Studies in Inuktitut Grammar
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Innu-Aimun Legal Terms Kaueueshtakanit Aimuna
INNU-AIMUN LEGAL TERMS (criminal law) KAUEUESHTAKANIT AIMUNA Sheshatshiu Dialect FIRST EDITION, 2007 www.innu-aimun.ca Innu-aimun Legal Terms (Criminal Law) Kaueueshtakanit innu-aimuna Sheshatshiu Dialect Editors / Ka aiatashtaht mashinaikannu Marguerite MacKenzie Kristen O’Keefe Innu collaborators / Innuat ka uauitshiaushiht Anniette Bartmann Mary Pia Benuen George Gregoire Thomas Michel Anne Rich Audrey Snow Francesca Snow Elizabeth Williams Legal collaborators / Kaimishiht ka uitshi-atussemaht Garrett O’Brien Jason Edwards DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE GOVERNMENT OF NEWFOUNDLAND AND LABRADOR St. John’s, Canada Published by: Department of Justice Government of Newfoundland and Labrador St. John’s, Newfoundland and Labrador, Canada First edition, 2007 Printed in Canada ISBN 978-1-55146-328-5 Information contained in this document is available for personal and public non-commercial use and may be reproduced, in part or in whole and by any means, without charge or further permission from the Department of Justice, Newfoundland and Labrador. We ask only that: 1. users exercise due diligence in ensuring the accuracy of the material reproduced; 2. the Department of Justice, Newfoundland and Labrador be identified as the source department; 3. the reproduction is not represented as an official version of the materials reproduced, nor as having been made in affiliation with or with the endorsement of the Department of Justice, Newfoundland and Labrador. Cover design by Andrea Jackson Printing Services by Memorial University of Newfoundland Foreword Access to justice is a cornerstone in our justice system. But it is important to remember that access has a broad meaning and it means much more than physical facilities. One of the key considerations in delivering justice services in Inuit and Innu communities is improving access through the use of appropriate language services. -
Indigenous Languages
INDIGENOUS LANGUAGES PRE-TEACH/PRE-ACTIVITY Have students look at the Indigenous languages and/or language groups that are displayed on the map. Discuss where this data came from (the 2016 census) and what biases or problems this data may have, such as the fear of self-identifying based on historical reasons or current gaps in data. Take some time to look at how censuses are performed, who participates in them, and what they can learn from the data that is and is not collected. Refer to the online and poster map of Indigenous Languages in Canada featured in the 2017 November/December issue of Canadian Geographic, and explore how students feel about the number of speakers each language has and what the current data means for the people who speak each language. Additionally, look at the language families listed and the names of each language used by the federal government in collecting this data. Discuss with students why these may not be the correct names and how they can help in the reconciliation process by using the correct language names. LEARNING OUTCOMES: • Students will learn about the number and • Students will learn about the importance of diversity of languages and language groups language and the ties it has to culture. spoken by Indigenous Peoples in Canada. • Students will become engaged in learning a • Students will learn that Indigenous Peoples local Indigenous language. in Canada speak many languages and that some languages are endangered. INDIGENOUS LANGUAGES Foundational knowledge and perspectives FIRST NATIONS “One of the first acts of colonization and settlement “Our languages are central to our ceremonies, our rela- is to name the newly ‘discovered’ land in the lan- tionships to our lands, the animals, to each other, our guage of the colonizers or the ‘discoverers.’ This is understandings, of our worlds, including the natural done despite the fact that there are already names world, our stories and our laws.” for these places that were given by the original in- habitants. -
INUVIALUIT LANGUAGE and IDENTITY: PERSPECTIVES on the SYMBOLIC MEANING of INUVIALUKTUN in the CANADIAN WESTERN ARCTIC by Alexand
INUVIALUIT LANGUAGE AND IDENTITY: PERSPECTIVES ON THE SYMBOLIC MEANING OF INUVIALUKTUN IN THE CANADIAN WESTERN ARCTIC by Alexander C. Oehler B.A., University of Northern British Columbia, 2010 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN INTERDISCIPLINARY STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA July 2012 © Alexander C. Oehler, 2012 Abstract: The revitalization of ancestral languages has been an issue of great concern to Aboriginal communities across North America for several decades. More recently, this concern has also found a voice in educational policy, particularly in regions where Aboriginal land claims have been ratified, and where public schools fall under a mandate to offer curricula that meet the needs of Aboriginal students. This research seeks to explore the cultural significance of Inuvialuktun, a regional Inuit language comprised of three distinct dialects traditionally spoken by the Inuvialuit of the northern Northwest Territories, Canada. More specifically, the research seeks to examine the role of current Inuvialuktun language revitalization efforts in the establishment of Inuvialuit collective and individual identities across several age groups. Tying into the sociolinguistic discourse on ancestral language revitalization in North America, the research seeks to contribute a case study from a region underrepresented in the literature on language and identity. The applied aim of the study is to provide better insight on existing language ideologies and language attitudes subscribed to by current and potential learners of Inuvialuktun in the community of Inuvik, NWT. Data obtained by the study is intended to aid local and territorial language planners in identifying potential obstacles and opportunities regarding language learner motivation. -
Argument Marking in Harakmbut
Argument marking in Harakmbut: Looking for referential transparency An Van linden ([email protected]) University of Leuven & Research Foundation Flanders (FWO) SLW6, Pavia, 9/09/2014 1. Introduction − Harakmbut is a language from the Peruvian Amazon, spoken in ‘native communities’ in the departments of Madre de Dios and Cusco − Genetic affiliation: − Formerly classified as an Arawakan or Maipuran language by McQuown (1955) (see Hart 1963: 6) and Matteson (1972); but this has found little acceptance (Adelaar 2007: 39). − Wise (1999: 307) states that Harakmbut is commonly accepted to be a (single language) isolate (cf. WALS; Fonseca 2002; Vergara 2007) − Adelaar (2000, 2007) proposes that it is genetically related to the Brazilian Katukina family (included in Guaporé-Mamoré linguistic area), which may be further linked to Macro-Ge − Some grammatical features are shared with Ese Eja (Tacanan family) (Pozzi-Escot 1998: 93), which is proposed to belong to the Guaporé-Mamoré linguistic area in southwest Brazil and eastern Bolivia, close to the border with Peru (Crevels & van der Voort 2008) − Previous linguistic work: focus on Amarakaeri dialect (Hart 1963; Helberg 1984, 1990; Tripp 1976ab, 1995) − Own work: two fieldwork stays in Puerto Luz, San José and Shintuya (all Amarakaeri informants): Jul-Aug 2010, Aug-Sept 2011 − Orthographic conventions: <’>: glottal stop; <¨>: nasal vowel; underlined sounds carry word stress − Agglutinating language − Synthetic verbal morphology, especially with respect to mood and argument marking 2. Mood marking − Argument marking interacts with mood marking: Harakmbut distinguishes between three mood types: indicative, dubitative and imperative mood, each of which has a distinct set of argument markers (cf. -
Diachronic Study of the Ergative Construction in North Baffin Inuktitut
Diachronic study of the ergative-antipassive alternation in North Baffin Inuktitut The alternation between the ergative and the antipassive in Inuktitut, as shown in (1a-b), has generated considerable discussion in the literature. Baffin Inuktitut (Spreng 2005: 2) (1) a. anguti-up arnaq-∅ kunik-taa ERGATIVE man-ERG woman-ABS kiss-IND.SUBJ3SG.OBJ3SG ‘The man kissed the woman’ b. anguti-∅ arna-mik kunik-si-vuq ANTIPASSIVE man-ABS woman-INS.SG kiss-ANT-IND.SUBJ3S ‘The man is kissing a woman’ In fact, the interest in this alternation comes from two different (but arguably related) puzzling problems. First, the interpretation of the patient in these transitive constructions is not consistent. On one hand, some theoretical linguists claim that the patient is interpreted as definite in the ergative but indefinite in the antipassive (e.g., Sadock 1980, Fortescue 1984), as the examples above suggest. However, other examples in the literature contradict those hypotheses and other proposals have been advanced. For example, Kalmár (1979: 95) argues that the patient in the ergative is actually a given argument (i.e., an argument that had already been mentioned in the discourse and is consequently definite) while the patient in the antipassive is a new argument (i.e., an argument that had not been introduced yet in the discourse and could be indefinite or definite) (see also Bittner 1987, Manga 1996, Hallman 2008). Importantly though, these other proposals do not account for all the data as we always find counterexamples. Second, recent studies show that there are ongoing changes with the ergative and antipassive in many Eastern Inuktitut dialects. -
Halkomelem Denominal Verbs' 1 Denominal Verbs
Halkomelem denominal verbs' Donna B. Gerdts and Thomas E. Hukari Simon Fraser University and University of Victoria Halkomelem has four denominal verb prefixes: c- 'have, get, make, do', I-'ingest, partake', txW- 'buy', i- 'go to'. These prefixes attach to nominal bases to form intransitive verbs. The noun to which the prefix attaches is usually unspecified, generic, or non-individuated and can be doubled with a free standing nominal of more specific meaning. Syntactically, this nominal is an oblique object, parallel to patients of antipassive or applicative constructions. Denominal verb constructions are widely used, especially for denoting possession. As in the case of denominal verbs in other languages, they can be formed quite freely, as long as the situation allows for an interpretation. 1 Denominal verbs Some intransitive verbs in Halkomelem are composed of a noun base, such as stiqiw 'horse', 8X wimel 'store', or sqew8 'potato', together with a verbalizing prefix.2 These forms appear in a denominal verb construction, where the derived form serves as an intransitive verb.3 I We would like to express our appreciation to the speakers of Island Halkomelem who have provide data for this paper, especially Arnold Guerin, Ruby Peter, and Theresa Thome. We appreciate editorial assistance from Kaoru Kiyosawa, Todd Peterson, and Charles Ulrich. Thanks to audiences at BLS, CLA, and WSCLA for comments on earlier versions of this paper. Funding for our research comes from a Jacobs Fund Grant and SSHRC Standard Research Grants #410-2001-1335 and #410-96-1247. 2 The nominal prefix s- disappears after c- and /- but not after tx w_ and i-. -
Documenting Linguistic Knowledge in an Inuit Language Atlas
Document generated on 10/01/2021 7:23 p.m. Études Inuit Studies Documenting Linguistic Knowledge in an Inuit Language Atlas Documenter les connaissances linguistiques dans un atlas en langue inuit Kumiko Murasugi and Monica Ittusardjuat Curriculum scolaire inuit Article abstract Inuit School Curriculum The traditional method of orally transmitting language is weakening with the Volume 40, Number 2, 2016 passing of fluent Elders and language erosion in contemporary Inuit society. Language documentation is a vital component of language maintenance and URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1055437ar revitalization. In this paper we present a pilot online, multimedia DOI: https://doi.org/10.7202/1055437ar cybercartographic Atlas of the Inuit Language in Canada, the goal of which is to help protect and strengthen the vitality of Inuit dialects through the documentation of their words. The main component of the atlas is a See table of contents multidialectal database of written and spoken words. We discuss the role of dictionaries in language documentation, introduce the features of the atlas, explore the appeal of the atlas to different types of users (in particular, Publisher(s) language learners), and present future directions for the atlas project. Centre interuniversitaire d’études et de recherches autochtones (CIÉRA) ISSN 0701-1008 (print) 1708-5268 (digital) Explore this journal Cite this article Murasugi, K. & Ittusardjuat, M. (2016). Documenting Linguistic Knowledge in an Inuit Language Atlas. Études Inuit Studies, 40(2), 169–190. https://doi.org/10.7202/1055437ar Tous droits réservés © La revue Études Inuit Studies, 2019 This document is protected by copyright law. Use of the services of Érudit (including reproduction) is subject to its terms and conditions, which can be viewed online. -
Bare Nouns in Innu-Aimun: What Can Semantics Tell Us About Syntax?1
Bare nouns in Innu-aimun: what can semantics tell us about syntax?1 Carrie Gillon Arizona State University The structure of bare nouns has long been controversial. Many researchers argue that bare nouns involve a covert determiner (e.g., Longobardi 1994, Progovac 1998); many others argue that bare nouns are truly bare (e.g., Chierchia 1998, Rullmann and You 2003, Bošković (2008), Bošković and Gajewski to appear). Others argue that bare nouns can vacillate between NP and DP structures (Franks and Pereltsvaig 2004, Ajíbóyè, 2006). In this paper, I use semantic diagnostics to shed light on the structure of bare nouns in Innu- aimun (Algonquian). In previous work, I argue that, crosslinguistically, determiners are associated with a particular semantics: domain restriction (Gillon 2006, 2009b). Using this as a starting point, I investigate the behaviour of bare nouns in Innu-aimun and show that they must involve two different structures: DP and NP. I also argue that the covert determiner must be associated with a non-definite semantics. 1 Introduction This paper addresses two related questions. First, this paper addresses the question of whether semantics can provide us with insight into the structure of bare nouns.2 I explore the idea that the semantics can help us uncover the structure of bare nouns. Bare nouns have no overt functional superstructure. The question is whether bare nouns in languages that lack articles have covert determiners; that is, whether they are covert DPs or simply NPs.3 I argue that there is a covert determiner in Innu-aimun, but that it is not always present, based on the semantic variability of bare nouns. -
PALATALIZATION and ‘STRONG’ /I/ ACROSS INUIT DIALECTS*
PALATALIZATION AND ‘STRONG’ /i/ ACROSS INUIT * DIALECTS Richard Compton and B. Elan Dresher University of Toronto Inuit dialects that show palatalization all distinguish between ‘strong i’ and ‘weak i’. This distinction descends from a contrast in the proto-language between */i/, which causes palatalization, and */ə/ (the ‘fourth vowel’), which does not. All Inuit dialects that have completely lost the contrast between these vowels also lack palatalization. This raises the question, why are there no /i a u/ dialects in which all i trigger palatalization? We propose that this typological gap is not accidental. According to the Contrastivist Hypothesis, only contrastive features can be active in the phonology. Contrastive features are determined by a contrastive hierarchy. We propose that the Inuit contrastive hierarchy is [low] > [labial] > [coronal]. It follows from these assumptions that i can trigger palatalization only if in contrast with a fourth vowel. 1. Introduction Proto-Eskimo had four vowels, */i ə a u/ (Fortescue et al. 1994). They survive as distinct vowels in the Yupik branch of Eskimo but, apart from some sub- dialects of Alaskan Inupiaq, no surface /ə/ remains in the Inuit branch. In most Inuit dialects, this vowel merged with */i/. Original */i/ could cause palatalization of consonants, and some Inuit dialects show palatalization (or former palatalization) (Dorais 2003: 33). In these dialects it is traditional to distinguish between ‘strong i’, which descends from */i/ and causes palatalization, and ‘weak i’, which descends from */ə/ and does not. In some of these dialects the two types of i exhibit other kinds of distinct behaviour as well. -
Native American Languages, Indigenous Languages of the Native Peoples of North, Middle, and South America
Native American Languages, indigenous languages of the native peoples of North, Middle, and South America. The precise number of languages originally spoken cannot be known, since many disappeared before they were documented. In North America, around 300 distinct, mutually unintelligible languages were spoken when Europeans arrived. Of those, 187 survive today, but few will continue far into the 21st century, since children are no longer learning the vast majority of these. In Middle America (Mexico and Central America) about 300 languages have been identified, of which about 140 are still spoken. South American languages have been the least studied. Around 1500 languages are known to have been spoken, but only about 350 are still in use. These, too are disappearing rapidly. Classification A major task facing scholars of Native American languages is their classification into language families. (A language family consists of all languages that have evolved from a single ancestral language, as English, German, French, Russian, Greek, Armenian, Hindi, and others have all evolved from Proto-Indo-European.) Because of the vast number of languages spoken in the Americas, and the gaps in our information about many of them, the task of classifying these languages is a challenging one. In 1891, Major John Wesley Powell proposed that the languages of North America constituted 58 independent families, mainly on the basis of superficial vocabulary resemblances. At the same time Daniel Brinton posited 80 families for South America. These two schemes form the basis of subsequent classifications. In 1929 Edward Sapir tentatively proposed grouping these families into superstocks, 6 in North America and 15 in Middle America. -
Agentive and Patientive Verb Bases in North Alaskan Inupiaq
AGENTTVE AND PATIENTIVE VERB BASES IN NORTH ALASKAN INUPIAQ A DISSERTATION Presented to the Faculty of the University of Alaska Fairbanks in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY By TadatakaNagai, B.Litt, M.Litt. Fairbanks, Alaska May 2006 © 2006 Tadataka Nagai Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UMI Number: 3229741 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. ® UMI UMI Microform 3229741 Copyright 2006 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. AGENTIVE AND PATIENTIYE VERB BASES IN NORTH ALASKAN INUPIAQ By TadatakaNagai ^ /Z / / RECOMMENDED: -4-/—/£ £ ■ / A l y f l A £ y f 1- -A ;cy/TrlHX ,-v /| /> ?AL C l *- Advisory Committee Chair Chair, Linguistics Program APPROVED: A a r// '7, 7-ooG Date Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. iii Abstract This dissertation is concerned with North Alaskan Inupiaq Eskimo. -
Linguistic Diversity Tom Barry, CAFF International Secretariat, Akureyri, Iceland
Ecosystem services Arctic Biodiversity Trends 2010 99 INDICATOR # 22 Linguistic diversity Tom Barry, CAFF International Secretariat, Akureyri, Iceland. If I forget my native speech, And the songs that my people sing What use are my eyes and ears? What use is my mouth? If I forget the smell of the earth And do not serve it well What use are my hands? Why am I living in the world? How can I believe the foolish idea That my language is weak and poor If my mother’s last words Were in Evenki? Alitet Nemtushkin, Evenki poet, 2008. Arctic Canada Shaun Lowe/iStockphoto Language not only communicates, it defines culture, nature, history, humanity, and ancestry [1]. The indigenous languages of the Arctic have been formed and shaped in close contact with their environment. They are a valuable source of information and a wealth of knowledge on human interactions with nature is encoded in these languages. If a language is lost, a world is lost. This deep knowledge and interconnectedness is expressed in Arctic song, subsistence practices, and other cultural expressions but especially in place names across the Arctic. Place names of the indigenous peoples reflect subsistence practices, stories, dwelling sites, spawning sites, migratory routes of animals, and links to the sacred realms of the indigenous peoples of the north. The preservation of languages is a crucial step in developed a framework comprised of six factors which can allowing us to benefit from traditional knowledge and be used to determine the vitality and state of endangerment form a better understanding of our environment.