DOCSLIB.ORG

The Soviet Perception of Detente : an Analysis of the Ideological Continuity of the Policy of Peaceful Coexistence from Lenin to Brezhnev

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Soviet Perception of Detente : an Analysis of the Ideological Continuity of the Policy of Peaceful Coexistence from Lenin to Brezhnev University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 1-1-1981 The Soviet perception of detente : an analysis of the ideological continuity of the policy of peaceful coexistence from Lenin to Brezhnev. Stephen Robert Willand University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1 Recommended Citation Willand, Stephen Robert, "The Soviet perception of detente : an analysis of the ideological continuity of the policy of peaceful coexistence from Lenin to Brezhnev." (1981). Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014. 1897. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1/1897 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE SOVIET PERCEPTION OF DETENTE: AN ANALYSIS OF THE IDEOLOGICAL CONTINUITY OF THE POLICY OF PEACEFUL COEXISTENCE FROM LENIN TO BREZHNEV A Dissertation Presented By Stephen Robert Willand Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY May 1981 Political Science Stephen Robert Willand All Rights Reserved ii THE SOVIET PERCEPTION OF DETENTE: AN ANALYSIS OF THE IDEOLOGICAL CONTINUITY OF THE POLICY OF PEACEFUL COEXISTENCE FROM LENIN TO BREZHNEV A Dissertation Presented By Stephen Robert Willand Approved as to style and content by: Professor Karl W/^^Ryavec, Chairperson of Committee Professor Peter J. Fliess, Member Professor Robert H. McNeal , Member Professor Glen Gordon, Department Head Political Science i i i . PREFACE This dissertation vnll focus on the subject of Soviet-American detente. It will be demonstrated that the detente policy has caused a good deal of confusion regarding its true meaning both in theory and in practice. After analyzing the most significant schools of thought and different viewpoints in regard to detente, this disserta- tion will pose three major hypotheses. These hypotheses will address what this writer feels are the most critical aspects of Soviet-American detente and will be assessed throughout the body of this study. This dissertation will place specific emphasis on the Soviet perception of detente and, accordingly, will rely heavily on primary Soviet source documentation The first hypothesis will present the belief that detente was Furthermore, a political strategy that was created solely by the U.S.S.R. the Soviet leadership designed detente on the basis of revolutionary Marxist-Leninist ideology; an ideology that serves as an important factor that detente in the conduct of Soviet foreign policy. It will be shown the United States and was not a policy that was developed jointly by and updated the U.S.S.R. Rather, detente was conceived, implemented, ideological objectives by the Soviet Union as a means by which long-term the Soviet view, could best be accomplished. The United States, in detente that were established never willingly agreed to the conditions of that the United States continually by the Soviet Union. The Soviets argue the unfriendly cold war opposed the Soviet policy of detente and chose policy of peace. It was only upon posture as an alternative to the Soviet iv reassessing the objective reality of the realignment of world forces in favor of socialism, the growing might of the Soviet Union, and the inherent weakening of and contradictions in the imperialist system that the United States was forced to accept the Soviet policy of detente. The Soviet Union not only created detente but built the policy on the foundation of Marxist-Leninist ideology. That ideology has done much to define the scope and purpose of Soviet foreign policy in general and detente in particular. Detente was not specifically created as a means by which short-term objectives could be realized or the cause of Soviet national interest served. Rather, historical evidence suggests that detente was designed as the catalyst by which long-term goals could be achieved and the cause of communist ideological objectives addressed. Thus, a presentation will be made in regard to the conflicting schools of thought on the subject of ideology. It will be argued that the central core of detente, a commitment to the ideological goal of the worldwide victory of socialism, has remained in existence throughout the long history of Soviet-American detente. The second major hypothesis presents the belief that detente was created by V.I. Lenin in 1918, and has remained a constant factor in Soviet foreign policy to this day. Hence, a detailed study of the history of detente will be presented. It will be shown that Lenin designed detente as a means by which to accomplish eight (8) primary objectives. Detente provided the breathing spell, a respite in war, by which Lenin could con- solidate internal strength. Detente allowed Lenin to survive as an "oasis" gave Lenin the in a sea of capitalist-imperialist adversaries. Detente military means by which he could best prepare for the inevitable East-West confrontation. Detente provided the means by which Lenin could best nations. forestall the inevitable anti-Soviet alliance of imperialist V Detente afforded Lenin the opportunity to secure much needed Western, and specifically American, economic assistance. Detente provided the means by which Lenin could exploit the existing contradictions within the imperialist camp. Most importantly, detente provided the fulcrum by which Lenin would achieve his ultimate goal of transforming the world in the socialist order. It will be shown that Stalin and Khrushchev adhered to and implemented the policy of detente as established by Lenin. While making basic alterations in the policy, both Stalin and Khrushchev maintained the nucleus of detente and formulated Soviet foreign policy on the basis of the detente strategy. It will also be demonstrated that Leonid Brezhnev has maintained both the historical and ideological continuity of detente to this day. Evidence will be presented to support the thesis that the detente of Brezhnev is far more effective than that of any of his predecessors by virtue of the more advantageous and powerful position of the Soviet Union in world affairs. It will be shown that the achievement of strategic parity by the Soviet Union and the augmented ranks of the socialist commonwealth have made detente a very aggressive and highly successful Soviet strategy. It will then be suggested that detente, while maintaining the central objective of a worldwide socialist victory, has been transformed from a defensive ploy to an offensive weapon. The third major hypothesis will posit the belief that the Soviet policy of detente has posed a serious threat to the interests of the United States. It will be shown that the stated objectives of detente are inimical to the United States and were designed to accrue unilateral of advantages to the cause of world socialism. Moreover, the acceptance imposed by detente by the United States, with the inherent limitations American the Soviet Union, has made detente all the more dangerous to vi interests. It will also be demonstrated that the U.S.S.R. has clearly stated that detente will provide the catalyst for the further dissemination of socialist influence and prestige to the direct detriment of the United States. Detente, in this view, has always provided the best conditions for the proliferation of socialism and the construction of communism. It will be argued that the Soviet Union has used detente to achieve the ultimate objective of gaining the worldwide victory of socialism. Within this overall strategy the U.S.S.R. has targetted the specific objectives of further augmenting the ranks of non-capitalist nations and of continuing the process of the realignment of world forces in favor of socialism. In order to accomplish this objective the Soviet Union has employed the strategic goal of realigning the Third World, or developing nations, by way of national liberation movements, from the non- socialist to the socialist camp. Hence, it will be argued that detente imposes unilateral restraints on American action and allows for freedom of action for the U.S.S.R. to pursue its foreign policy objectives. Furthermore, detente does not allow for the preservation of the status quo, the sustainment of the present balance of power, any convergence with the West, the lessening of the inter-camp ideological struggle, or any long-term rapprochement of sorts with the United States. In fact, in the Soviet view, detente guarantees the antithesis of any of these and ensures the shift in the status quo in favor of the "forces of peace," a realignment of the balance of power in favor of world socialism, no convergence with the West, an intensification of the ideological struggle, and an irreversible posture for the policy of capitalist decline and socialist gain. vii ABSTRACT THE SOVIET PERCEPTION OF DETENTE: AN ANALYSIS OF THE IDEOLOGICAL CONTINUITY OF THE POLICY OF PEACEFUL COEXISTENCE FROM LENIN TO BREZHNEV (May, 1981) Stephen R. Willand, B.A., College of the Holy Cross M.A., Center for Advanced International Studies, University of Miami (Fla.), Ph.D., University of Massachusetts Directed by: Professor Karl Ryavec The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze the Soviet perception of detente with specific reference to the conduct of Soviet- American relations. It is shown that the Soviet understanding of detente differs significantly from that of the United States. Moreover, the Soviet view of detente has been translated from theory to practice and now governs the scope of U.S. -Soviet, and East-West relations. The first thesis presented is that detente was created by the Soviet Union and was built on the foundation of revolutionary Marxist- Leninist ideology. It is demonstrated that detente was never mutually designed by the U.S.S.R.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Cuban Missile Crisis JCC: USSR
    asdf PMUNC 2015 Cuban Missile Crisis JCC: USSR Chair: Jacob Sackett-Sanders JCC PMUNC 2015 Contents Chair Letter…………………………………………………………………...3 Introduction……………….………………………………………………….4 Topics of Concern………………………...………………….………………6 The Space Race…...……………………………....………………….....6 The Third World...…………………………………………......………7 The Eastern Bloc………………………………………………………9 The Chinese Communists…………………………………………….10 De-Stalinization and Domestic Reform………………………………11 Committee Members….……………………………………………………..13 2 JCC PMUNC 2015 Chair’s Letter Dear Delegates, It is my great pleasure to give you an early welcome to PMUNC 2015. My name is Jacob, and I’ll be your chair, helping to guide you as you take on the role of the Soviet political elites circa 1961. Originally from Wilmington, Delaware, at Princeton I study Slavic Languages and Literature. The Eastern Bloc, as well as Yugoslavia, have long been interests of mine. Our history classes and national consciousness often paints them as communist enemies, but in their own ways, they too helped to shape the modern world that we know today. While ultimately failed states, they had successes throughout their history, contributing their own shares to world science and culture, and that’s something I’ve always tried to appreciate. Things are rarely as black and white as the paper and ink of our textbooks. During the conference, you will take on the role of members of the fictional Soviet Advisory Committee on Centralization and Global Communism, a new semi-secret body intended to advise the Politburo and other major state organs. You will be given unmatched power but also faced with a variety of unique challenges, such as unrest in the satellite states, an economy over-reliant on heavy industry, and a geopolitical sphere of influence being challenged by both the USA and an emerging Communist China.
    [Show full text]
  • Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference by Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J
    STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 11 Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference by Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J. Lamb Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, Center for Transatlantic Security Studies, and Conflict Records Research Center. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Unified Combatant Commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Kathleen Bailey presents evidence of forgeries to the press corps. Credit: The Washington Times Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference By Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J. Lamb Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 11 Series Editor: Nicholas Rostow National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. June 2012 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government.
    [Show full text]
  • The Causes of Ukrainian-Polish Ethnic Cleansing 1943 Author(S): Timothy Snyder Source: Past & Present, No
    The Past and Present Society The Causes of Ukrainian-Polish Ethnic Cleansing 1943 Author(s): Timothy Snyder Source: Past & Present, No. 179 (May, 2003), pp. 197-234 Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of The Past and Present Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3600827 . Accessed: 05/01/2014 17:29 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Oxford University Press and The Past and Present Society are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Past &Present. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 137.110.33.183 on Sun, 5 Jan 2014 17:29:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE CAUSES OF UKRAINIAN-POLISH ETHNIC CLEANSING 1943* Ethniccleansing hides in the shadow of the Holocaust. Even as horrorof Hitler'sFinal Solution motivates the study of other massatrocities, the totality of its exterminatory intention limits thevalue of the comparisons it elicits.Other policies of mass nationalviolence - the Turkish'massacre' of Armenians beginningin 1915, the Greco-Turkish'exchanges' of 1923, Stalin'sdeportation of nine Soviet nations beginning in 1935, Hitler'sexpulsion of Poles and Jewsfrom his enlargedReich after1939, and the forcedflight of Germans fromeastern Europein 1945 - havebeen retrievedfrom the margins of mili- tary and diplomatichistory.
    [Show full text]
  • In March 1972 the Leader of the Communist Party of the Soviet
    MueRecognitionller in Return for Détente? Recognition in Return for Détente? Brezhnev, the EEC, and the Moscow Treaty with West Germany, 1970–1973 ✣ Wolfgang Mueller Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/jcws/article-pdf/13/4/79/697792/jcws_a_00167.pdf by guest on 24 September 2021 In March 1972 the leader of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), Leonid Brezhnev, unexpectedly suggested that the Soviet Union might be willing to recognize the European Economic Community (EEC). Until that point, the Soviet Union had refused to recognize the EEC and had regularly and vigorously attacked it as a “community of monopolists” and a stalking horse for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Brezhnev’s predecessor, Nikita Khrushchev, had conveyed similar signals re- garding possible recognition in 1962, but he never turned the idea into reality. In contrast, some ten years later, Brezhnev inspired the start of negotiations between the EEC and the Soviet bloc’s Council of Mutual Economic Assis- tance (CMEA). This article draws on Soviet archival documents as well as Western and Russian publications and memoirs to analyze the background, circumstances, and consequences of Brezhnev’s initiative. The article gives special attention to the following questions: What convinced Brezhnev and his colleagues in 1972 to change their hitherto uniformly negative assessment of the EEC? Was this change the result of a major policy reassessment or simply a byproduct of other considerations? How was the initiative linked with broader Soviet foreign policy goals? Why was it not ultimately successful? In answering these questions, the article traces the external and internal factors that inspired the Soviet initiative, including the EEC enlargement process, East-West détente, CMEA integra- tion, Ostpolitik, and Soviet and East European economic and political develop- ments.
    [Show full text]
  • Book Review: the Harvest of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivization and the Terror-Famine Edward Cole Grand Valley State University
    Grand Valley Review Volume 2 | Issue 2 Article 19 1987 Book Review: The Harvest of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivization and the Terror-Famine Edward Cole Grand Valley State University Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/gvr Recommended Citation Cole, Edward (1987) "Book Review: The Harvest of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivization and the Terror-Famine," Grand Valley Review: Vol. 2: Iss. 2, Article 19. Available at: http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/gvr/vol2/iss2/19 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@GVSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Grand Valley Review by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@GVSU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 77 EDWARD COLE Conquest, phi viable task of l The Harvest of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivization genocidal crim the Ukraine, ~ and the Terror.. Famine one vast Belser to Communis Robert Conquest, The Harvest of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivization Ukrainians an< and the Terror-Famine. Oxford: University Press, 1986. famine of 193: How this ca source docume The weather had been beautiful, and the regime's project of liquidating small-scale seems impossil peasant agriculture in favor of the more productive collective farm was complete. But to the efforts l something was terribly wrong in the Ukraine, the breadbasket of the Soviet Union. obvious obstac Ivan Stadnyuk described it in retrospect: are now in a p< The early autumn of of 1932 in Kokhanivka was not the same as other autumns. The father o There were no pumpkins hanging their weary heads down the wattle fences to victors. Yet it • the street.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction Looking Back at Brezhnev
    russian history 41 (2014) 299-306 brill.com/ruhi Introduction Looking Back at Brezhnev Peter Rutland Wesleyan University [email protected] Victoria Smolkin-Rothrock Wesleyan University [email protected] In the West, the Soviet Union is most often viewed through the Cold War lens of capitalist triumph over socialist decline and failure. Rather than take seri- ously the communist challenge to capitalist modernity, the Soviet project is presented as a historical dead-end, a doomed experiment that collapsed under the weight of its own contradictions. The Soviet Union – the story goes – was ruled by a stultified bureaucracy under which citizens enjoyed limited per- sonal freedom and dissidents were ruthlessly persecuted. The attempt to build a centrally-planned economy on principles antithetical to the market led to colossal inefficiency and stagnant growth. Moscow’s competition with the United States for global hegemony brought the world to the brink of nuclear war and fueled bitter conflicts from Afghanistan to Angola. The system’s survival depended on stringent controls on communication with the outside world. Russians, of course, have a more complicated relationship to their own past. Even as the historical legacies of Lenin and Stalin, Khrushchev and Gorbachev, remain contentious, the Soviet Union of Leonid Brezhnev, who was General Secretary from 1964 to 1982, is often portrayed as something of a golden age.1 The papers gathered here were originally presented at a conference “What Was the Soviet Union? Looking back at the Brezhnev years,” held at Wesleyan University on 20–21 October 2011. 1 See Otto Boele, “Remembering Brezhnev in the New Millennium: Post-Soviet Nostalgia and Local Identity in the City of Novorossiisk,” The Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 38 (2011): 3–29, as well as the theme issue on the “long 1970s” in the Russian journal Neprikosnovennyi zapas 52 (2007).
    [Show full text]
  • Detente Or Razryadka? the Kissinger-Dobrynin Telephone Transcripts and Relaxing American-Soviet Tensions, 1969-1977
    Claremont Colleges Scholarship @ Claremont CGU Theses & Dissertations CGU Student Scholarship 2013 Detente or Razryadka? The Kissinger-Dobrynin Telephone Transcripts and Relaxing American- Soviet Tensions, 1969-1977. Daniel S. Stackhouse Jr. Claremont Graduate University Recommended Citation Stackhouse, Daniel S. Jr.. (2013). Detente or Razryadka? The Kissinger-Dobrynin Telephone Transcripts and Relaxing American-Soviet Tensions, 1969-1977.. CGU Theses & Dissertations, 86. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cgu_etd/86. doi: 10.5642/cguetd/86 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the CGU Student Scholarship at Scholarship @ Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in CGU Theses & Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholarship @ Claremont. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Détente or Razryadka? The Kissinger-Dobrynin Telephone Transcripts and Relaxing American-Soviet Tensions, 1969-1977 by Daniel S. Stackhouse, Jr. A final project submitted to the Faculty of Claremont Graduate University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History. Claremont Graduate University 2013 Copyright Daniel S. Stackhouse, Jr., 2013 All rights reserved. APPROVAL OF THE REVIEW COMMITTEE This dissertation has been duly read, reviewed, and critiqued by the Committee listed below, which hereby approves the manuscript of Daniel S. Stackhouse, Jr. as fulfilling the scope and quality requirements for meriting the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Janet Farrell Brodie, Chair Claremont Graduate University Professor of History William Jones Claremont Graduate University Professor of History Joshua Goode Claremont Graduate University Professor of History ABSTRACT Détente or Razryadka? The Kissinger-Dobrynin Telephone Transcripts and Relaxing American-Soviet Tensions, 1969-1977 by Daniel S.
    [Show full text]
  • War Memory Under the Leonid Brezhnev Regime 1965-1974
    1 No One is Forgotten, Nothing is Forgotten: War Memory Under the Leonid Brezhnev Regime 1965-1974 By Yevgeniy Zilberman Adviser: Professor David S. Foglesong An Honors Thesis Submitted To The History Department of Rutgers University School of Arts and Sciences New Brunswick, NJ April, 2012 2 Table of Contents Acknowledgements Pg. 3 Introduction Pg. 5 1964-1967: Building the Cult Pg. 18 a) Forming the Narrative: Building the Plot and Effacing the Details Pg. 21 b) Consecrating the War: Ritual, Monument and Speech Pg. 24 c) Iconography at Work: Soviet War Poster Pg. 34 d) Digitizing the War: On the Cinema Front Pg. 44 1968-1970: Fascism Revived and the Battle for Peace Pg. 53 a) This Changes Everything: Czechoslovakia and its Significance Pg. 55 b) Anti-Fascism: Revanchism and Fear Pg. 59 c) Reviving Peace: The Peace Cult Pg. 71 1970-1974: Realizing Peace Pg. 83 a) Rehabilitating Germany Pg. 85 b) Cinema: Germany and the Second World War on the Film Screen Pg. 88 c) Developing Ostpolitik: War memory and the Foundations for Peace Pg. 95 d) Embracing Peace Pg. 102 Conclusion: Believing the War Cult Pg. 108 Bibliography Pg. 112 3 Acknowledgements Perhaps as a testament to my naivety, when I embarked upon my journey toward writing an honors thesis, I envisioned a leisurely and idyllic trek toward my objective. Instead, I found myself on a road mired with multiple peaks and valleys. The obstacles and impediments were plentiful and my limitations were numerous. Looking back now upon the path I traveled, I realize that I could not have accomplished anything without the assistance of a choice collection of individuals.
    [Show full text]
  • Gareth Jones: Reviled and Forgotten
    Gareth Jones: Reviled and Forgotten How different interests shaped the perception of the Ukrainian Famine of 1932-1933 in the West MA Thesis in History: Political Culture and National Identities Leiden University Rivka Otten S1921487 Supervisor: Dr. J.H.C. Kern 4-4-2019 Table of Contents Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 4 Historiography of the Holodomor .......................................................................................... 6 Methodology and Structure of Thesis .................................................................................. 10 Chapter 1: Famine Grips Russia ............................................................................................... 13 1.1 Gareth Jones – ―An Earnest and Meticulous Little Man‖ ............................................. 14 1.2 Holodomor – Hunger As a Weapon ............................................................................... 21 1.3 The Message – ―We Are Waiting For Death‖ ................................................................ 30 Chapter 2: Voices ..................................................................................................................... 35 2.1 The Moscow Press Corps – ―Working Under a Sword of Damocles‖ ........................... 36 2.2 Exposing The Truth – ―Our Children Were Eating Grass‖ ............................................ 41 2.3 Political Pilgrims – ―Growing Pains‖ ............................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Mikhail Gorbachev and His Role in the Peaceful Solution of the Cold War
    City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works Dissertations and Theses City College of New York 2011 Mikhail Gorbachev and His Role in the Peaceful Solution of the Cold War Natalia Zemtsova CUNY City College How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/cc_etds_theses/49 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] Mikhail Gorbachev and His Role in the Peaceful Solution of the Cold War Natalia Zemtsova May 2011 Master’s Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of International Affairs at the City College of New York Advisor: Jean Krasno ABSTRACT The role of a political leader has always been important for understanding both domestic and world politics. The most significant historical events are usually associated in our minds with the images of the people who were directly involved and who were in charge of the most crucial decisions at that particular moment in time. Thus, analyzing the American Civil War, we always mention the great role and the achievements of Abraham Lincoln as the president of the United States. We cannot forget about the actions of such charismatic leaders as Adolf Hitler, Josef Stalin, Winston Churchill, and Franklin D. Roosevelt when we think about the brutal events and the outcome of the World War II. Or, for example, the Cuban Missile Crisis and its peaceful solution went down in history highlighting roles of John F.
    [Show full text]
  • At Cold War's End: Complexity, Causes, and Counterfactuals
    THE LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE At Cold War’s End: Complexity, Causes, and Counterfactuals Benjamin Mueller A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics and Political Science for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. London, 1 October 2015 DECLARATION I certify that the thesis I present for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work, except where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out by any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 99,864 words. 2 ABSTRACT What caused the Cold War to end? In the following I examine the puzzle of the fast and peaceful conclusion of the bipolar superpower standoff, and point out the problems this creates for the study of International Relations (IR). I discuss prevailing explanations and point out their gaps, and offer the framework of complexity theory as a suitable complement to overcome the blind spots in IR’s reductionist methodologies. I argue that uncertainty and unpredictability are rooted in an international system that is best viewed as non-linear.
    [Show full text]
  • Non-Soviet Perspectives on the Great Famine: a Comparative Analysis of British, Italian, Polish, and German Sources
    Nationalities Papers (2020), 48: 3, 444–459 doi:10.1017/nps.2019.27 SPECIAL ISSUE ARTICLE Non-Soviet Perspectives on the Great Famine: A Comparative Analysis of British, Italian, Polish, and German Sources Paolo Fonzi* Institut für Geschichtswissenschaften, Humboldt Universität, Berlin, Germany *Corresponding author. Email: [email protected] Abstract The present contribution analyzes systematically diplomatic reports written by German, Italian, British, and Polish representatives in the Soviet Union at the time of the Great Famine. Based on both published documents and unpublished archival sources, the article examines comparatively the perception of the Great Famine in these four countries. After providing a short overview of the diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union and the four countries at the time of the famine, this article examines how German, Italian, British, and Polish diplomats explained three key issues for understanding the Great Famine: (1) the role of the conflicts between state and peasantry in unleashing the famine; (2) the issue of whether the Soviet government intentionally caused the famine; and (3) the role of intentions in the development of the famine and the relationship between the nationalities policy of the Soviet government and the famine. Keywords: Soviet famines; foreign relations of the Soviet Union; image of the Soviet Union abroad; Soviet nationalities policy Non-Soviet documents have been used in many instances as a source to study the catastrophic famine that hit several areas of the USSR, especially in Kazakhstan, Ukraine, and North Caucasus, in 1931–1933. These documents were particularly important in the 1990s before the partial opening of the Soviet archives.
    [Show full text]