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Why Did Britain Become a Republic? > New Government
Civil War > Why did Britain become a republic? > New government Why did Britain become a republic? Case study 2: New government Even today many people are not aware that Britain was ever a republic. After Charles I was put to death in 1649, a monarch no longer led the country. Instead people dreamed up ideas and made plans for a different form of government. Find out more from these documents about what happened next. Report on the An account of the Poem on the arrest of setting up of the new situation in Levellers, 1649 Commonwealth England, 1649 Portrait & symbols of Cromwell at the The setting up of Cromwell & the Battle of the Instrument Commonwealth Worcester, 1651 of Government http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/education/ Page 1 Civil War > Why did Britain become a republic? > New government Case study 2: New government - Source 1 A report on the arrest of some Levellers, 29 March 1649 (Catalogue ref: SP 25/62, pp.134-5) What is this source? This is a report from a committee of MPs to Parliament. It explains their actions against the leaders of the Levellers. One of the men they arrested was John Lilburne, a key figure in the Leveller movement. What’s the background to this source? Before the war of the 1640s it was difficult and dangerous to come up with new ideas and try to publish them. However, during the Civil War censorship was not strongly enforced. Many political groups emerged with new ideas at this time. One of the most radical (extreme) groups was the Levellers. -
The Executive Power Clause
ARTICLE THE EXECUTIVE POWER CLAUSE JULIAN DAVIS MORTENSON† Article II of the Constitution vests “the executive power” in the President. Advocates of presidential power have long claimed that this phrase was originally understood as a term of art for the full suite of powers held by a typical eighteenth- century monarch. In its strongest form, this view yields a powerful presumption of indefeasible presidential authority in the arenas of foreign affairs and national security. This so-called Vesting Clause Thesis is conventional wisdom among constitutional originalists. But it is also demonstrably wrong. Based on a comprehensive review of Founding-era archives—including records of drafting, legislative, and ratication debates, committee les, private and ocial correspondence, diaries, newspapers, pamphlets, poetry, and other publications—this Article not only refutes the Vesting Clause Thesis as a statement of the original understanding, but replaces it with a comprehensive armative account of the clause that is both historically and theoretically coherent. † James G. Phillipp Professor of law, University of Michigan. Thanks to Nick Bagley, Josh Chafetz, Reece Dameron, Jo Ann Davis, Brian Finucane, Louis Fisher, David Gerson, Jonathan Gienapp, Monica Hakimi, Jason Hart, Don Herzog, Kian Hudson, Daniel Hulsebosch, Rebecca Ingber, Andrew Kent, Gary Lawson, Marty Lederman, Tom McSweeney, Henry Monaghan, Bill Novak, David Pozen, Richard Primus, Daphna Renan, Jed Shugerman, Matt Steilen, Valentina Vadi, Matt Waxman, John Witt, Ilan Wurman, and Mariah Zeisberg, as well as participants in the Georgetown Law School Legal History Workshop, the Hofstra Law School Faculty Workshop, the Hugh & Hazel Darling Originalism Works-in-Progress Conference, the McGeorge School of Law Faculty Workshop, the Michigan Law School Governance Workshop, the University of Michigan Legal History Workshop, and the University of Michigan Atlantic History Seminar, for helpful comments on earlier drafts. -
Staging Power in Tudor and Stuart English History Plays: History, Political Thought, and the Redefinition of Sovereignity Kristin M.S
University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Bookshelf 2015 Staging Power in Tudor and Stuart English History Plays: History, Political Thought, and the Redefinition of Sovereignity Kristin M.S. Bezio University of Richmond, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/bookshelf Part of the Leadership Studies Commons Recommended Citation Bezio, Kristin M.S. Staging Power in Tudor and Stuart English History Plays: History, Political Thought, and the Redefinition of Sovereignty. Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2015. NOTE: This PDF preview of Staging Power in Tudor and Stuart English History Plays: History, Political Thought, and the Redefinition of Sovereignity includes only the preface and/or introduction. To purchase the full text, please click here. This Book is brought to you for free and open access by UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Bookshelf by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Staging Power in Tudor and Stuart English History Plays History, Political Thought, and the Redefinition of Sovereignty KRISTIN M.S. BEZIO University ofRichmond, USA LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF RICHMOND VIRGINIA 23173 ASHGATE Introduction Of Parliaments and Kings: The Origins of Monarchy and the Sovereign-Subject Compact in the English Middle Ages (to 1400) The purpose of this study is to examine the intersection between early modem political thought, the history that produced the late Tudor and early Stuart monarchies, and the critical interrogation of both taking place on the public theatrical stage. The plays I examine here are those which rely on chronicle histories for their source materials; are set in England, Scotland, or Wales; focus primarily on governance and sovereignty; and whose interest in history is didactic and actively political. -
CAN WORDS PRODUCE ORDER? Regicide in the Confucian Tradition
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Lirias CAN WORDS PRODUCE ORDER? Regicide in the Confucian Tradition CARINE DEFOORT KU Leuven, Belgium ᭛ ABSTRACT This article presents and evaluates a dominant traditional Chinese trust in language as an efficient tool to promote social and political order. It focuses on the term shi (regicide or parricide) in the Annals (Chunqiu). This is not only the oldest text (from 722–481 BCE) regularly using this term, but its choice of words has also been considered the oldest and most exemplary instance of the normative power of language. A close study of its uses of ‘regi- cide’ leads to a position between the traditional ‘praise and blame’ theory and its extreme negation. Later commentaries on the Annals and reflection on regicide in other texts, in different ways, attest to a growing reliance or belief in the power of words in the political realm. Key Words ᭛ Annals (Chunqiu) ᭛ China ᭛ language ᭛ order ᭛ regicide Two prominent scholars hold a debate in front of Emperor Jing (156–41 BCE). One of them is Master Huang, a follower of Huang Lao and the teachings of ‘The Yellow Emperor and Laozi’. The other is Master Yuan Gu, a specialist in the Book of Odes and appointed as erudite at the court of Emperor Jing. Master Huang launches the discussion with the provoca- tive claim that Tang and Wu, the founding fathers of China’s two exem- plary dynasties, respectively the Shang (18th–11th century) and Zhou (11th–3rd century) dynasties, were guilty of regicide against Jie and Zhòu, the last kings of the preceding dynasties. -
Criminal Code
2010 Colección: Traducciones del derecho español Edita: Ministerio de Justicia - Secretaría General Técnica NIPO: 051-13-031-1 Traducción jurada realizada por: Clinter Actualización realizada por: Linguaserve Maquetación: Subdirección General de Documentación y Publicaciones ORGANIC ACT 10/1995, DATED 23RD NOVEMBER, ON THE CRIMINAL CODE. GOVERNMENT OFFICES Publication: Official State Gazette number 281 on 24th November 1995 RECITAL OF MOTIVES If the legal order has been defined as a set of rules that regulate the use of force, one may easily understand the importance of the Criminal Code in any civilised society. The Criminal Code defines criminal and misdemeanours that constitute the cases for application of the supreme action that may be taken by the coercive power of the State, that is, criminal sentencing. Thus, the Criminal Code holds a key place in the Law as a whole, to the extent that, not without reason, it has been considered a sort of “Negative Constitution”. The Criminal Code must protect the basic values and principles of our social coexistence. When those values and principles change, it must also change. However, in our country, in spite of profound changes in the social, economic and political orders, the current text dates, as far as its basic core is concerned, from the last century. The need for it to be reformed is thus undeniable. Based on the different attempts at reform carried out since the establishment of democracy, the Government has prepared a bill submitted for discussion and approval by the both Chambers. Thus, it must explain, even though briefly, the criteria on which it is based, even though these may easily be deduced from reading its text. -
Constitutional Experimentations and Failures in Modern China and France Alexandre Cholet Introduction
Cross-Cultural Agenda Constitutional Experimentations and Failures in Modern China and France Cross-Cultural Agenda Constitutional Experimentations and Failures in Modern China and France Alexandre Cholet Introduction “A constitution may be defined as an organization of offices in a state, by which the method of their distribution is fixed, the sovereign authority is determined, and the nature of the end to be pursued by the association and all its members is prescribed. Laws, as distinct from the frame of the constitution, are the rules by which the magistrates should exercise their powers and should watch and check transgressors.” Thus wrote by Aristotle in his book Politics. Here he is drawing a definition of what is a Constitution, furthermore, of what is Constitutional politics. This definition is very general; however, Aristotle was the first influential philosopher to provide us with such a definition and that is why we decided to pick it. If we want a more legal definition of a Constitution, we can refer to Thomas Paine, a famous American revolutionary and intellectual: “A Constitution is a thing antecedent to Government, and a Government is only the Creature of a Constitution. The Constitution of a Country is not the act of its Government, but of the People constituting a Government. It is the Body of Elements to which you can refer and quote article by article; and which contains the principles upon which the Government shall be established, the manner in which it shall be organized, the powers it shall have, the Mode of Elections, the Duration of Parliaments, or by what other name such Bodies may be called; the powers which is the executive.”1In his thoughts about French Revolution, Thomas Paine is giving us a definition which is fitting our expectations because it draws the boundaries of our subject. -
A Coffin for King Charles, a Crowne for Cromwell
One “A C o ffin for King Charles, A Crowne for Cromwell”: royalist satire and the regicide During the past decade, scholars have done much to elucidate change and transformation in print, literary genre, and readership in England in the once-neglected s.¹ Yet Cromwell figures only obliquely in these studies. Putting together a broad spectrum of high and low texts – newsbooks, broadsheets, playlets, prose pamphlets, ballads, and engravings – reveals the striking centrality of satire on Cromwell early in the civil wars, before he was in fact a key military or political power. Paradoxically, Cromwell was produced as public figure not by parliamentarians but by royalists, who set out to demonize and personalize opposition to Charles I. The extent to which royalists created satiric images of Cromwell has been little explored. Scholars have tended to take at face value royalist dis- avowal of popular forms and attack on print as a subversive force that helped bring down the monarchy. But royalists used popular print as widely and aggressively as did parliamentarians during the period of the civil wars and Interregnum. Indeed, royalists took the initiative in constructing a neg- ative image of the enemies of Charles I, particularly of Oliver Cromwell. In royalist satire, the antimasque figures of Stuart court drama moved into the world of popular print, no longer expelled by the appearance of the king and queen, but presumably to be run off the public stage by popular derision and laughter. Royalists attempted to mediate the tension between the desacralizing publicity of popular print and the heightened sanctity of majesty under siege by exposing to print not Charles himself, but his enemies. -
A Study in Regicide . an Analysis of the Backgrounds and Opinions of the Twenty-Two Survivors of the '
A study in regicide; an analysis of the backgrounds and opinions of the twenty- two survivors of the High court of Justice Item Type text; Thesis-Reproduction (electronic) Authors Kalish, Edward Melvyn, 1940- Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 27/09/2021 14:22:32 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/318928 A STUDY IN REGICIDE . AN ANALYSIS OF THE BACKGROUNDS AND OPINIONS OF THE TWENTY-TWO SURVIVORS OF THE ' •: ; ■ HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE >' ' . by ' ' ■ Edward Ho Kalish A Thesis Submittedto the Faculty' of 'the DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY ' ' In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of : MASTER OF ARTS .In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 1 9 6 3 STATEMENT:BY AUTHOR / This thesishas been submitted in partial fulfill ment of requirements for an advanced degree at The - University of Arizona and is deposited in The University Library to be made available to borrowers under rules of the Library« Brief quotations from this thesis are allowable without special permission, provided that accurate acknowedg- ment. of source is madeRequests for permission for extended quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by the head of the major department .or the Dean of the Graduate<College-when in their judgment the proposed use of the material is in the interests of scholarship«' ' In aliiotdiefV instanceshowever, permission . -
The Royalist Revolution: Monarchy and the American Founding by Eric Nelson
2017-019 3 Mar. 2017 The Royalist Revolution: Monarchy and the American Founding by Eric Nelson. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ. Press, 2014. Pp. 390. ISBN 978–0–674–73534–7. Review by Asaf Almog, The University of Virginia ([email protected]). The Federal Constitution of the United States gives significant powers to the executive branch, headed by the president. Since the 1950s, scholars have viewed the Constitution as “a new political science” 1 or “a revolution in favor of government,” 2 claiming that, before the 1780s, virtually all Patriots champi- oned the Whig theory of government and opposed the “executive privilege” that the Stuart monarchs had held in seventeenth-century England. Hence, the American Revolution constituted a Whig rebel- lion against the “wicked” monarchy up to the Declaration of Independence. The failures of the Articles of Confederation in the 1780s caused some Patriots to abandon the republican principles that the Rev- olutionaries had fought for, in favor of the Federalists’ argument in support of a strong executive branch. In The Royalist Revolution , political scientist Eric Nelson 3 (Harvard Univ.) challenges this interpre- tation. Many of the colonists who had overwhelmingly supported the Whig theory of government be- fore the mid-1760s abandoned it thereafter. Patriot leaders like Benjamin Franklin and James Wilson now stressed that the colonies had been established as dependencies of the Stuart monarchs. They attacked the Parliament and appealed to King George III to veto its acts. Historians have seen this as a purely tactical maneuver, but Nelson contends that “a great many of [the Patriots] self-consciously and momentously ceased to be Whigs” (7), seeing themselves as “the last Atlantic defenders of the Stuart monarchy” (31). -
The Royalist and Parliamentarian War Effort in Shropshire During the First and Second English Civil Wars, 1642-1648
The Royalist and Parliamentarian War Effort in Shropshire During the First and Second English Civil Wars, 1642-1648 Item Type Thesis or dissertation Authors Worton, Jonathan Citation Worton, J. (2015). The royalist and parliamentarian war effort in Shropshire during the first and second English civil wars, 1642-1648. (Doctoral dissertation). University of Chester, United Kingdom. Publisher University of Chester Download date 24/09/2021 00:57:51 Item License http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10034/612966 The Royalist and Parliamentarian War Effort in Shropshire During the First and Second English Civil Wars, 1642-1648 Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of The University of Chester For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy By Jonathan Worton June 2015 ABSTRACT The Royalist and Parliamentarian War Effort in Shropshire During the First and Second English Civil Wars, 1642-1648 Jonathan Worton Addressing the military organisation of both Royalists and Parliamentarians, the subject of this thesis is an examination of war effort during the mid-seventeenth century English Civil Wars by taking the example of Shropshire. The county was contested during the First Civil War of 1642-6 and also saw armed conflict on a smaller scale during the Second Civil War of 1648. This detailed study provides a comprehensive bipartisan analysis of military endeavour, in terms of organisation and of the engagements fought. Drawing on numerous primary sources, it explores: leadership and administration; recruitment and the armed forces; military finance; supply and logistics; and the nature and conduct of the fighting. -
Political Moderation in the French Restoration: Chateaubriand's Political Thought, 1814-1820
Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Master's Theses Theses and Dissertations 1984 Political Moderation in the French Restoration: Chateaubriand's Political Thought, 1814-1820 Daniel T. Keefe Loyola University Chicago Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_theses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Keefe, Daniel T., "Political Moderation in the French Restoration: Chateaubriand's Political Thought, 1814-1820" (1984). Master's Theses. 3387. https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_theses/3387 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. Copyright © 1984 Daniel T. Keefe POLITICAL MODERATION IN THE FRENCH RESTORATION: CHATEAUBRIAND'S POLITICAL THOUGHT, 1814-1820 by Daniel T. Keefe A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Loyola University of Chicago in Partial fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts December 1984 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author wishes to acknowledge the patience and guidance of his committee members, Professor Franklin A. Walke: Thesis Director, and Professor Walter D. Gray, Chairman, Department of History, Loyola University of Chicago. ii VITA The author, Daniel Thomas Keefe, is the son of Dr. Robert and Patricia (Monahan) Keefe. He was born June 8, 1958, in San Francisco, California. His elementary education was obtained in the private schools of San Francisco. His secondary education was completed in 1976 at the Junipero Serra High School, San Mateo, California. -
Tragedy, Ritual, and Power in Nilotic Regicide
Tragedy, Ritual and Power in Nilotic Regicide: The regicidal dramas of the Eastern Nilotes of Sudan in Comparative Perspective1 Simon Simonse Introduction Regicide as an aspect of early kingship is a central issue in the anthropological debate on the origin of the state and the symbolism of kingship. By a historical coincidence the kingship of the Nilotic Shilluk has played a key role in this debate which was dominated by the ideas of James Frazer, as set out in the first (The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings), the third (The Dying God) and the sixth part (The Scapegoat) of The Golden Bough (1913). The fact that the Shilluk king was killed before he could die a natural death was crucial to Frazer’s interpretation of early kingship. Frazer equated the king with a dying god who though his death regenerates the forces of nature. This ‘divine kingship’ was an evolutionary step forward compared to ‘magical kingship’ where the power of the king is legitimated by his claim to control the natural processes on which human communities depend. Frazer’s interpretation of kingship was opposed by a post-war generation of anthropologists who were interested in the empirical study of kingship as a political system and who treated the ritual and symbolic aspects of kingship as a secondary dimension of kingship more difficult to penetrate by the methodology of structural-functional analysis. The reality of the practice of regicide that was so central to Frazer’s interpretations of kingship was put in doubt (Evans-Pritchard, 1948). The ongoing practice by mostly Eastern Nilotic communities of killing Rainmakers when they failed to make rain – noted by Frazer in The Golden Bough (1913, Part 1, Vol.