the world st large, with what appreesion, tyranny and undue violence, , p.104 Singh t ajor, Evans Ball, p. 19t20# Ludhiena, 1969. 71 the fi# the greet Maharaj Ranjit Singh «'f w in blies, end whet cruelty they have shown towards the people of the country.. They hove broken the treaty by imprisoning and sending away to Hinduotan the Maharani, the mother of the people "The Rani*s deportation was thus considered by everybody attached to the kingdom founded by Ranjit Singh, tlonal Insult and as act preliminary to be subversion of his dynasty and dominion • Thus the great Maharani'e removal from the Punjab became one of the most important facto second Sikh When Sikh War «t>ing on the Maharani the Banaree. She helped the rebels financially to fight against the Britishers. But to her misfortune her plan came to be known to the Governor-General's Agent. He ordered to confine her in the fort of Chunar. BBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBBIBBBBBI 1. p. 103. 72 CHAPTER VI •• HASB a the c It was generally supposed that the fort of Chuner was eo strongly guarded that no prisoner could ever esoape out of it. At Chnnor fort Rani Jind Keur was very olosely watched tat rfie had made up her mind to escape from the British control. Rani gave away her attire to her one maid- servant to wear and in exchange ehe wore the drees of her maid-servant. In this diaguire she put a pitcher on her head, and went out of the fort to fetoh water for the Rani. In this fashion and routine, her maid-servant, used to get water for the hath of the Ranit daily in the morning* Hot suspecting any foul playf the guard of the gate allowed her to go out. Nobody suspected the escape of Maharani till almost noon, whan the news of Maharani1 8 escape appeared like a wild fire and search was immediately started1. Hois happened on 19th April. The Commandant was tfiiazed and baffled as he etill found inside the fort all 17 prisoners he had taken over from Banaras on 5th April, 1849. How the Maharani escaped and who impersonated her could not be established by the Court of Enquiry whioh was held at Chunar the very next day under the Chairmanship 73 of Major C. Troep. Further to oonfound the British •ttthoritieef a letter apparently written by the Msherani before her escape, was found at the fort gate on 19th April wherein she stated that, 'ehe had managed to escape not ••• ith the help of any of her attendants but with the help of a spell*. lae letter concluded with the remark't t you pat me in the cage and loclced me upe For ell your locks and your eentrlee I £ot out by my magic.*., I had told you plainly not to punish me too herd. Now see whether the Punjab ahall not be finally settled, and you will begin to think (realise). But don't think I ran away# understand well, that I escaped by myself unaided.. When I quitted the Fort of Chunor. I threw two papers on my Gutidee (seat) and one I threw on the European end woke your fine European out of Bleep, now don'* imagine, I got out like a thief'1 . Whether this letter wee her own or written by someone else and then plaoed at the Port gate on the 19th morning as e part of the plan to expose her escape at the proper time could never be eeoertained. The only Hit to be astablished after thorough investigation wae that the Maharani had eecaped as early ae the 6th evening and not on the 19th noming end that the episode was a ruse cleverly employed against the Fort guorde and the Fort Coaasndant for several days . In —Secret Consultation , 26th May, 1849 p.96,97 Ho.133 74 anticipation of her eooape, a Punjabi servant of her household waa Bald to be in waiting by the river abet to guide her to a boet which lay in readiness . Meanwhile Rani had covered a considerable distance from Chuner and thus she wee sufficiently safe. She took refuge in the ;- village of Ram Nagar. It was here that her one maid-servant also met her and ahe was further informed that the police posts all over India were duly alertede She was also 2 announced a proclaimed offender Instead of going to the Punjab she turned towards Hepel as ehe had fully apprehended her arrest if she would • go to the Punjab* Prom Fatehgarh she went to Jaunapur and then to Asamgarh situated on the banks of the Oumti riverf and at the junction of mettalled roads from Allahabad, Palzabadf Azgagarh. Benaraa and Mirzapur. She feared dange to go through the road to Nepal which goes from Goraichpur, She proceeded by river route. Thus encountering thousand dangers on the way, with only one intense desire that she was over eager to meet her son before she died. She renohe Hepal safe disguised as B baira^an. Bit according to Nepal Resid«ioy Records she had escaped from Chunar dieguiwd Since the evening of 6th April, one old lady continued to visit the cell of the iieharani inside the Port posing mm her Seenswallee or the tailor-lady, Although her real seenavallae was at Banaras till 15th April. It is believed thnt she had escaped in the guise of the Seenawallee - Secret Consultations 26th M*. , 1849 Nos. 125, 126 ", P.42 75 as a /soli or Kanchi (Slave girl) with the connivance of her guard B. Any how she reached Kathmandu late in April, 1849. During thi8 journey, as she afterwards disclosed to Rana Jung Bahadur, the Prime Minister of a epal, she eluded the British by various devices, always in the guiae of a Bairagan pilgrim on a visit to her ailing Guru In Nepal • Only a women of the Maharani's 2 resolute could have succeeded in such a venture . Maharanl'e sensational escape created a greet in British circles. When the news reached to lord Dalhousie at Simla, he was dumbfounded end his sole consolation was that 'the scandalous carelessness which has now permitted her escape did not oocur a few months ago; whan her presence tfftong the Sikhs in the Punjab, as * the vldow of Banjcet Singh would have roused their enthuaiasa and would have greatly encouraged and strength ened them'. But the Governor-General noted indignantly. •that ahe should have been able to effect her escape from . fortress such as Chunar end from a British guard is a discreditable oiroumetance*. The Maharani' e flight changed the entire complexion of affairs and the Governor General issued the following instructions to his Agent at Banaras (i) thet her Jewels snd property at Banaras be confiscated 76 (ii) that in case she had crossed the frontiers of British Indi she was not to be allowed to draw her allowance and (iii) that should «(• enter into any corununic her without previous reference to the Government11 . On reaching Nepal safely she sent one of her personal attendant* to Rana Jung Bahadur. Nepal1 e Prime Minister requesting Sanctuary* Nepalese court held her arrival rather unexpected and undesired, hut Jung Bahadurf after same hesitation, granted her aahylum mainly in consideration of the respect for the memory of Late Maharaja Ran jit Singh with whom the Nepalese Government had retained amloable relation A all house on the bank of the Baghmati was assigned to her with an adequate allowance for her maintenance • On receiving this assurance ahe entered Kathmandu in person on Sunday, 29th April, 1849. T&if ortunate- ly, on reaching Nepal Cepital the Maharani lecamt that the Punjab rebellion had failed and the Lahore Kingdom annexed to the British Bapire. This shattering intelligence naturally compelled her to change all her plans. Her consuming anxiety then was to find out sbout the safety of her son, the Ex-Maharaja, and the intentions of the British regarding his future. With this motive eh. expressed a desire to meet the British Besident in Nepal. 77 * the Resident refused to reoeive her, though he Informed the Maharani that Dallp Singh was quite safe and a pension had been sanctioned to him1. She next appealed for restoration of her property and for permission to live with her aon. The Resident replied that hecause of the disclosure of her recent correspondence with Raja Sher Sin^fr and other rebel leaders, her property at anaras had been confiscated as punishment and that further oore,h r flight from Chunar and heyond the British territoriee had deprived, her of ell right to consideration from this Government. She was also informed that no portion of the Maharaja1 a allowance shall be allowed to her •0 long aa she was residing beyond the limits of the British territories! nor would she befpeimitted to reside with her Bonf 2. In point of fact, the British authorities were now at all eager for her return as they did not fear any grave danger from her after the annexation of the * Punjab. Moreover they had no desire to embroil themselves unnecessarily vlth the Nepal Darhar on this, now inaignif icant issue. The Governor-General in hie Minute of 8th May, 184-9 therefore noted, 'It would he unwise and impolitic to demand the delivery to us of the Maharanee, when it is next to certain that the demand would he refused and the refusal would either lead to force or at least to an unfriendly feeling hetween 1. "The Pun.1 nb'B, Pioneer Freedom riahterq*. p.98 78 the States'. The beet course in hie opinion was to exert diplomatic pressure on the Nepal DUrbar to keep the Meharani in cloee confinement. Accordingly the British Resident at Kathmandu, who on the first intimrtion of he I » arrival at the Nepal capital, had already told the Prime Minister that *Her future security would be the concern i the Nepal Government*, further conveyed to him the views of the Governor-General thct the Dsrbar would, 'prevent her from all injurious intrigues against the Britl • Government*. All this did not in any way deter the royal refugee from going ahead with her plans. Though she wae refused the delivery of her personal Jewellery by the British. She had been shrewd enough to bring with her from Chunar Jewellery to the value of about one lakh of rupees. • In Nepal with the help of same faithful band of personal servants ehe again got in touoh with the Punjab rebels who were detained in the Allahabad fort. She alao began to correspond with Maharaja Gulab Sinj^h of Janau end Kashmir with the object of making another attenpt at Subverting Bri- * tish authority in the Punjab, where Bhai Maharaj Singh was still continuing the etruggle single-handed. Simultaneously, ahe continued her efforts to win over the Icing of Nepal. All these activities oa«e to a head when on 6th Moroh 1950, J.E. EreScinet British Resident at Kathman cane to know that Nepal king intended to accord a royal reception to the Meharani of Lahore on the evening of 79 8th March, British Resident took prompt ootion and told the Hepal authorities that such a move vas contrary to the assurances they had already given to the Governor General, this admonition was enough to make the king of Nepal cancel the reception. Ertfcine reported to his Government with so. aeairsnce that he will continue to, •discourage in future any intention which I may observe in this court to recogoiae publicly, this restless and intriguing lady1 • Bie Second part of the plan came to light in September of the eme year on spprehenaion of the Maharani's letters addrecsed to the Punkah State prisoners in Allahabad fort. As a re salt of the enquiry the Governor-General warned the State prisoners at Allahabad to desist from further contact with her on pain of severe punishment and further more, instructed the British Resident at Kathmandu to request the Nepal Durbar to pay nore heed to her activities1. When the British Be si dent called upon the Prime i Minister to convey these views of the GoverooivGoneralf Hans J*xg Bahadur also confirmed the newspaper reports about the attempts made by the Punjabis from outside the country to contact the Maharani, and also th©t during the last fortnight six or seven Sikhs had been apprehended while atteiaptin^ to cross into Nepal. He aleo apprised the Resident of the attempts aede by the Maharani to pass on a hundi of fe#2f000/~ to her fellow conspirators. At I 80 result of British instigation, the Prime Minioter met the ttaharetii and inlormed her that in accordance with her assurances to the Nepal Raj she was not expected intrigue with the enemies of the British Gove «*iii eat. Henceforth relations betv/een the Maharani and Ratta Jung Bahadur beoame strained and she "began to look to other quarters for help. Sometimes ago she had received a verbal message from Maharaja Gulab Singh. She therefore, began xplore the possibility slipping into the Jammu and Kashmir. In I 1851 ehe sent Bedrinath, Doola Singh and C hand a Singh fi*#*H with letters addresasd to Maharaja Gulab Singh and his W8zir Chunu. She again sent later in the same year, one Rajinder Sir in th guise of a Xeqir toj the Maharaj reply of these the Maharaja is said to have again conveyed his verbal approval of the scheme through Chunda Singh who returned 1 to Nepal in Before the Mahsrani could leave Nepal her co rrespondence with Maharaja Gulab Singh was also discovered. The Governor-General thereupon instructed his Resident in ftepal ; protest with the Itarbar and £ ft hter".« p.102 b 25 June, 1852, Ho. 134 . _ . -oc M f *M* me"s Sbe further wxotet In «« name of God you worship and in the name of the king whose salt you restore my son to me aflnot bear the pain of t-is M1 separation. Instead of thle you put me to death . I " the above letter it is olesr that how much ahe requested to get her son. Since she was sspsrstcd she was looking for the time to aeet her aon. Bat Britishers paid no attention to her sppesls. She left no stone unturned to see her son. She stayed in Nepal only with one intense desire that die was over eager to meet her son before shell iedlA"^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^Hepal she devoted herself ^ of religious devotion end ohsrity. A smell temple built by her, close to her residence in Ihapathali in 1. MM p. 54,55 83 Kathmandu is still extant. It soon became evident, that Brlti ; i Residency would •f* leave her in peso A whispering campaign soon started against h r imaginary conspiracies and bubbles of political intriguies against tha British, ware blown up. It was alleged that she was a dangerous woman, en&eged in organising political dis-affection in the Punjab, All this was of course .« lees, tsut r* steady pressure of British functionaries in Nepal, led to the gradual anta&enum of the Nepalese Barber against her, culminating in the imposition of most humiliating restri ctions on her. But neither the misdirected seal of the British officials at Kathmandu nor the hostility and in difference of the Nepalese court, could crush the spirit of the forlon widow of Ranjit Singh, After a deoade of and isolation, she still retained «r* bold and imperial disposition. She patiently protested against the indignities and restrictions placed upon her by Jung Bahadur till 1860 A.B.1. towards the end of 1860 signified aoi that her Maharaja Balip Singh return to India end that she could The Rani tired of living in isolation in Nepal, and being fed up with the indignities imposed upon her by Jun; Bahadur, .fee readily woloomed the opportunity of joining her son. who was then in Iondon. This look her quite #>«» etime tout soashow she managed to get into touch with him ^^^^^^^^^| p. 44 84 through her agents at Patna and Amritear. Correepondence between mother and son continued for sometime till it became publio in 1856, when an Urdu paper Koh-i-Noor published thie item in its lseue of 1st April. Soon after thie a letter of Maharaja Itelip Singh addreaesd to hiQ mother also fell Into the hands of the British Resident at Kathmaridu. In the above letter the Maharaja regretted hie inability to assist hie Bother to ooae to ISo&Lmd through hie own efforts, and adviaad her to try and reach that country herself with the rid of Raja Jung Bahadur Singh He alao warned her that, 'Whatever you do* do very cautiously and carefully without getting me into sny scruple'. "As soon aa this letter fell into the hands of the British Resident, he instituted thorough enquirie end reported the matter to hie Government on 28th Aug. 1956 saying that the intention of Maharaai Jind Kaur was to proceed to England to join her son and then to fight her case for the restoration of her personal property and Jagir. Ha alao reported that the Nepal lUrbar waa equally anxioue to be quit of her, the only hitch being the Maharani'a fear of detention by the British'. By thie time the policy at Calcutta had al s * changed. The new Governor-General, lord Canning, in hia Minute of 12 September 1856, thought it more adviaable . 103 - Ho.185 The letter wee written in iaglish. The Maharani had therefore handed it over to Rena Jang Bahadur for translation from some Ihglish - knowing gentleman the British Embassy Staff 85 to permit the Maharani to contact her i • openly. He accordingly wrote to the court of Directors for ordere Before the Hr ctors could reach any decision the Mutiny broke out in India during which the Maharani tried her luok again. Thie eensotional di solo sure was made by the arrest in 1859 of the Maharani*a Ex-servant Singh and Javela Sia^h of village Singhpura in Amritsar district and of Miye of the village Singhpura in Amritsar district and of tfiya of the village of Nulla in the Gurdaepur I&stt. These persona were elleged to have frequently entered the Punjab during the Mutiny 1857-58 carrying the Maharani • oai ,o the people of her erstwhile kingdom and al ft to the State prisoners at Allahabad urging then ee again against the British Government. Bie most aotive figure in thie plot was Chet Singh, the brother of Megh Singh.whom Temple, the Punjab Coumiseion described in report as a «•»• ui rebel. He had not only helped the Maharani in her escape to Nepal but had thereafter visited the Punjab eeverel tines, at the height of the Mutiny and evading all attempts to being arrested led to further large-scale arrests and arbitrary punishment of the people in the Punjab . ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^B^B^B^B^B tion 17 June, 1859 Ho6. 127-47 1. &ngh and Miya were Kahars by Caste, Brothers Jamiyot end Ghessetta who too were arrested BO at one time employed by the -aharani. The Maharani'• ret letters and messages were conveyed to the people darinr the ltatiny throu^ a Banking House of Amritsar n ^ad bv certain Charot Singh end hie son Ram Singh - ir Freedom >l/frters P. 104 86 The British authorities were now convinced that the only way to check the Maherani in h*f seditious career wee div e rt ountry. The Secretary of State for India therefore allowed Maharaja Dalip Singh in 1860t to correspond with his mother and to bring her to England. It was also decided to allow the Hehareni to take away with her the frozen assets which could not be oonf iooated under the lawf notwithstanding the prolonged contixrreray on this issae between Lord Delhousie on the one hand, and the Attorney-General 0f India end the Court of Directors on the otker. 2ke Governor-General on receiving these orders, instructed Lt. Colonel Ramsey* the th Z*4 British Beeident at 2athaendufto permit the Meharaoi to proceed to Calcutta where eon would arrive and receive her*. She was also told that on return to British India * she would be sanctioned a pension of te.;50f000/- per year. Although for security reasons she oust agree to live under the conditions imposed upon her by the ©>vexnment. On 29th December 1 60f the ilaherani gave her written consent to these texme and conditions in the hope of at least, regaining her son if not her kingdom. Moreover she was tired of living in isolation in Hepal. Hot only this but the treatment which she got from Kathmandu Prim. Minister ve. OIBO very ixksome. Colonel Ramsey, then Reoident of KatlMMiidu wrote Login in 1860 that he considered "that unprincipled Scoundrel (than Jung Bahadur) did not »«••• - p. 105 87 tread the earth"1 Kathmondu she was held practioelly prisoner by Jung Bahadur, who grudged her •very penny of the pension he allowed Moreover her health was shattered and she became o st "blind . Dalip Singh grew anxious to meet his Bother. In 1860, Dalip Singh, returned to Indis • l» was pexmitted to live with hi HI* ther, The Maharanl met Dalip Singh 3 st Calcutta in April, 1861 . While Dalip Singh was in India, - severs! Sikh regiments which hod just arrived from China* beseiged his hotel to give him 8 warm welcome. Tha Governor- General Lord Canning became annoyed at this. Ha asked the Maharaja to leave for itingland immediately alongwith hie mother. Both mother end son sailed for England on 4th May. 1861. The mother and son reached London in July Dalip Singh took his mother down to Mulgrave Castle, which he then had on 8 lease from Lord Nozmenbyt and there die remained with him4. While in England, Jindsn insisted on residing slongwith her son as she afraid of being sspsrated Evidently Dalip Singh had leamt from his mother the full tragic story of the annexation of the i>unjab. He al ane to know *m Rani Jindsn the treatment which she • p.206 Ho.27 of June 1861 88 at the hands of the Britishers. She also told him the whole story how vith e greet shrewdness they were separated from each other by the British Government. Not only this she also disclosed him the property which was confiscated hy lord Dalhousie. On listening the whole tragic story from his mother Dallp Singh1 s attitude toward the Britishers began to chance. She told Balip Singh about 1 his religion. She inspired a great spirit of Sikhiam in him. She also described his father's strong faith in sikh religion. It was due to the influence of Rani Jindan that Balip Singh was reconverted into Sikh faith. Not only t. JLs die reminded her son his duties towards his home land• The iiiglish sensed this and prevailed upon Balip Singh to arrange a separate house for Rani Jindan. The Maharani remained with her son resisting all efforts of his friends to make her arrange a separate establishment in another house on the estate, until June, 1862, when the Maharaja took a hours for her in London, and placed her under the charge of an ihglish lady1. ^^^^^^^^^^^^H The 3ritishers wanted to keep Balip Singh separate ause they wera afraid that under hie mother's influence he might lapes into the old habits of hia faith. So Rani Jindan resided in a separate house till her death in 1863. She died in the morning of 1st August, 1863. At the time of her death Balip Singh had gone to Locic Kennard's 89 Lodge in Perthshire. Ae soon as he heard the news of hi f MT« ther e death he rushed to the place* The place where eht died viae Kensington. She was oreaated there hy Dalip Singh She died a prematurely death at the age of 44 years* She stayed only two years with her oon. Her last words to her son were t "Do not let my hones rot in this inhospitable country* Take iae bock to India • In order to fulfil his •other9 8 last wishes, Dalip Singh hrou^iht her ashes to India hut he was not allowed to come to the Punjab. He scattered her ashes on the wtfters of the Karhada mid returned to England* Till now her Sadadh situated at Nasak near Bombay in Maharashtra reminded us her great love for the countjy. According to Bhai Khan Singh Hatha on 27 Maxchf 1924, Baaba Dalip Singh, Prinoese of Maharaja Dalip Singh brought the athes from Hasik to Lahore, near Maharaja Rtfijit Singh* a Saaadh. Ardae vae done by Harbma Singh flpheee of Attari and a S^ladh vae aleo made at Lahore. The only thing vhich she could do during that period was to remind her eon of his duty to hie country end his religion. Toe later life of Dalip Singh is sufficient indication of the success of the Maharani in converting her aon into a true Nationalist^. n Mahan Ko sh by Khan Singh Nabhe p.?92,Lanunje Department Punjab. Patiala, 1960 - She died in London at the age of 46 years. Her dead • # remated in India near Bombay HasilcM . M 2 TheixllBae. » April 9f1978 - Sunday Beading * "Maharaja Dalip Singh Le end*by K.K. Khullrr p. 106 90 Rani Jind Kaur was the youngest Queen of Maharaja Bandit Singh, Queen-Mother of Maharaja 3)alip Singh, the laet Sikh Sovereign. She was so beautiful that from her very childhood her parents use to oall her Chanda. Her skin was tawny gold, her hair a seductive sahagany, falling in attractive confusion about her shapely shoulders. She was alia gad elegant* Actually she was small but from her appearance aba seemed to be tail* Hereyea had a special attraction. The ayes vera strikingly large, delicately arched end luminous. Her mouth was sensitive and sensual. Her red lipe vera subtly turned at the comers with a touch of wistful malanchaly. Her face was very innocent and of oVal shape. Beauty vas not an appropriate vord for her lovelineaa. In the vords of her father, * aba vas the moat beautiful creature in the world • Evan lady login also praised her beauty when she saw Rani Jind Kaur in England. As Jindan belonged to a very ordinary family she could not be eduoeted by her parents. She could read end write Gurmukhi. It is dear from the letters written by She regularly ueed to read Durban! from her Gurmukhi Manuscripts, preserved in the India office 1. For detail a eee Ch«mter-I page, 345 2. p. 210 91 library1. •ie vaa so intelligent that from the very beginning sh. understood the Bhrevd plane of the Britishers. Her intelligence is obvious when at first she allowed the British troops to stay at Lahore Barber. But when she understood the game of the British she at onoe refused to allow the British troope to stay at Lahore Darbar. She was a very far-sighted lady. With her intelligent brain she vaa able to win over the Army and Chiefs of Lahore Darbar* It waa because of her popularity. Britishers were jealous to her. Aa she was opposed to Britishers from the very start. they began to put allegations on her character . Actually she was a very bold lady vho took a very strong steps towards Britishers. In the beginning when she entered the Barbar oolitice her main purpose was to protect the rights of her minor aon, Balip Singh. She played a very aignifleant role in that situation. She was mode the regent of her minor son Balip Singh, s a regent she aafeguarded the right, of Balip Singh. She tackled the Barbar aff airB with great care. She had enough wiadom to understand the bloody plans of the Bogra party. She could not tolerate the Bagra domination. Oxer, were three parties at Lahore Barbari 1. focenily "published Catalogue of Punjabi Gurmukhi manuscripts in the old India office Library (London) M.e. Punjabi B4, No. 12 f. lor detail. *•* Chapter I. p.7,8,9 92 Dograe, Sikh nobility end Khalsa Army. She waa able in over the two partie Sikh nobility and Khalea Army She was very ambitious lady. She could not bear that the wer ould be taken froia the Lahore Berber by the Bo^res. With e great difficulty and care she could save 1 the grand Lahore Barber frou the cruel and shrewd Bograa Although a net-work of intriguoa against her was being prepared in the Lahore-Barber under the influence of Bogra, yet she was bold enough to take • strong step against them. Che wanted to keep the Khalea Army under her control that is why ahe increased the pay of the army once or twice. ler that none in the Barbar is stronger It was «•<• enough to oppo Khalea Army* Buring the first Anglo-Sikh war she worked with great patience. Many allegations were put forth on Maharani regarding the responsibility of first Sikh war. But none ie correct. Because the Britishera were great diplomata they vanted to win over the etntiments of the Khalsa army and osjamon people of Inhere. That is why they put forth different allegations on the character of Maharani. They -nted to degrade her in the eyes of Khalsa Army as well the She was the main 34spirotion a* other «»• the soldiers. Although she waa not in good term. with the Khalsa Army beceuas of the murder of her brothe jdwahir Singh, yet there wae no ill-feeling in her mind. She could never even imagine that her country should go 1 1# lor details ••• C^fllfr I * P-* 93 into the hands of foreigners. She never liked the defeat of the Lahore Barber at the hands of British. She was extra-ordinary hold. Before starting the i'irst i;ikh War there was no alternative for herf she took s very bold stop. She ordered the Khalsa amy to save their precious kingdom and do whatever they think proper. She was totally helpless. In suoh a critical position she took this bold step. Alter the -LOBS of &ialae amy in the 1st Silch war trestles were concluded in which she was deprived of all her power and part in the adainictrntion of Lahore Barbor. By the terms of the proposed treaty of Ehairowal British Government undertook the maintenance of the admlnistration and the protection of the Maharaja daring his minority. Till that time British army was to stay in Lahore and its expenses were to be paid by the Lahore Berber, These term© ol British Government were never accepted by the Maherani, As British Realdent, appointed 'Chore -Darh r wae made all powerful t Rani understood the whole gacie of the British* As ohe wae a very £ar- sighted lady. She knew that one day British would snatch their kingdom end would annex it with British territoryt 'JSxat ie why Rani Jind Kgar strongly opposed the treaty of Bhoirowal. fi"e refussd to sign the application. Upto this time there were strained relations between Maharsni «id the British Government. Bit now this estrangement 94 took the shape of en open clash. In regard to these new arrangements. McGregor, in his H Sikh a. states, HIn appearance, there is a King, a Prime Minister and an •nay, but one and ell are dependent upon British power. Otoe the country ia not garrisoned by the Sikh ftVII it is entirely in the hands of the par unt »• wert who ee ; * Idlers are i tiae to preserve the semblanc Government, hut in reality to keep possession of the advantages already gained, untill the season of the year shall enable the Gove *!'• annex the #«• le. to the r-General » 1 Britieh possessions, if ouch a step be deemed necessary • Even a aubsequent letter dated 23 October, 1847, from Lord Hardinge to the Resident further clarified tberelative positions of the Briti -;'* In all our measures'* taken during the minority, we oust bear in mind that by the Treety of Lahore the Punjab was never intended to be an independmt state. By the clause I added, the Chief of the State ill make war nor peace, nor exchange nor sell en acre of territory! nor admit an European officer, nor refuse us a «'« roughfare through his territories nor, infect, perform any act (exoept ita own internal admini stration) without our permiaalon. In fact, the native Prince is in fetters and under our protection, and murt our bidding H 2 p. 121 M p. 184 ' 95 Ehe situation is therefore olear from the above letter of lord Hardinge, Maharani strongly rosieted terms of the treaty of Bheirowal. Only a hold and courageous lady like her can took such a daring step 1 Although her wings were clipped by the treaty of Bhairowal and she was separated from Lahore politics with certain pension. Yet she was bold enough she never lost her heart. She strongly protested for her rights. She was helpless and could not • !• anything in this concern. Her protests and petitions had a great impact on Khalsa Army and common people of the kingdom. Her protests filled the minds of soldiers and nobles with a spirit of patrioti Her inspiration led to the etruegle for independsnoe. British Government mercilessly sepsrated her fr her son snd imprisoned her in the fort of Sheikhupure £># A later on ah* was transferred to Banarea and ii>»e in fort of Chunar. But ahe never lost her heart. Prom Sheikhupure ahe wrote letters to the Reaident of Lahore Barbar. In these letters she openly oondemned the British polioies. Very boldly she asked British for fair trial. She even told them to give her justice otherwise she will 2 appeal at London headquartera She demanded her oonfiseated property snd inoroase in the pension result demands Z* S was more strictly guarded by the British outho ri But strong confinement oould not stop t details see p. 31,32 Is see Appendix 96 working of her mind. Proa Beneras priaon ahe helped the I"unjebi rebels to fight against the Britiah. She vrote letter to Sher Singh Attariwala. She vrote, HAll your arrmgeiaent ^eve ^ea excellent. The f iret thing to be done ia to root out the stem and must continue to * effect this by puniahing the - erliu;eera"1« She also wrote to other rebel Sardara to continue their struggle for the independence• She ployed a very important role as a freedom fighter. In order to help the rebels she even sold her ornament© and other precious Jevele. To get rid of Britiah was her main aim from the very beginning. An ordinary lady can never tatee suoh a strong step as was taken by the Great Meharani. Inspit. of strong control she took the step of extreme boldness* Not only this her escape from Chunar to N«pal was not an ordinary Job. Her mind was very sharp because when she eooaped from the Chunar no Britiah guard could know her escape. Hsr whole life was full of strangle and tragedy. At Heps! she was not at ease because Nepal authorities give her ill-treatment. Bat all these difficulties oould not liquidate the spirit of patriotism and her intenae desir. to meet her son before her death. From Nepal she wrote to Mny native nobles and also to Maharaja Qulab Singh, for help. But before anything oould be done her lettera were wised, and ah. was proclaimed an off enderer. 1. 2 or detail ete Appendix *B'. 97 Her mind was full of hatred for the British. She was the first lady who oould understand the British policies* In Nepal her health was shattered and she became almost blind. Moreover she was tired of living in isolation at Nepal. On the other hand because of her contact, Dalip Singh vae also vary anxious to meet his mother. At la«t lord Canning allowed l»r to meet her * son when Dalip Singh had caoa to India and even allowed her to go to Eaglend. At airland she oould only live for 2 years. At first ah* was living with Dalip Singh. Daring ahe explained to Dalip Singh each and everything, that British had done. Partly she was responsible r to change his mind to follow the religion of his snosctoj It was the impact of Maharani that Dalip Singh was reconverted into Sikh faith. She told her oon the whole tragic story of her life and annexation of the beloved kingdon of his father; Punjab. It was due to her that Dalip Singh's attitude towards the British had entirely ohanged while his mother was stsying with hin. British authorities were already afraid of her and they declared her a 'most dangerous lady1. look at her tragic fate in Sigland ahe was again separated from her son for vhom she had struggled upto the time. The re-separation from her only son was unbearable to her as her health was already not aound and moreover the grief of this r details see Chanter VI. p. 74,75 98 separation toolc her away for always from her eon. She died a pre-maturely death at the age of 44 years at Kensington in London. Her last words to her son were, "Don't let my bones rot in this inhospitable country. Take me hack to India". Her wish e -owe her patriotiaa and hatred for the British. She did not like that her ashee should remein in the foreign lands. 33ms according to her wish Dalip Singh with greet difficulty came to India but he was not allowed to enter, the Punjab. Helplessly he shattered the remains of his mother in the waters of river Narbada at Naslk. Till now her Sa—flh at Nasik (Maharashtra) remind us her great love for the country. The only thins whioh she could do during that period was to remind her son of hie duty to hie country and hi a religion. The later life of Dalip Sinch is sufficient indication of the success of the Maharani in converting the views of ever beloved son. 1 Three letters of Mahartaii Jind Kgar to John Lawrenc* yfa?ft foot • &»»• «g» fS* & f33» HI 3TT* H*lft WSJrat 3 U»^t I 3JJ»£ * W$ & Tft ft ^^H»?3\ 333 H»% 0ft 5F3» ft 3<%l feH333»Ht * 3© **ft' tf 553?* I 3T?* ^ HiQ»3»H 3t ^H3t $3 *1 Tjtf' f*S» I 3TT» 1* H 3H» 3SFft <3t 33^ $r? f S3» 3* **• 3* Stf* 3T7» * W»faw» I H»* f ®S f&3 fej *5 H* r* W»U TT»fUS TT»3 UtH 111? fc, H*£ "i3 f3l? S» £l H»£ TFH &5 3* \ra^ ?^t Pt , Sotw* &5» T?»% 3ft S»3 *» *? 3t 3» | fetf H»"3t feH3 ^ *» §W JT»* gff «tg W» , ** ft 3TJ»^ wgtf 33t ft 33&1 fea )T 3 w^»g»rT 3 gt^ ^f^s^t **V flu* Cg^") f£g as S*I ft a agtgs ag5 H»I &fe*a n»^t w»s% fa^ s»vrt? )T3SB» al sa^^? •»«|H WTI'^rf H»^ VJ»H «» 3 T|3 ^ g5 fct m»H7 ^1 2 fW 3* feg tf oft a^t I f>3» £ *»f «*» fc 3^J»# TT»f * €3^1 ^TJ "f %*J f rRTSt Si5» n»t s»s ag& 335 ag» f &', fas* % **fc &a a 3"i 1 *3»s TTO»t, d*fi fite ag, lati Iroa hi (Jind Xaur) Sahib to Lawrence had entrust eel my head to your oere thru under the feet of trait not done Rustic bu ought to have Instituted an «nquir;, and then charged me with what found against me. You ought not to hare acted upon what the traitors told you. Ibu have kept no regard of the 1 riendahip of the great Maharaja. You have canted me to he disgraced hy other people. You have not even remained true to traatie and faithful to and agreements. Baja Lei Singh wee true VMSfdmlle of Mehareni Jiad Xaur'a letter Appendix Cf 1. ate Corre udenc I488, in Dr. Ganda riginal lESeir College/ ^n^er. 3 He was loyal baring levelled ohargea against him, you eent him away. Then we never said anything to you. W# thought that as the Sahib himself was with us, we had no fear of any one. We oould never imagine that we could into prison with basele against ue. Produce any writings of ours. Prove any charges against ma. Then you could do anything you liked. Myself, the Maharaja and twenty-two aaid-servants are * imprisoned In the Saamm (Burj), All oth r servant8 hove been dismissed. We are In very helpless conditions Even water and food are not allowed to conic in. Now thnt you persecute us in thia way, it is better that you hang us instead of it. If you administer justice to us, wall and good; otherwise I ehall appeal to London headquarters. Even the allowance of one Lakh and fifty thousand that had been fixed has not been paid any anybody. The amount of fifty one thousand thst I had spent in four months, I hava paid to Missar Megh Raj after having sold my ornaments. I never bagged for anything from anyone. Having sold my ornaments I «•• managing to live on. Why ahould you have caused ma to be disgraced without any fault? V.'hat was the fault of Manglea that she too has been turned out? da Maharaja came to me today and wept bitterly long said that Biehen Singh and Gulab Oingh had been frightening him. If something, happened to the Maharaja through fright, then what shall I do? He was told 4 that order a of the Sahib £or him were to re aide in the Shalima; He wept vexy hitterly when he hearo this* The treatment that is thus meted out to ua he a not "been ivea to any ruling house. thy do you take posatesion of the kingdom by underhand me ens? Why don't you do it openly? On the one hand you make a show of friendship and on the other you hand you make a ehov of - riendship and on the other you have put ua In prison. ft> ju tice to me or I shell appeal to the London headquarters Preserve three or four treltore, and put the whole of the Punjab to the Sword at their bidding. (SEAL) Akel Scheie 1 Bibi Jind Kaur' ^rft f#3t * Frf3fg xign'f3 " ii « WTlV 3*rrt-H*rft &ft'% W Uv&l 3J?» TT»"£» WHS* 8 T?»3 3 JJp ^a» 7T»£ 3SI 3H* ft% ^»R W3 f3H 5 p.52,53 5 Ufa*' SSV rfi& , 3* *$ W^f f^j «t&3 ft** OT3 few*?* %. a* 3TJ& r»»» ssrt'i IT g*^iy*