Draft Succession to the Crown (Jersey) Law 201
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The Constitutional Requirements for the Royal Morganatic Marriage
The Constitutional Requirements for the Royal Morganatic Marriage Benoît Pelletier* This article examines the constitutional Cet article analyse les implications implications, for Canada and the other members of the constitutionnelles, pour le Canada et les autres pays Commonwealth, of a morganatic marriage in the membres du Commonwealth, d’un mariage British royal family. The Germanic concept of morganatique au sein de la famille royale britannique. “morganatic marriage” refers to a legal union between Le concept de «mariage morganatique», d’origine a man of royal birth and a woman of lower status, with germanique, renvoie à une union légale entre un the condition that the wife does not assume a royal title homme de descendance royale et une femme de statut and any children are excluded from their father’s rank inférieur, à condition que cette dernière n’acquière pas or hereditary property. un titre royal, ou encore qu’aucun enfant issu de cette For such a union to be celebrated in the royal union n’accède au rang du père ni n’hérite de ses biens. family, the parliament of the United Kingdom would Afin qu’un tel mariage puisse être célébré dans la have to enact legislation. If such a law had the effect of famille royale, une loi doit être adoptée par le denying any children access to the throne, the laws of parlement du Royaume-Uni. Or si une telle loi devait succession would be altered, and according to the effectivement interdire l’accès au trône aux enfants du second paragraph of the preamble to the Statute of couple, les règles de succession seraient modifiées et il Westminster, the assent of the Canadian parliament and serait nécessaire, en vertu du deuxième paragraphe du the parliaments of the Commonwealth that recognize préambule du Statut de Westminster, d’obtenir le Queen Elizabeth II as their head of state would be consentement du Canada et des autres pays qui required. -
His Royal Highness the Prince Regent of Belgium, the President of The
The Brussels Treaty Five European Nations Brussels, Belgium March 17, 1948 His Royal Highness the Prince Regent of Belgium, the President of the French Republic, President of the French Union, Her Royal Highness the Grand Duchess of Luxembourg, Her Majesty the Queen of the Netherlands and His Majesty The King of Great Britain, Ireland and the British Dominions beyond the Seas, Resolved To reaffirm their faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person and in the other ideals proclaimed in the Charter of the United Nations; To fortify and preserve the principles of democracy, personal freedom and political liberty, the constitutional traditions and the rule of law, which are their common heritage; To strengthen, with these aims in view, the economic, social and cultural ties by which they are already united; To co-operate loyally and to co-ordinate their efforts to create in Western Europe a firm basis for European economic recovery; To afford assistance to each other, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, in maintaining international peace and security and in resisting any policy of aggression; To take such steps as may be held to be necessary in the event of a renewal by Germany of a policy of aggression; To associate progressively in the pursuance of these aims other States inspired by the same ideals and animated by the like determination; Desiring for these purposes to conclude a treaty for collaboration in economic, social and cultural matters and for collective self-defence; Have appointed as their Plenipotentiaries: who, having exhibited their full powers found in good and due form, have agreed as follows: ARTICLE I Convinced of the close community of their interests and of the necessity of uniting in order to promote the economic recovery of Europe, the High Contracting Parties will so organize and coordinate their economic activities as to produce the best possible results, by the elimination of conflict in their economic policies, the co-ordination of production and the development of commercial exchanges. -
Staging Power in Tudor and Stuart English History Plays: History, Political Thought, and the Redefinition of Sovereignity Kristin M.S
University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Bookshelf 2015 Staging Power in Tudor and Stuart English History Plays: History, Political Thought, and the Redefinition of Sovereignity Kristin M.S. Bezio University of Richmond, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/bookshelf Part of the Leadership Studies Commons Recommended Citation Bezio, Kristin M.S. Staging Power in Tudor and Stuart English History Plays: History, Political Thought, and the Redefinition of Sovereignty. Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2015. NOTE: This PDF preview of Staging Power in Tudor and Stuart English History Plays: History, Political Thought, and the Redefinition of Sovereignity includes only the preface and/or introduction. To purchase the full text, please click here. This Book is brought to you for free and open access by UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Bookshelf by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Staging Power in Tudor and Stuart English History Plays History, Political Thought, and the Redefinition of Sovereignty KRISTIN M.S. BEZIO University ofRichmond, USA LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF RICHMOND VIRGINIA 23173 ASHGATE Introduction Of Parliaments and Kings: The Origins of Monarchy and the Sovereign-Subject Compact in the English Middle Ages (to 1400) The purpose of this study is to examine the intersection between early modem political thought, the history that produced the late Tudor and early Stuart monarchies, and the critical interrogation of both taking place on the public theatrical stage. The plays I examine here are those which rely on chronicle histories for their source materials; are set in England, Scotland, or Wales; focus primarily on governance and sovereignty; and whose interest in history is didactic and actively political. -
Contraception and the Renaissance of Traditional Marriage
CHOOSING A LAW TO LIVE BY ONCE THE KING IS GONE INTRODUCTION Law is the expression of the rules by which civilization governs itself, and it must be that in law as elsewhere will be found the fundamental differences of peoples. Here then it may be that we find the underlying cause of the difference between the civil law and the common law.1 By virtue of its origin, the American legal profession has always been influenced by sources of law outside the United States. American law schools teach students the common law, and law students come to understand that the common law is different than the civil law, which is prevalent in Europe.2 Comparative law courses expose law students to the civil law system by comparing American common law with the law of other countries such as France, which has a civil code.3 A closer look at the history of the American and French Revolutions makes one wonder why the legal systems of the two countries are so different. Certainly, the American and French Revolutions were drastically different in some ways. For instance, the French Revolution was notoriously violent during a period known as “the Terror.”4 Accounts of the French revolutionary government executing so many French citizens as well as the creation of the Cult of the Supreme Being5 make the French Revolution a stark contrast to the American Revolution. Despite the differences, the revolutionary French and Americans shared similar goals—liberty and equality for all citizens and an end to tyranny. Both revolutions happened within approximately two decades of each other and were heavily influenced by the Enlightenment. -
What's Wrong with a Federal Inheritance Tax? Wendy G
University of Baltimore Law ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law All Faculty Scholarship Faculty Scholarship Spring 2014 What's Wrong with a Federal Inheritance Tax? Wendy G. Gerzog University of Baltimore School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.law.ubalt.edu/all_fac Part of the Estates and Trusts Commons, Taxation-Federal Commons, Taxation-Federal Estate and Gift ommonC s, and the Tax Law Commons Recommended Citation What's Wrong with a Federal Inheritance Tax?, 49 Real Prop. Tr. & Est. L.J. 163 (2014-2015) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WHAT'S WRONG WITH A FEDERAL INHERITANCE TAX? Wendy C. Gerzog* Synopsis: Scholars have proposed a federal inheritance tax as an alternative to the current federal transfer taxes, but that proposal is seriously flawed. In any inheritance tax model, scholars should expect to see significantly decreased compliance rates and increased administrative costs because, by focusing on the transferees instead of on the transferor, an inheritance tax would multiply the number oftaxpayers subject to the tax. This Article reviews common characteristics ofexisting inheritance tax systems in the United States and internationally-particularly in Europe. In addition, the Article analyzes the novel Comprehensive Inheritance Tax (CIT) proposal, which combines some elements of existing inheritance tax systems with some features ofthe current transfer tax system and delivers the CIT through the federal income tax system. -
Volker Sellin European Monarchies from 1814 to 1906
Volker Sellin European Monarchies from 1814 to 1906 Volker Sellin European Monarchies from 1814 to 1906 A Century of Restorations Originally published as Das Jahrhundert der Restaurationen, 1814 bis 1906, Munich: De Gruyter Oldenbourg, 2014. Translated by Volker Sellin An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libra- ries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high quality books Open Access. More information about the initiative can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 4.0 License, as of February 23, 2017. For details go to http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/. ISBN 978-3-11-052177-1 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-052453-6 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-052209-9 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2017 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Cover Image: Louis-Philippe Crépin (1772–1851): Allégorie du retour des Bourbons le 24 avril 1814: Louis XVIII relevant la France de ses ruines. Musée national du Château de Versailles. bpk / RMN - Grand Palais / Christophe Fouin. Printing and binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck ♾ Printed on acid-free paper Printed in Germany www.degruyter.com Contents Introduction 1 France1814 8 Poland 1815 26 Germany 1818 –1848 44 Spain 1834 63 Italy 1848 83 Russia 1906 102 Conclusion 122 Bibliography 126 Index 139 Introduction In 1989,the world commemorated the outbreak of the French Revolution two hundred years earlier.The event was celebratedasthe breakthrough of popular sovereignty and modernconstitutionalism. -
Belgium's Constitution of 1831
PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:55 constituteproject.org Belgium's Constitution of 1831 Historical This complete constitution has been generated from excerpts of texts from the repository of the Comparative Constitutions Project, and distributed on constituteproject.org. constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:55 Table of contents Preamble . 3 TITLE I: Territory and its Divisions . 3 TITLE II: Belgians and their Rights . 3 TITLE III: Powers . 6 CHAPTER FIRST: THE TWO HOUSES . 7 Section I: The House of Representatives . 8 Section II: The Senate . 9 CHAPTER II: THE KING AND HIS MINISTERS . 10 Section I: The King . 10 Section II: The Ministers . 14 CHAPTER III: JUDICIAL POWER . 15 CHAPTER IV: PROVINCIAL AND COMMUNAL INSTITUTIONS . 17 TITLE IV: Finances . 17 TITLE V: The Army . 19 TITLE VI: General Dispositions . 19 TITLE VII: Constitutional Revision . 20 TITLE VIII: General Disposition . 20 Supplementary Dispositions . 21 Belgium 1831 Page 2 constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:55 • Source of constitutional authority • Preamble Preamble In the name of the Belgian people, the National Congress decrees: TITLE I: Territory and its Divisions Article 1 Belgium is divided into provinces. These provinces are: Antwerp, Brabant, East Flanders, West Flanders, Hainaut, Liege, Limbourg, Luxembourg, Namur, except the relations of Luxembourg with the German Confederation. The territory may be divided by law into a greater number of provinces. Art 2 Subdivisions of the provinces can be established only by law. Art 3 • Accession of territory • Secession of territory The boundaries of the State, of the provinces and of the communes can only be changed or rectified by law. -
John Stuart Mill and the French Revolution of 1848
‘There never was a time when so great a drama was being played out in one generation’: John Stuart Mill and the French Revolution of 1848 Helen McCabe, University of Nottingham In this article, I want to argue that the events of 1848 in France both mark an important change in John Stuart Mill’s political philosophy and emphasise an important continuity. Joseph Persky has recently shown how Mill was consistently radical 1 , and the revolutions of 1848 serve both to highlight this continued radicalism, and to reveal the changing content of that radical programme. Mill always had a strong interest in French politics, and a long-standing commitment to the call for ‘Liberty, Equality, Fraternity!’. He was a youthful enthusiast for the French Revolution (day-dreaming about being a Girondist in an English Convention2); an excited witness to the events of 1830; and a passionate defender of the ‘authors’ of the revolution of February 1848. This reveals both his consistency, and also the change his political philosophy underwent in the years – in particular – between 1831 and 1848, for when he wrote that the revolution of February 1848 embodied ‘all of “liberty, equality and fraternity” which is capable of being realised now, and…prepare[s] the way for all which can be realised hereafter’3, he was endorsing, not the politics of the Girondin, or the Orléanists, but what he terms ‘legitimate socialism’.4 The events of 1848 expanded Mill’s knowledge and understanding of socialist ideas – that is, of what socialism might mean – developing, in particular, his appreciation for a kind of socialism which came from working people themselves; could only be implemented by them and with their support; and which was possible within existing capitalist structures, rather than necessitating either their complete re-structuring (as Saint-Simonism would involve), or isolating the socialist community from the rest of the world (as in other, earlier, forms of ‘utopian socialism’ based on separatist intentional communities, e.g. -
Downloaded from Manchesterhive.Com at 10/02/2021 09:03:16PM Via Free Access Andrew Higson
1 5 From political power to the power of the image: contemporary ‘British’ cinema and the nation’s monarchs Andrew Higson INTRODUCTION: THE HERITAGE OF MONARCHY AND THE ROYALS ON FILM From Kenneth Branagh’s Henry V Shakespeare adaptation in 1989 to the story of the fi nal years of the former Princess of Wales, inDiana in 2013, at least twenty-six English-language feature fi lms dealt in some way with the British monarchy. 1 All of these fi lms (the dates and directors of which will be indi- cated below) retell more or less familiar stories about past and present kings and queens, princes and princesses. This is just one indication that the institution of monarchy remains one of the most enduring aspects of the British national heritage: these stories and characters, their iconic settings and their splendid mise-en-scène still play a vital role in the historical and contemporary experience and projection of British national identity and ideas of nationhood. These stories and characters are also of course endlessly recycled in the pre- sent period in other media as well as through the heritage industry. The mon- archy, its history and its present manifestation, is clearly highly marketable, whether in terms of tourism, the trade in royal memorabilia or artefacts, or images of the monarchy – in paintings, prints, fi lms, books, magazines, televi- sion programmes, on the Internet and so on. The public image of the monarchy is not consistent across the period being explored here, however, and it is worth noting that there was a waning of support for the contemporary royal family in the 1990s, not least because of how it was perceived to have treated Diana. -
Canadian Monarchist News Les Nouvelles Monarchiques Du Canada Winter/Hiver 2017 — No
Canadian Monarchist News Les Nouvelles Monarchiques du Canada Winter/Hiver 2017 — No. 39 An occasional Newsletter for members and friends of The Monarchist League of Canada The Monarchist League of Canada / La Ligue Monarchiste du Canada, PO Box 1057, Lakeshore West PO, Oakville, Ontario, Canada L6K 0B2 905-855-7262 (800) 465-6925 www.monarchist.ca THE MONARCHIST LEAGUE OF CANADA – 47th ANNIVERSARY 1970-2017 FEDS AND CROWN: WHITHER THE CANADIAN SECRETARY TO THE QUEEN? WHATEVER HAPPENED TO THE ADVISORY COMMITTEE ON VICE -REGAL APPOINTMENTS? Report and Analysis has not organized in recent decades. by Robert Finch, Dominion It is clearly understood in Ottawa Chairman, the Monarchist that no successor is to be appointed. League of Canada True, MacLeod had had at times A week after CMN sent two ques - a rocky relationship with PMO and tions to a media spokesman in the PCO officials even before the elec - Department of Canadian Heritage, tion of the Trudeau government. on matters of interest and concern Within days of its coming to power, to Canadian monarchists, February the position of Canadian Secretary 17th brought replies that can be best was moved from its prime real estate characterized as unhelpful – in fact, – physical and metaphorical – to the the second was utterly non-respon - Ministry of Canadian Heritage in sive with a mysterious reference to Gatineau, where MacLeod – before unspecified “more general an - his appointments as Senate Black nouncements” – from the Depart - Rod and subsequently Canadian Sec - the Harper government showed its The Governor General & ment’s Media Relations Services. retary to The Queen – had laboured regard for the significant role of the Mrs Johnston welcomed to The questions and replies were loyally and with perseverance for Crown within Canadian democratic Monarchist League celebration as follows: many years in a hornet’s nest of re - institutions was to create the Cana - of Queen’s 90th birthday by Q: Why is there to be no successor publicans. -
Inheritance Law
CHAPTER 17 Inheritance Law l. PRELIMINARY The soviet law of inheritance has suffered several drastic changes. Not only have the statutory provisions changed, but the attitude of soviet jurists to the very institution of devolution of property on death has pre sented a constantly changing picture. From the time of the Communist Manifesto of 1848, abolition of inheritance of property has been considered a cornerstone of the socialist program, and, as early as the fourth month of the soviet regime, the abolition of rights of succession was bluntly proclaimed. Some use of the decedent's property by his next of kin was ad mitted only "until the issuance of a decree concerning universal social insurance" (see infra, III). When rights of succession, with substantial limitations, were again enacted in 1922 under the New Economic Policy, the leading soviet jurists looked upon this measure as a concession to private capitalist law "in principle and in practice." 1 They still did not consider inheritance of property a sound institution; it was permitted within narrow limits for economic reasons, viz., "to stimulate the accumulation of private wealth as permitted by law." 2 In 193 5, after the completion of the First Five-Year Plan, the textbook on soviet civil law stated plainly that 1 Goikhbarg, 1 Economic Law (Russian 1st ed. 192.3) 176; id. (2d ed. 1924) 2!4. 2 I d. (2d ed.) 235. 618 INHERITANCE LAW 619 there is no place and no need for inheritance of prop erty under a communist regime. There is no place for it, because there must be no unearned profit in the com munist system. -
Presidential and Vice Presidential Succession: Overview and Current Legislation
Order Code RL31761 Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Presidential and Vice Presidential Succession: Overview and Current Legislation Updated March 25, 2003 Thomas H. Neale Government and Finance Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Presidential and Vice Presidential Succession: Overview and Current Legislation Summary Whenever the office of President of the United States becomes vacant due to “removal ... death or resignation” of the chief executive, the Constitution provides that “the Vice President shall become President.” When the office of Vice President becomes vacant for any reason, the President nominates a successor, who must be confirmed by a majority vote of both houses of Congress. If both of these offices are vacant simultaneously, then, under the Succession Act of 1947, the Speaker of the House of Representatives becomes President, after resigning from the House and as Speaker. If the speakership is also vacant, then the President Pro Tempore of the Senate becomes President, after resigning from the Senate and as President Pro Tempore. If both of these offices are vacant, or if the incumbents fail to qualify for any reason, then the cabinet officers are eligible to succeed, in the order in which their departments were created (see Table 3). In every case, a potential successor must be duly sworn in his or her previous office, and must meet other constitutional requirements for the presidency, i.e., be at least 35 years of age, a “natural born citizen,” and for 14 years, a “resident within the United States.” Succession-related provisions are derived from the Constitution, statutory law, and political precedents of the past two centuries.