DOCSLIB.ORG

On the Formation of Marxism Historical Materialism Book Series

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
On the Formation of Marxism Historical Materialism Book Series On the Formation of Marxism Historical Materialism Book Series Editorial Board Sébastien Budgen (Paris) Steve Edwards (London) Juan Grigera (London) Marcel van der Linden (Amsterdam) Peter Thomas (London) volume 113 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/hm On the Formation of Marxism Karl Kautsky’s Theory of Capitalism, the Marxism of the Second International and Karl Marx’s Critique of Political Economy By Jukka Gronow leiden | boston Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Gronow, Jukka, author. On the formation of Marxism : Karl Kautsky's theory of capitalism, the Marxism of the Second International and Karl Marx's Critique of political economy / by Jukka Gronow. pages cm. – (Historical materialism book series, ISSN 1570-1522 ; volume 113) Originally published as the author's doctoral thesis, Department of Sociology, University of Helsinki in 1986. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-30664-6 (hardback : alk. paper) – ISBN 978-90-04-30665-3 (e-book) 1. Marx, Karl, 1818-1883. 2. Kautsky, Karl, 1854-1938. 3. Capitalism. 4. Communism–History. I. Title. HX39.5.G72 2015 335.4–dc23 2015032313 This publication has been typeset in the multilingual “Brill” typeface. With over 5,100 characters covering Latin, ipa, Greek, and Cyrillic, this typeface is especially suitable for use in the humanities. For more information, please see www.brill.com/brill-typeface. issn 1570-1522 isbn 978-90-04-30664-6 (hardback) isbn 978-90-04-30665-3 (e-book) Copyright 2016 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi and Hotei Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill nv provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, ma 01923, usa. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper. Contents Preface and Acknowledgements vii Introduction 1 part 1 Kautsky’s Marxism 1 Organised Capitalism, the General Cartel and the Proletariat 29 2 The Dispute over Revisionism 35 3 The Theory of Immiseration, Socialist Consciousness and the Intellectuals 57 4 Socialism as Science 72 5 The Capitalist Law of Appropriation: Kautsky’s Interpretation of Karl Marx’s Economic Thought 78 6 The Centralisation of Capital and Monopoly Formation 94 7 Imperialism and the Relation between Industrial and Agrarian Countries 99 8 Imperialism and Its Alternatives 107 9 Imperialism as the Last Stage of Capitalism 126 10 Theoretical Sources of Kautsky’s and Lenin’s Studies on Imperialism 134 11 Imperialism as the Truth about Capitalism 151 12 Parliamentary Democracy and Revolutionary Tactics 157 vi contents 13 The Question of Democracy and Dictatorship: Lenin’s Critique of Kautsky the Renegade 192 part 2 Marx’s Marxism 14 The Immanent Critique and the Natural Rights Theory 211 15 John Locke, Adam Smith and Karl Marx’s Critique of Private Property 225 16 The Principle of Labour 252 17 The Theory of Increasing Misery and the Critique of Capitalism 276 Conclusion 288 Bibliography 311 Index of Names 325 Index of Subjects 327 Preface and Acknowledgements This study was written originally as my doctor’s thesis at the Department of Sociology, University of Helsinki. In 1979–83 it was supported by the Academy of Finland, to which I wish to express my gratitude. A short visit to the Inter- national Institute of Social History in Amsterdam in 1983 made it possible for me to become acquainted with the Karl Kautsky archive preserved at the Insti- tute. I would like to express my special gratitude to the following people, who commented on the original manuscript of my dissertation at different stages: Erik Allardt, Pauli Kettunen, Pekka Kosonen, Arto Noro and Matti Viikari. Erik Allardt and Matti Viikari also acted as the official examiners of my thesis. Johannes Berger was the official opponent nominated by the Faculty of Social Science at the University of Helsinki. None of them, naturally, bears any re- sponsibility for the ideas represented in the final monograph. I am grateful to Susan Sinisalo for correcting the English of my thesis originally published in 1986 in the series Commentationes Scientiarum Socialum (nr.33) of the Soci- etas Scientiarum Fennica. I’m grateful to the editor of the Historical Materialism series at Brill Publish- ers for offering me the possibility of republishing it. After much consideration, I have decided to publish the work in its original form, with only minor changes, mostly omissions of unnecessary repetitions and excessive quotes. Instead of making any extensive changes in the main text of the book, I have partly rewrit- ten its introduction in order to take into account and relate my arguments, whenever necessary, to the scientific accomplishments in the study of Kautsky and Second International Marxism which have taken place during the almost thirty years that have elapsed since the original publication of my thesis in 1986, none of which, in my opinion, seriously challenge the main line of interpreta- tion of my book. In the original version, most of the quotations were in their original German. This new version uses either original English translations or specific transla- tions from German to English. Since the old translations are often of a rather poor quality, even they have had to be modified at times. Whenever this is the case, I have added the following note to the reference: ‘translation modified BL’. Benjamin Lewis has helped me locate the old translations, as well as translated with great skill all those texts which only existed in their original German. His role was by no means restricted to translating. He has also used his vast know- ledge and extensive reading in guiding me through the most important recent contributions in the field, as well as commented expertly on my interpretation viii preface and acknowledgements of them. Without his valuable help, the whole project of republishing my study would not have been possible at all. The kone foundation has supported the project of the republication of this book for which I would like to express my special gratitude. Helsinki, August 2013 Introduction The quarter of a century of the rise and fall of the Second International (1889– 1914) could be called the formative years of Marxism, or ‘scientific socialism’ as it was solemnly named by its proponents. Karl Kautsky (1854–1938) was one of the leading figures who helped make Marxism the official doctrine of the rapidly growing social-democratic mass parties – directly in Germany and more indirectly throughout Europe and North America. As a leading theor- etician of the German Social Democratic Party, he was understood to repres- ent genuine Marxism by both enemies and friends of socialism alike. Kaut- sky’s Marxism was the target of many polemics and disputes concerning the right interpretation of Marxist doctrine, the scientific validity of the Marx- ist theory of society, and the political and strategic conclusions drawn from it. For the first time Kautsky’s theoretical authority was seriously challenged in 1899 by the full-scale critique put forward by Eduard Bernstein – a former ally and collaborator of Kautsky – of all the main theorems of Marxism. But neither Bernstein nor later critics could shatter the faith in Marxism as the official party ideology and Kautsky’s position as its leading theoretical repres- entative and protagonist. Not until the end of the First World War and the final organisational and political dissolution of the labour movement would Kaut- sky’s Marxism lose its position of authority. Kautsky became rather an obsolete figure, having no niche in the politically divided labour movement. Kautsky enjoyed a wide reputation as a leading theoretician of Marxism even before he was commissioned in 1890 to draft the official party programme, later to become known as the Erfurt Programme adopted by the German Social Democratic Party in 1891. The Erfurt Programme was generally recognised as the party’s first Marxist programme. For 34 years – from its very founding – Kautsky was the editor of the theoretical organ (Die Neue Zeit) of the most influential party of the Second International. He was also the acknowledged inheritor of the theoretical legacy of Marx and Engels, the ‘Old Ones’, and close collaborator with Engels during his last years. He edited and published many of Marx’s posthumous works, including the first published version of Theories of Surplus Value.1 Kautsky could thus with good reason speak with the authority of the ‘Old Ones’, and he was a most influential interpreter and propagator of 1 Kautsky 1904, 1905, 1910a. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi: 10.1163/9789004306653_002 2 introduction Marx’s and Engels’s scientific thoughts. Together with Engels’s Anti-Dühring,2 Kautsky’s DasErfurterProgramm [TheClassStruggle (1892)]3 and TheEconomic Doctrines of Karl Marx [Karl Marx’s Ökonomische Lehren],4 already published in 1887 before the Erfurt Programme, were the basic ‘textbooks’ of Marxism through which many a generation of Marxists studied and learned the basics of scientific socialism.5 The choice of Karl Kautsky as the main theoretical figure in the present study could thus be justified by the influential position he enjoyed among the Marx- ists of the period of the Second International. The main purpose of the present study is not, however, to analyse the history of Marxist ideas, and to identify the originators of certain important thought forms or the relations of influence among various Marxists and among different Marxist interpretations and con- ceptions.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • On Althusser on Science, Ideology, and the New, Or Why We Should Continue to Read Reading Capital Geoff Pfeifer
    C Abstract: C R R I It is no secret that much of the criticism of Althusser’s work during the- I S period within which Reading Capital was written centers on his alleged S I I On Althusser S ‘theoreticism’, or the view that revolutionary practice needs theory (or S theoretical practice) if it is to be truly revolutionary and thus theory is pri- & & mary and autonomous whereas other forms of practice are secondary and C C R must be tied to theory insofar as it is only theory that can liberate practice R I from its entrapment in ideology (this is of course, in a very general sense, I on Science, T T I the foundation of the science/ideology split in Althusser’s work from this I Q period). As Jacques Rancière has put this criticism in his assessment of Q U U E Reading Capital, “this reading of Marx via Althusser and Lacan does little E more than give a new sheen to the thesis Kautsky had already defended: Ideology, and the / / science belongs to the intellectuals and it is up to them to bring it to Volume 2 / 1 Volume 2 / Issue 2 producers necessarily cut off from knowledge” Criticisms such as Ran- Issue 2 cière’s are what, in part, led Althusser himself to work to clarify his posi- tion during what we know as his ‘critical period’ wherein he argues that New, or Why We theory itself is a form a political intervention. This essay returns to these debates in order to point to the relevance of the central thesis of Reading Capital for our time arguing that ultimately, Althusser’s project is not one in which theory trumps other forms of practice, but rather one in which Should Continue Marxist theory (or science in the parlance of Reading Capital) is what can help us make sense of those moments in other forms of revolutionary practice that are distinct from the ideological field in which we find our- selves, and hence can aid us in marking the border between ideology and to Read Reading the new, the non-ideological, and the revolutionary.
    [Show full text]
  • Conversations with Stalin on Questions of Political Economy”
    WOODROW WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR SCHOLARS Lee H. Hamilton, Conversations with Stalin on Christian Ostermann, Director Director Questions of Political Economy BOARD OF TRUSTEES: ADVISORY COMMITTEE: Joseph A. Cari, Jr., by Chairman William Taubman Steven Alan Bennett, Ethan Pollock (Amherst College) Vice Chairman Chairman Working Paper No. 33 PUBLIC MEMBERS Michael Beschloss The Secretary of State (Historian, Author) Colin Powell; The Librarian of Congress James H. Billington James H. Billington; (Librarian of Congress) The Archivist of the United States John W. Carlin; Warren I. Cohen The Chairman of the (University of Maryland- National Endowment Baltimore) for the Humanities Bruce Cole; The Secretary of the John Lewis Gaddis Smithsonian Institution (Yale University) Lawrence M. Small; The Secretary of Education James Hershberg Roderick R. Paige; (The George Washington The Secretary of Health University) & Human Services Tommy G. Thompson; Washington, D.C. Samuel F. Wells, Jr. PRIVATE MEMBERS (Woodrow Wilson Center) Carol Cartwright, July 2001 John H. Foster, Jean L. Hennessey, Sharon Wolchik Daniel L. Lamaute, (The George Washington Doris O. Mausui, University) Thomas R. Reedy, Nancy M. Zirkin COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT THE COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT WORKING PAPER SERIES CHRISTIAN F. OSTERMANN, Series Editor This paper is one of a series of Working Papers published by the Cold War International History Project of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C. Established in 1991 by a grant from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the Cold War International History Project (CWIHP) disseminates new information and perspectives on the history of the Cold War as it emerges from previously inaccessible sources on “the other side” of the post-World War II superpower rivalry.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Space in the Work of Henri Lefebvre: Ideology and Utopia
    5/2012-13 Political Space in the Work of Henri Lefebvre: Ideology and Utopia Grégory BUSQUET, UMR LAVUE (Mosaïques), Université Paris Ouest Nanterre The ideas of philosopher and sociologist Henri Lefebvre (1901-1991) are currently experiencing a revival in urban studies in France, while his theories on the city and urban society have been discussed and modified for many years in Anglophone social science literature. This new interest, which moreover extends to Europe, demonstrates however various uses of his philosophy: while some attempt to draw practical applications and to identify the influences of his theories on the practices of The Production of Space and on the usual uses of The Right to the City (Stanek, 2011), some philosophical or biographical exegeses ignore the concrete purpose of his reflections, namely, the socio-spatial processes of alienation, and occasionally at the same time turn up their noses at the setting in which they are expressed (social, political, urbanistic, etc.) and the conditions of their development. While some depoliticize his philosophy, giving it the currently popular slant (post-marxist) and emptying it of its subversive content and emancipating aim, as well as all references to conflict and the class struggle, others, conversely, especially abroad in the work of the supporters of Anglo-Saxon “radical geography”, take their inspiration from Lefebvre and do not allow their thoughts on space to be disassociated from an analysis of class or an analysis in terms of politics1. This article would be in alignment with the latter perspective, resituating Lefebvre’s thought on space and all its criticism, theoretical and practical alike, at the heart of that which in our opinion makes it unique, namely, it’s relationship with the political.
    [Show full text]
  • Vygotsky and Marxism
    10 Vygotsky and Marxism Danling Fu There has been great interest in Vygotsky and in how his mathematical formula or recipe which guided him rigidly in views affect the understanding of learning and teaching since his psychological analysis. Instead, he digested it, in his word, the early 80's in the United States. Today, this interest con- "internalized" it and transformed it into his own principle tinues to grow and Vygotsky's views continue to affect the which dominated his way of thinking and directed his study improvement and reform of contemporary education in the of human psychological development. As he said "I don't United States. New interest in his theories has been sparked want to discover the nature of mind by patching together a too in Russia after his work has been decreed as reactionary lot of quotations. I want to find out how science has to be bourgeois pseudoscience for sixty years. Also after Vygotsky built, to approach the study of the mind having learned the has been labeled as an anti-Marxist bourgeois psychologist whole of Marx's method" (Mind in Society, p. 8). Vygotsky's for decades in his country, he is recognized as a devout Marx- thinking and approach are Marxist, as claimed by Wertsch, ist. Russian Vygotskian expert, Toulmin (1981) wrote: "in more subtle but no less fundamental ways," and his debt to Marx "runs deeper than is commonly recognized" (1985, Vygotsky was happy to call himself a Marxist. The historical- p. 5). materialist approach ensured the success of his scientific To cut off Vygotsky from Marx is to look at him frag- investigations; this was the philosophy that armed him, gave mentally and to separate his work from its theoretical basis.
    [Show full text]
  • The Nationalist Message in Socialist Code: on the Court Historiography in People's Poland and North Korea
    The Nationalist Message in Socialist Code: On the Court Historiography in People’s Poland and North Korea* Jie-Hyun Lim (Seoul, Republic of Korea) I. Introduction The fall of the really existing socialist system shed fresh light on the ideological topology in the twentieth century. It is generally argued that after the Fall, nationalism, an ideology of the right, took over from the bankrupt socialist utopias of the left. It is assumed that the Fall triggered the eruption of many different kinds of old-fashioned patriotism, revivalist messianism, conservative nationalism, xenophobia and so on. The dichotomy of the right‟s nationalism and left‟s socialism made this argument plausible. In purely theoretical terrain this dichotomy seems to be correct. A further reflection on the historical reality, however, would deny that dichotomy. Communist regimes had leant on the nationalist pillar in their search for legitimacy in various ways. In fact the official nationalism prevailed under the propaganda banner of socialist patriotism and proletarian internationalism. To cite Adam Michnik, “nationalism was the last word of Communism. A final attempt to find a social basis for dictatorship…”1 The official nationalism in the socialist regimes has another name: „apparatchik nationalism,‟ coined by Peter Sugar. Apparatchik nationalism was not the only form of nationalism that existed in the socialist regimes. Nationalism was also an articulation of the political opposition to Communism. In fact the popular nationalism was the offspring of the official nationalism. The socialist regime tried the „nationalization‟ of history and kept the state monopoly on history. It reprogrammed the popular memory on the basis of official nationalism.
    [Show full text]
  • Nine Lives of Neoliberalism
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Plehwe, Dieter (Ed.); Slobodian, Quinn (Ed.); Mirowski, Philip (Ed.) Book — Published Version Nine Lives of Neoliberalism Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Plehwe, Dieter (Ed.); Slobodian, Quinn (Ed.); Mirowski, Philip (Ed.) (2020) : Nine Lives of Neoliberalism, ISBN 978-1-78873-255-0, Verso, London, New York, NY, https://www.versobooks.com/books/3075-nine-lives-of-neoliberalism This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/215796 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative
    [Show full text]
  • Lecture 27 Sociology 621 April 30, 2008 What Is Socialism?
    Lecture 27 Sociology 621 April 30, 2008 What is Socialism? I. What Do Socialists Want? Socialists have traditionally criticized capitalism for the ways in which it violates five central values: 1. Equality: Capitalism generates morally intolerable levels of inequality of material conditions of people. This is especially offensive in its impact on children, but more broadly the levels of material deprivation in a world of affluence generated by capitalism violates a wide range of principles of egalitarian justice held by socialists. 2. Democracy: Capitalism thwarts democracy. By placing the basic economic resources and conditions of investment in hands of private individuals, the capacity of the democratic polity to make decisions about the fate of the community is significantly undermined. 3. Autonomy: Capitalism robs most people of meaningful control over much of their work lives. There is a deep meaning-deficit in most people’s lives because they are pawns in other people’s projects. Capitalism does not merely generate inequality and poverty through exploitation, it generates alienation as well. 4. Community: Capitalism undermines a sense of solidarity among people. As G.A. Cohen has argued, the forms of competition and conflict built into capitalism drive economic activities primarily on the basis of two motives -- greed and fear. Instead of social interaction in economic life being normatively organized around the principle of helping others, it is organized primarily around motive of taking advantage of the weakness of others for one's own gain. This underwrites a culture of selfish individualism and atomism. 5. Efficiency/rationality: This may seem quite odd, but traditionally socialists have criticized capitalism because it was irrational, wasteful and ultimately inefficient.
    [Show full text]
  • Science Communication and Open Access: the Critique of the Political Economy of Capitalist Academic Publishers As Ideology Critique
    tripleC 18 (2): 508-534, 2020 http://www.triple-c.at Science Communication and Open Access: The Critique of the Political Economy of Capitalist Academic Publishers as Ideology Critique Manfred Knoche University of Salzburg, Salzburg, Austria, [email protected], http://www.medienoekonomie.at, https://kowi.uni-salzburg.at/ma/knoche-manfred/ @Medoek Abstract: Starting from a theoretical and methodological foundation of an academic ideology critique, the production, distribution and valorisation of science communication will be analysed in exemplary fashion. The focus is on the criticism of publishing houses’ business models in the sphere of open Access publishing. These models are propagated and implemented by science and politics. Thus, academic publications continue to be traded as commodities. The existing relationships of power and domination are thereby reproduced. In contrast, the eman- cipatory potential of non-commercial science communication based on the digitalisation of pro- duction and distribution is shown. Keywords: critique of science, science policy, science communication, Open Access, ideol- ogy critique, critique of capitalism, critical communication studies Acknowledgement: A shorter version of this article was first published open access in Ger- man: Manfred Knoche. 2019. Kritik der politischen Ökonomie der Wissenschaftskommu- nikation als Ideologiekritik: Open Access in Ideologie, Kritik, Öffentlichkeit ed. Uwe Krüger and Sebastian Sevignani, 140-174. Leipzig: Publikationsserver der Universität, DOI: https://doi.org/10.36730/ideologiekritik.2019.8 The German version was expanded into a longer English version. Translation from German to English by Christian Fuchs. Preface By Christian Fuchs Capitalism reproduces its fundamental structures of capital accumulation by changing itself. It is based on a dialectic of continuity and change and the dialectic of the pro- ductive forces and the relations of production.
    [Show full text]
  • Preface This Compendium of Marxist Ideas and Practices Is Aimed at The
    AN A-Z OF MARXISM Preface This compendium of Marxist ideas and practices is aimed at the newcomer to the socialist movement who may be unfamiliar with socialist terminology. We have included cross-referencing, suggested books for further reading and links to relevant websites at the end of most entries. Included are many biographical entries of individuals and organisations of interest to the socialist movement. The inclusion of any of these should not necessarily be understood as an endorsement of their ideas and practices. Likewise, the suggested books and websites may contain views which are not necessarily the same as those of the Socialist Party. The website links are checked at the time of publication but we cannot accept responsibility for their continuing availability. It will be obvious that there are some errors, omissions and unworthy inclusions. We make no claim to comprehensive, final and definitive truth. This compendium can and should be better. We therefore invite suggestions and constructive criticisms for use in future editions of this compendium. Education Department June 2010 The Socialist Party of Great Britain 52 Clapham High Street, London, SW4 7UN www.worldsocialism.org/spgb Abundance. A situation where resources are sufficient, or more than sufficient, to satisfy human needs; whereas scarcity is a situation where resources are insufficient to meet human needs. It is because abundance is possible that socialism can be established. In capitalist economics human wants are said to be unlimited, so that abundance is impossible. Economists infer that because wants exceed the poverty imposed by the wages system then scarcity and capitalism must always exist.
    [Show full text]
  • Towards a Unified Theory Analysing Workplace Ideologies: Marxism And
    Marxism and Racial Oppression: Towards a Unified Theory Charles Post (City University of New York) Half a century ago, the revival of the womens movementsecond wave feminismforced the revolutionary left and Marxist theory to revisit the Womens Question. As historical materialists in the 1960s and 1970s grappled with the relationship between capitalism, class and gender, two fundamental positions emerged. The dominant response was dual systems theory. Beginning with the historically correct observation that male domination predates the emergence of the capitalist mode of production, these theorists argued that contemporary gender oppression could only be comprehended as the result of the interaction of two separate systemsa patriarchal system of gender domination and the capitalist mode of production. The alternative approach emerged from the debates on domestic labor and the predominantly privatized character of the social reproduction of labor-power under capitalism. In 1979, Lise Vogel synthesized an alternative unitary approach that rooted gender oppression in the tensions between the increasingly socialized character of (most) commodity production and the essentially privatized character of the social reproduction of labor-power. Today, dual-systems theory has morphed into intersectionality where distinct systems of class, gender, sexuality and race interact to shape oppression, exploitation and identity. This paper attempts to begin the construction of an outline of a unified theory of race and capitalism. The paper begins by critically examining two Marxian approaches. On one side are those like Ellen Meiksins Wood who argued that capitalism is essentially color-blind and can reproduce itself without racial or gender oppression. On the other are those like David Roediger and Elizabeth Esch who argue that only an intersectional analysis can allow historical materialists to grasp the relationship of capitalism and racial oppression.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political and Social Thought of Lewis Corey
    70-13,988 BROWN, David Evan, 19 33- THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT OF LEWIS COREY. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1969 Political Science, general University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT OF LEWIS COREY DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By David Evan Brown, B.A, ******* The Ohio State University 1969 Approved by Adviser Department of Political Science PREFACE On December 2 3 , 1952, Lewis Corey was served with a warrant for his arrest by officers of the U, S, Department of Justice. He was, so the warrant read, subject to deportation under the "Act of October 16 , 1 9 1 8 , as amended, for the reason that you have been prior to entry a member of the following class: an alien who is a member of an organi­ zation which was the direct predecessor of the Communist Party of the United States, to wit The Communist Party of America."^ A hearing, originally arranged for April 7» 1953» but delayed until July 27 because of Corey's poor health, was held; but a ruling was not handed down at that time. The Special Inquiry Officer in charge of the case adjourned the hearing pending the receipt of a full report of Corey's activities o during the previous ten years. [The testimony during the hearing had focused primarily on Corey's early writings and political activities.] The hearing was not reconvened, and the question of the defendant's guilt or innocence, as charged, was never formally settled.
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond Relative Autonomy: State Managers As Historical Subjects*
    BEYOND RELATIVE AUTONOMY: STATE MANAGERS AS HISTORICAL SUBJECTS* Fred Block Neo-Marxist analyses of the state and politics now centre on the vexed question of the 'specificity of the political'. What is the degree to which politics and the state have independent determining effects on historical outcomes? Can the state or the people who direct the state apparatus act as historical subjects? The questions are critical because without a clear set of answers, it is impossible to develop a consistent theory of the state. In an interview done only months before his death, Nicos Poulantzas insisted that these questions had been answered through the idea of the relative autonomy of the state. Poulantzas' remarks are worth quoting at length: Interviewer: Much of your writing has been directed towards questions of the state and of politics, based upon the concept of 'relative autonomy'. What is your assessment of the capacity of a theory based on a concept of 'relative autonomy' to grapple with the problems of the specificity of the state and politics? Poulantzas: I will answer this question very simply because we could discuss it for years It is very simple. One must know whether one remains within a Marxist framework or not; and if one does, one accepts the determinant role of the economic in the very complex sense; not the determination of forces of production but of relations of production and the social division of labour. In this sense, if we remain within this conceptual framework, I think that the most that one can do for the specificity of politics is what I have done.
    [Show full text]