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Confucian Pacifism Or Confucian Confusion?1 11 Confucian Pacifism or Confucian Confusion?1 Victoria Tin-bor Hui INTRODUCTION for scholars of International Relations (IR) who are interested in Asian lenses. Using force and pretending to benevolence is the IR has witnessed a wave of critical works hegemon. (Mencius) that fault mainstream theories for falsely uni- versalizing the American lens (e.g., Acharya I started leafing through a history book …. [S]crawled this way and that across every page were and Buzan, 2010; Kang, 2010; Tickner and the words benevolence, righteousness and moral- Wæver, 2009). The agenda to develop non- ity…. I read that history very carefully … and finally American IR has naturally turned toward the I began to make out what was written between the Asian lens. Journals and presses in Asian stud- lines: the whole volume was filled with a single ies have published mountains of works that phrase – eat people. (Diary of a Madman) argue that American-centric theories are alien Mencius (2009: 2A3), one of the early to Asian philosophy and traditions. Such works Confucian classics attributed to Mencius have injected fresh ideas into IR theorizing. (372–289 BCE), warns that the most power- Nevertheless, the search for ‘perspectives on ful state could be ‘using force and pretending and beyond Asia’ (Acharya and Buzan, 2010: to benevolence.’ The Diary of a Madman book subtitle) has essentialized Asia. The first (Lu, 1990: 32), written in 1918 by the New misstep is to take China as the representa- Culture writer Lu Xun (1881–1936), sees tive of all of East Asia (a step Ling and Chen through millennia of Confucian pretensions correct in this volume). While China does, and finds ‘cannibalism’ rather than human- arguably, have so deep a philosophical and ism in the family, the village, and the historical heritage that even the Chinese lens classics.2 This cynicism about Confucian could yield valuable insights, scholars cannot benevolence serves as a cautionary reminder make the second misstep – taking Confucian BK-SAGE-GOFAS_ET_AL-180082-Chp11.indd 148 21/03/18 8:59 PM CONFUCIAN PACIFISM OR CONFUCIAN CONFUSION? 149 pacifism as the entirety of China’s philosophy When we examine the philosophical con- and history. This chapter addresses the confu- text, Confucianism was not as internally con- sion of Confucianism in the literature. sistent as the suffix ‘-ism’ suggests. Bruce Confucianism has long been (mis)taken and Taeko Brooks (2015: 12) observe that to be the Chinese tradition. Max Weber Classical texts were written by different (1951: 169) spoke of ‘the pacifist character groups of people at different times who were of Confucianism.’ John K. Fairbank (1974: not necessarily in full agreement. Moreover, 7) developed ‘the pacifist bias of the Chinese Confucianism had to compete with many tradition.’ Recent works have largely fol- contradictory traditions. While some lowed the footsteps of the early giants. For Confucian principles did champion paci- instance, David Kang (2010: 2) contends that fism and benevolence, Legalist and military the China-centered ‘tribute system empha- schools advocated power and interest. Iain sized formal inequality between states’ and Johnston (1995: 164–5, 170, 172) argues that was ‘marked by centuries of stability,’ in con- the parabellum strategic culture prevailed trast to the Western system which ‘empha- over the idealized Confucian–Mencian moral sized formal equality between states’ and was norms in practice.3 Yet, the recent wave of ‘marked by incessant interstate conflicts.’ IR scholarship through the Asian lens has Robert Kelly (2012: 408) agrees that Chinese zoomed in on Confucian pacifism. Even the hierarchy produced a ‘Long Peace’ ‘rooted in famous dictum in the Sunzi’s Art of War – ‘to shared, war-reducing Confucian ideals.’ Xin bring the enemy’s army to submit without Li and Verner Worm (2011: 70) concur that combat is the highest skill’ – is reinterpreted ‘Chinese culture advocates moral strength to conform to Confucian peace (Feng, 2007: instead of military power, worships kingly 22). (More on this below.) rule instead of hegemonic rule, and empha- Given the diversity of philosophical doc- sizes persuasion by virtue.’ David Shambaugh trines, scholars who wish to establish a causal (2004/05: 95) maintains that ‘China does not role for Confucian pacifism must examine its have a significant history of … coercion or historical context. Just as IR scholars who territorial expansionism.’ Yongnian Zheng argue that norms matter have the burden to (2010: 304) believes that the Chinese Empire trace how a particular normative idea shaped was unlike any Western empire in that it was foreign policy, those who study China should ‘formed by the “natural” expansion of the likewise examine how Confucian pacifism Middle Kingdom, not by conquest.’ shaped the actual conduct of Chinese foreign Prompted by the volume’s focus on phi- relations. Unfortunately, it is not uncommon losophy, history, and sociology, this chap- for arguments about Confucian peace to treat ter questions the argument about Confucian philosophy and history as synonyms. Many pacifism in China’s philosophical and his- articles and books outline Confucian con- torical context. It cautions against confus- cepts such as ‘benevolence’ (ren), ‘virtue’ ing Confucian pacifism as the entirety of (de), ‘great harmony under heaven’ (tianxia Chinese philosophy, or even the equivalent datong), ‘kingly authority’ (wangdao), and of the Chinese tradition. Like other world so on, and then conclude that China’s histori- civilizations, the Chinese civilization is not cal IR was based on Confucian pacifism. It homogeneous; rather, it undeniably contains is, of course, legitimate for scholars to study heterogeneous traditions that act in conten- philosophy or the history of thought for its tion with one another. Works that essential- own sake. However, IR scholars normally ize Confucian pacifism are vulnerable to the aim for theory-building and testing. As such, problem of selection bias – it is as if Western it is imperative not to repeat the same mis- history were to be represented by Immanuel take Paul Schroeder (1994: 148) complains Kant’s perpetual peace. about: Waltzian balance of power theory is BK-SAGE-GOFAS_ET_AL-180082-Chp11.indd 149 21/03/18 8:59 PM 150 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF THE HISTORY, PHILOSOPHY AND SOCIOLOGY OF INTERNatIONAL RELatIONS ‘unhistorical, perhaps anti-historical.’ Efforts military tactics, he replied, ‘If it is matters of to bring in the Asian or Chinese lens could sacrificial vessels, I have heard of them; if it present a credible challenge to American- is matters of armies and campaigns, I have centric IR theory only when relevant works never studied them’ (2007: book 15, 1). scrutinize political philosophy in practice Confucius is reported to be so offended that as opposed to political philosophy divorced he left Wei the next day. In addition to this from history. dramatic instance, the Analects (book 13, 16) This chapter situates Confucianism with generally develops the argument that the test the philosophical and historical contexts of, of good governance is the happiness of the first, the Classical era (770–221 BCE) and people – if the people are happy, then ‘the then the Imperial era (221 BCE to 1911 CE). distant will come.’ Any resort to violence by The next section introduces the multitude of a ruler counts as ‘an admission that he had philosophical traditions in the Spring and failed in his own conduct as a sage pursuing Autumn and Warring States periods (or col- the art of government’ (Fairbank, 1974: 7). lectively the Classical era). While a set of The Mencius, a collection of dialogues attrib- pacifist doctrines indeed emerged, they were uted to Mencius but compiled over time, largely irrelevant to the competition for mili- pushes Confucian pacifism further. It accuses tary victories and territorial gains. The ensu- those who say ‘I am skilled in making forma- ing section traces Confucianism in practice tions’ or ‘I am skilled in making war’ as in the Imperial era. While dynastic founders ‘criminals’ (2009: book 7B4). Echoing the continued to build their empires on strength, Analects, the Mencius stresses the superiority they turned to Confucian principles for legiti- of winning the support of the people by mation. Confucian doctrines that supported benevolent governance. If a ruler implements righteous war were readily deployed to legiti- enlightened policies that benefit the people, mize conquest and expansion. If the Son of Heaven was presumed to embody Heavenly people of neighboring kingdoms would treat him virtue and anyone who challenged his author- as their parent. Should the rulers of neighboring kingdoms try to get their people to invade, it ity was supposed to lack virtue, then any use would be like asking children to attack their par- of force could be justified as punishment ents, and it would never succeed. In this way, he rather than aggression. Given that philosoph- would be invincible in the world. (Book 2A5) ical principles were malleable enough to sup- port both peace and war, it is imperative to In addition, Mohism, though distinctive from examine Confucianism in historical practice Confucianism, may also be said to advocate beyond abstract philosophy. pacifism. The Mozi, attributed to the founder Modi, argues in the chapter ‘Against Aggressive War’ that aggressive war is ‘the most heinous of all crimes.’ The Mozi (2003: CONFUCIANISM IN PHILOSOPHICAL book 4) also advocates ‘universal love’: ‘If AND HISTORICAL CONTEXT: THE
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