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INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master, UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversee materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. ProQuest Information and Learning 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 USA 800-521-0600 UMI' ABSTRACT Social science scholars agree that Cuban Americans in Miami-Dade, Florida are politically incorporated because they have achieved electoral and economic success (Warren, 1997). This community is considered a. “Model Minority,” one that other minorities that are striving for political and economic success should emulate. However, studies indicate that internal divisions may cause disagreements and conflict rather than political incorporation for community. The purpose of this study is to provide an account of the internal politics of the Cuban American community in south Florida and explain the divergent policy objectives of certain individuals and organizations regarding language policy. Browning, Marshall, and Tabb measure political incorporation as a function o f the relative number of elected officials fiom the Cuban American community, civic organizational involvement in the political process, and whether they took part in a coalition. While these factors are significant m determming a group’s level of political incorporation, we demonstrate that political consciousness and mobilization must occur on two fionts. Support for individual candidates and consciousness and mobilization around particular issues are conditions that must be satisfied. We also demonstrated that symbolic reassurance was a major foctor in shaping the political behavior of Cuban i Americans. By providing symbolic reassurance to the Cuban American masses, Cuban American elites were able to gain tangible benefits without losing support within the community. While the electoral strategies of Cuban American elites were not compromised by the tactics of non-mobilization that were employed regarding language policy, we can conclude that Cuban Americans, as a community, were not politically incorporated into the political system in Miami-Dade. There was no significant political mobilization around the issue o f language policy in the 1980s; political mobilization did not occur because political consciousness had not been developed in regard to this issue and because community leaders provided symbolic reassurance to the Cuban American masses. I examine divisions based on race, gender, age, exile status, partisanship, and socio-economic status using a multi-method approach of focus groups, a mass survey and face-to-face interviews. This study makes a valuable contribution to the fields of Latino and racial politics. n A MODEL MINORITY: THE PARADOX OF CUBAN AMERICAN POLITICAL PARTICIPAnON REGARDING OFHCIAL LANGUAGE POLICY IN MIAMI-DADE COUNTY, FLORIDA DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for The Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Jessica L. Pérez Monforti, MA. ***** The Ohio State University 2001 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Herbert Weisberg, Advisor \ Professor Richard Timpone P Advisor ^ Professor Paul Alien Beck Political Science Department UMI Number: 3031245 UMI* UMI Microform 3031245 Copyright 2002 by Bell & Howell Information and Leaming Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Bell & Howell Information and Leaming Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Dedicato alla mia famîglîa, Dedîcado a mî fàmilia. Dedicated to my family IV ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to thank my advisor, William E. Nelson, Jr., for intellectual support, encouragement, and enthusiasm which made this dissertation possible, and for his patience in correcting both my stylistic and scientific errors. 1 also extend my appreciation to Herb Weisberg and Richard Timpone for their comments and encouragement. I also wish to thank Eimad Houry and Greg Domin for their support. 1 thank God for blessing me with a wonderful and supportive network of family and fiiends who made this research possible. In particular, Maryann, Steven, and Steve Monforti, Canio and Cookie Demmo, and Curtiss Bunch were instrumental in my data collection process. I extend my appreciation to my colleagues, particularly BChalilah Brown-Dean and Melanye Price fortheir thought-provoking comments and critiques. I am indebted to Delia Torres for providing me with lodging throughout my research process, Nilsa Toro and Yolanda Abarca from providing me with Spanish- language translations of all of my research instruments and to Daniel Suarez for volunteering to moderate focus group sessions. I also wish to thank all of those who participated m this research, particularly those elected officials and organizational members who took time out of their extremely hectic schedules to talk with me about various issues concerning the politics of Miami- Dade County, FL. I also wish to thank Florida International University and Miami-Dade Community College for permitting me to utilize their facilities and to contact their students and facul^. This research was supported by a Graduate Student Alumni Research Award from The Ohio State University. I am grateful for the assistance of Goldie Shabad, who guided my granting writmg process. VI VTTA February 6,1976. ..................... .. Bom—Islip, New York 1997 ..................................................... B.S. Political Science, Florida State University 2000..................................................... MA. Political Science, Ohio State University 1999 - 2000..........................................Graduate Teaching and Research Associate, The Ohio State University 2000 - 2001 .......................... Adjunct Professor, Pasco-Hemando Community College University of South Florida 2001 - present .................................. .. Instructor Mercer University FIELDS OF STUDY Major Field: Political Science vu TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Dedicatioa .......................................................................................................... iv Acknowledgments ......................................................................... v V ita...................................... vü List of Tables ............................................................................... .................... x List of Figures ..................................................................................................... xii Chapters: L Introduction .......................................................................................................... I 2. Community Formation .........................................................................................10 3. Language Policy ............................................................................................... 37 4. Methods and Hypotheses ....................................................................................67 5. The Social Context of Language Policy .............................................................. 79 6. The Political Context and Consequences of Language Policy .............................ICI 7. The Symbolic Importance of Language Policy ...................................................139 8. Conclusions ...................................................................................................... 154 Appendix A: Focus Groups ................................................................................... 167 Appendix B: Mail Survey ...................................................................................... 176 viii Appendix C: Face to Face titerviews ...................................................................... 232 Bibliography ..........................................................................................................237 IX LIST OF TABLES Table Page 2.1 Number ofCubans in U.S. by Year of Dnmigration, 1990 ..................................17 1.1 Cubans in the United States, by Race, and by Year of Dnmigration, 1990... ........19 13 Race and Ethnicity Demographics for Miami-Dade County ..............................21 2.4 Plans and Perceptions o f Cuban Refugees During First 6 Months inU.S .............23 2.5 Number of Miami-Dade County Minority Owned Businesses ...........................25 2.6 Cubans in U.S., by Poverty Status, and Year of Immigration, 1990 .................. 26 2.7

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