Inventing a Pathology of Catastrophe for Holocaust Survival

Home , Barbara Engelking, Charenton (asylum), Gusen concentration camp, Isaac Gubel, Isaac Schneersohn, Jacob the Liar

Tom Perlmutter University, Ottawa. Communication, Carleton a professorintheSchoolof michael dorlandis collective memory. this wouldposeforpostwar collaboration, andtheproblems Occupation, France’senthusiastic the effectsoffive yearsofNazi as itaffectedFrenchmedicine, looks attheFrenchJewishQuestion in thetwentiethcentury, healso the sociopoliticalhistoryofFrance different medicaldiscoursesin Embedding hisanalysisof which wearefamiliartoday. basis ofthe“traumato-culture”with into nonmedicalfields tocreatethe elsewhere, eventuallyexpanding in Francebuttookonnewforms of amedicaldiscoursethatbegan illuminates thepeculiarjourney andIsrael.He in theUnitedStates survival beyondFrance,particularly science” approachtoHolocaust a comparativelookatthe“psy- The final thirdofthebookoffers of theShoah. Photocourtesyof theauthor. Memorial the at Names Wall of image: Cover N A A A D D V R C E L “Michael Dorland’sCadaverland www.upne.com Hanover andLondon by Published Waltham, Massachusetts UNIVERSITY UNIVERSITY PRESS OF NEW ENGLAND BRANDEIS UNIVERSITY PRESS historical aftermath dealing withtraumaandits practitioners aswellallthose this isabookthathealthcare the confines ofpost-warFrance, written andrangingwellbeyond horrors oftheShoah.Brilliantly psychological medicinewiththe self-destructive struggleof difficult, contradictory, often families, Dorlandsketchesthe for thesurvivorsandtheir with theimpactofShoah psychological literaturedealing Focusing onthepsychiatricand ramifications oftheHolocaust. study dealingwiththemedical historical is themostimportant The Tauber Institute fortheStudy ofEuropean Series Jewry Emory University gilman, Director, PrograminPsychoanalysis, l. sander must read.” “Michael Dorlandhaswritten narrative.” yet subtle,andofteneloquent, of scholarshipintoareadable, critical reviewofavastrange weaving thistogetherwitha uncovering newmaterialand studied, hehassucceededin Holocaust survivorhasbeen examine howthefigure ofthe scholarship. Bychoosingto definitely ranksassuperior a strikinglyoriginalworkthat and,inmanyways, an important of Ottawa the HistoryofMedicine,University Jason A.HannahProfessorof gelfand, toby 978-1-58465-784-2 N A A A D D V R C E L LAND in Francein & Historical Memory Medical Knowledge eLimits of CADAVERSurvival for Holocaust of Catastrophe a Pathology Inventing and humanbeings. conceptions of survivorsaspatients somatic, psychological,and holistic survivors, andheinvestigates doctors whostudiedHolocaust specifically totheFrenchmedical as psychoanalysis.Hethenturns connected medicalfields such and itsbroadeningoutinto symptomology ofcampeffects, a its strugglestoestablish (neuropsychiatric) knowledge, circulation ofmainlymedical return toFrance,analyzingthe camps,andeventual deportation in camp survivors,theirstay of theliberationconcentration Dorland beginswithadiscussion survivors. incarceration onHolocaust effects ofconcentrationcamp psychoanalysis) todescribethe fields ofneuropsychiatryand French doctors(mainlyinthe years ofmedicalattemptsby Michael Dorlandexploressixty In thisextraordinarystudy, Holocaust survival and described science apprehended how French medical lookatA powerful Cadaverland The Tauber Institute for the Study of European Jewry Series

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Cadaverland Inventing a Pathology of Catastrophe for Holocaust Survival michael dorland

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Dorland, Michael. Cadaverland: inventing a pathology of catastrophe for Holocaust survival: the limits of medical knowledge and memory in France / Michael Dorland. p. cm. — (The Tauber Institute for the Study of European Jewry series) Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 978-1-58465-784-2 (cloth: alk. paper) 1. Holocaust, Jewish (1939–1945) — Influence. 2. Holocaust, Jewish (1939–1945) — Psychological aspects. 3. Holocaust survivors — Mental health — France. 4. Prisoners of war — Mental health — France. 5. Imprisonment — Psychological aspects. 6. Prisoners of war — France — Rehabilitation. 7. Pathology — Philosophy. 8. Medicine — Philosophy. 9. Psychiatry — Philosophy. I. Title. rc451.4.p7d67 2009 616.85'21200944 — dc22 2009016548

this book was published with the generous support of the lucius n. littauer foundation, inc.

University Press of New England is a member of the Green Press Initiative. The paper used in this book meets their minimum requirement for recycled paper. Pour la famille, les vivants et les morts

. . . il n’y a plus de morts, il n’y a que du cadavre. Ce n’est même plus le règne de la mort, c’est le règne du cadavre . . .

eugène minkowski, 1948

Skeleton, skeleton, where are you going? What are you doing? You walk unsteadily, limping, ridiculous, swaying from one leg to the other, bending to compensate for the action of your vanished muscles, trying with each step to keep your balance, arms extended before you, seeking something to lean on, your head wobbling, your penis dangling.

françois wetterwald, Les Morts inutiles, 1946

Nicht erle Wormer soll mein Lieb ernarhen Die reine Flamme — die soll ihn verzehren Ich liebte stets die Worme und das Licht Darum verbrennet und begrabt mich nicht [So that the worms not eat my body, The purifying flame will help consume it, Its light preserves me forever from the worms, Because, cremated, they can grab me not]

Painted sign-board above the Buchenwald crematorium

Con t en ts

Acknowledgments xi Abbreviations xvii

Introduction my french “jewish question” 1 Writing History/Inventing History? A Still Warm Corpse Stücke/ Figüren/Rhetoric The Limits of Knowledge and Memory

Figure 1 the real 14 Who Knew What and When Did They Know It? The French Resistance and the “Jewish Question” Military Planning for the Liberation of the Camps and Prisoner Repatriation The Liberation of the Western Camps Medical Liberation Allied dp Policies The Nazi A-Bomb: The Continuing Jewish Problem

Figure 2 condensation 55 The Return The Lutetia Hotel War Crimes Forensics, 1945–1947 From Testimony to Medical Discourse, 1945–1948 The Psychology of Captivity, 1945–1946 Medical Dissertations on Concentration Camps and Deportee Pathology, 1941–1946 A Medical Field in Search of Itself, 1945–1953 Figure 3 displacement 90 The Pathology of Catastrophe The Somatologists, 1945–1948 The “Halakhists,” 1936–1948 International Congresses on the Pathology of Deportation and Related Issues, 1946–1952 The fir Medical and Scientific Congresses, 1954–1981 Minkowski: Psychopathology in Psychiatry and Holocaust Research, 1952–1982 The Scandinavian School of kz Syndrome, 1952–1980 Polish Perspectives on kz Syndrome, 1945–1961 The Israeli Holocaust Problem and Early Research, 1948–1969

Figure 4 inversion 144 The Failure of “Liberation Psychiatry,” 1944–1947 The Impossible Profession: Aspects of French Psychoanalytic History, 1926–1980 Niederland, Krystal, and the Transformation of Concentration Camp Syndrome, 1963–1988 Vicissitudes of the Figure of the Survivor, 1976–2005

Figure 5 dilemma 175 Trauma and Traumato-Culture, 1945–1990 Memory, Remembering, Commemoration, and Witnessing, 1949–2004 Writing and Rewriting the Holocaust, 1945–?

Figure 6 conclusion: prosthesis 201

Notes 209 Bibliography 231 Index 263 Ack nowledg m en ts

This is the part where the writer of a book thanks the many people and organizations in various countries who assisted with access to the research materials that provide the core information for a work of nonfiction. And these invariably convey a picture of the friendly folk and helpful institutions who do smooth the writer’s way. Such a picture is both accurate and not. It is true that this work is not possible without the assistance of many — granting institutions that provide the funding to make travel possible and help absorb many of the related costs involved; archivists and librarians who point you in the right direction, give permission to look at restricted materials, help find you books and such that you can’t seem to find otherwise; and others I’ll mention shortly. The other aspects involved are seldom mentioned in “acknowledgments,” especially the time that it takes to figure out what you are doing and exactly looking for. This is a long and lonely affair, since you don’t quite know beforehand, and that takes the time it takes. For instance, people think that for those of us who like to spend time in archives, reading old files, documents or books, “the stuff” we’re looking for is just sitting there waiting to be found. It doesn’t work like that. Rather, it’s a lot more like detective work or a police stake-out, in which not much happens for a long time, and then suddenly you find a clue — it could be a phrase, a way something is written; or a factual detail. And then, for a moment, you get a sense that that’s what you are looking for. After which you are back where you were before, waiting for “it” again. Granting agencies that give you the money to do this sort of thing seemingly have little apparent grasp that this is how research “works” — seren- dipitously, more than one would think. They expect you to know in great detail what you are doing, years before you really do. You can’t blame them for this; they are taking a gamble — and with the taxpayers’ money, always wisely spent, as everybody knows, to quote a song. The result is that they make little effort to grasp what you are trying to do, which may be too much to expect from overworked, bureaucratic committees anyway. And yet this imaginative effort is exactly what the Humanities Program of the Canadian Institutes of Health Research did do, in granting me the major portion of the research funding that I was able to obtain for this book. I am very deeply xi xii acknowledgments ous “peer-reviewers”wholurk beneaththerocksofanonymity. vari- by off fired arrows and slings gratuitous the from different utterly so your unflagging belief in my work was a source of great moral support, and former teachers, co-authors, and as friends and colleagues for decades, and as known History,I’ve Art University.you & McGill of Studies Many cation Communi- of Department the of Straw William Professor and University; Concordia Humanities, the of College the of Director today and Studies Communication of Chair former Charland, Maurice Professor University; Northwestern at Rhetoric, of Professor Hariman, Robert University; Fraser of University Angus, Ian Victoria; Culture, & Technology in Chair Research Canada Kroker, Arthur Toronto; of University Professor, University Hutcheon, Linda ing: fund- research obtain to attempts other in support of letters endless wrote appreciated, evenifoftenpointlessunderthecircumstances. greatly is it but work, nasty it’s guys, Thanks, Karim. H. Karim and tallah, At- Paul Dornan, Chris Professors Affairs: Public of Faculty my from grant research a me for obtain to efforts lobbying heroic and support, of letters of writing applications, of signing much for department our in positions at theajdc,andvariousothers,includingmycolleagues in administrative Niederland’s G. William at Webb Marek archivist head grants; ing writ- on advice sensible fine, for Affairs, Public of Faculty the of Dean ciate archive. worthwhile extremely but well-known So- less for a Amsterdam, Institute in History International cial the to also and Maryland; Park, College in Administration Records and Archives National the to London; in Road land City; to the Wellcome Institute for the Study of Medicine in the Euston as to the archives of the American Joint Distribution Committee in Long Is- History,Jewish for Center the well in as housed Research Jewish for stitute the Yorkto New City to trips research begin to me allowed 2000, small several of form the in Research and Studies my university, Carleton University, particularly from the Faculty of Graduate risksand,moreover,does take iskeentodoso. that program support research unique a as well as assistance, their edge the to grateful Special thanks to the cadre of mentors and friends who over the years the over who friends and mentors of cadre the to thanks Special My thanks to the various people involved: Professor John Pammett, Asso- Other institutional support that I benefited from for this book came from and only too pleased to be able to publicly acknowl- publicly to able be to pleased too only and cihr , Professor of Sociology & Anthropology,& Sociology of Simon Professor frsc, ; archivist Misha Mitsel Misha archivist Wiedergutmachung; Artzliche for permission to consult to permission for yivo -6 grants that, as of as that, grants gr-6 In- yivo acknowledgments xiii A sabbatical year in Paris in 2002–2003 furthered widened the circle of Members of my family were in many other ways central to the long pro- the of topic the whom with Perlmutter, Tom filmmaker friend, oldest My Other Parisians who contributed importantly to the research process in- friendship: friendship: after a lengthy correspondance, finally meeting Maria-Letizia Cravetto, who recently had finished a stint as Professor ofAnnihilation at the Collège de Philosophie and is the author of one of the best books on Primo Levi (Fidèlité à l’après, Editions Kimé, 2000). Letizia doors into the arcana of Parisian psychoanalytic milieux, and especially opened inmany some for contact to trying been had I whom Stern Anne-Lise to me troduced time. Anne-Lise Stern, despite a phobia for tape-recorders, spent hours both as a teacher many and as a friend talking to me about Lacan and life. of knowledge profound her me with shared happily Steiner Paule Professor of workings inner the as well as people, and history psychoanalytic Parisian networks. Parisian Jewish intellectual cess of research. My aunt, historian Professor Suzanne Citron (née Grum- bach) and still a dynamo of energy at eighty-seven, deserves special mention. Arrested in the summer of 1944 for distributing tracts, she was sent to Drancy, and despite patently fake identity papers, was spared the last convoy to Auschwitz. Whether this oversight was an act of stupidity or of kindness by the SS officer in charge, she did witnessher cousins boarding that convoy, never to return. Also, her work over the past thirty years on French national history and how to demythologize it has been a strong in- Grum- Antoine Professor cousins, favorite two My thinking. my on fluence bach and Maître François Citron, have been involved in this for decades, in endless discussions of French Jewish identity and what it is, as well as exchanging many books and ideas going back to the early 1970s. It François who at the time introduced was me to Pierre Legendre’s extraordinary du censeur: Essai L’Amour sur l’ordre dogmatique (1974) and Antoine who found in his mother’s library from just after the war Gilbert-Dreyfus’ books on Mauthausen and Dachau. Holocaust has been painfully shared for over four decades, the subject of agonizing discussions, readings, many long walks, and an unforgettable trip together to Judenrein Mitteleuropa, was also able to give the manuscript his close attention. You have no idea how much this meant to me, Tom. clude Catherine Lavielle, Director of the Bibliothèque Henri Ey at Sainte- Anne psychiatric hospital, who moved mountains to obtain contacts and xiv acknowledgments difficult war-psychiatric texts. Christine Taylor at Carleton’s MacOdrum atCarleton’s Taylor Christine texts. war-psychiatric difficult German from translating into mother his dragging for even and fulness, macher, wasajoytoworkwiththesepastyears,forhis initiative,resource- script. Sadly,manu- Pauldiedoflivercanceratfifty-fouron9January2009. the upon bear to mind laser-like his bring to able was ill, gravely although Attallah, Paul Professor colleague, Carleton and friend dear very alerting me to Sarah’s 2007 outstanding on dissertation Jewish identity. My for Curtin, at also Buchbinder, David Professor to Thanks collegiality. of call the above and far manuscript, the of reading close awesome her for very A special thank you to Dr.me. Sarah Schladow of Curtin University to of Technology deal great a meant has project the for enthusiasm Adam’s Stuart G. Emeritus Professor suggestions. and comments helpful making and manuscript the reading of task the on took generously Wagman, Ira support. their for Vlasselaer van Jean-Jacques Professor and Bannerman Elizabeth Zelikovitzers fellow to too Thanks book. this about public in talk to sions occa- several on possible it made Casteel James Professor Assistant and Freeman Aviva Professor Culture. and History Jewish for Center Zelikovitz lunch-datesarestillontheagenda. outstanding whom with Vasseur, Nadine memoirist Holocaust and deserves; richly it circulation the getting is now dissertation 1997 superb whose Berthomé, Dr. materials; unpublished Jean-Marc other and files closed at look to sion the Paris, de psychanalytique Société the at archivists other as well Israëlite as Alliance Universelle, the of archivist head Kuperminc, Jean-Claude brance; remem- Holocaust of work the in involved deeply became later he sixteen, age at camps the from returning after which, by process the explaining for Borlant Dr.Henri history; psychiatric French on me with articles and time shared Biéder,Dr.who Jean doing; was I what know to seem did I that me Dr. period; reassured who Gourévitch, Michel post-deportation the of files patient vanished of mystery continuing the on light shed to best their did who Sainte-Anne at services psychiatric of heads various the something; bibliography of little-known articles in French journals, in case I had missed researcher Olivier Gallois, who out of sheer kindness put together for me a here; work the to essential dissertations medical and articles rare find to y eerh sitn, h i Cmuiain addt Li Schu- Leif candidate Communication in PhD assistant, research My Professor and Elliott Charlene Professor colleagues, departmental My Tessieand Max University’s Carleton at colleagues my to thanks Special , the cjdc, , and the Archives de France, for special permis- special for France, de Archives the and bdic, acknowledgments xv grudg- — Cam, Max, and Dee-Dee-Oh and Max, Cam, — At Brandeis University Press/University Press of New England, Editor- read only not partner, my Walton, Priscilla Professor front, home the On ingly accepted that, for more months than they expected, I would be at my to. desk writing for longer than they are used Library Library also deserves a warm thank you for her super work in finding often obscure inter-library loan books and articles, and for her journal databases knowledge and psychiatry. in medicine of deepest My about. is book this what “got” also Deutsch Phyllis Dr. in-Chief thanks to her for her support, and to the reviewers of the manuscript for the highest praise an author can ask for, as well as useful suggestions for clarifying the manuscript. Special thanks, too, to a crack production team, and to Barbara Briggs for subsidiary rights, and Katy Grabill for marketing and publicity. calls phone annoying off fended bravely but manuscript, the of drafts various and other interruptions to let me write in peace. Her love, as always, is in- dogs the finally, And dispensable.

i a A bbrev

adir Association nationale des anciennes déportées et internées de la Résistance adrm Association pour le développement des relations ti on s médicales, established 1920 af Archives de France aks Allgemeine Korporschwach, or general bodily breakdown aiu Alliance Israëlite Universelle, Paris, research library and community center founded in the nineteenth century by the Rothschilds ajdc American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee, a Jewish charitable organization amp Annales Médico-psychologiques (journal) bdic Bibliothèque de documentation internationale contemporaine, Université de Paris-Nanterre cdjc Centre de documentation juive contemporaine, the research section of the Mémorial de la Shoah cfln Comité français de Libération nationale ch2gm Comité d’histoire de la Deuxième Guerre Mondiale crowcass Central Registry of War Criminals and Security Suspects ctrp Compagnie des Transports de la Région Parisienne, which predated the current ratp (see below) des Diplôme d’études supérieures dsm Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, first published by the American Psychiatric Association in 1952, now in its fourth edition (dsm-iv) fir Fédération internationale des résistants fndip Fédération nationale des déportés et internés politiques fndir Fédération nationale des déportés et internés de la Résistance fndirp Fédération nationale des déportés, internés et résistants politiques ftp Francs-Tireurs Partisans, Communist partisans ifw Internationale Föderation der Widerstandskämpfer its International Tracing Service xvii je The Jewish Encyclopedia, 1902–1906, 12 vols. kl, kz KonzentrationsLager, Konzentrationslager, differing

ti on s abbreviations for concentration camp mnpgd Mouvement National des Prisonniers de Guerre et des Déportés moi Main d’œuvre immigrée, Jewish resistance group

abbrev i a affiliated to the Communist ftp mpgdr Ministère des Prisonniers de Guerre, Déportés et Résistants mpgdir Ministère des Prisonniers de Guerre, Déportés, Internés et Résistants; alternative abbreviation, becomes the Office National des Anciens, Combattants et des Victimes de Guerre (onacvg) circa 1946–1947 nara National Archives and Records Administration ose Œuvre de secours aux enfants pcas post-concentrationary aesthenic syndrome ptsd post-traumatic stress disorder ratp Régie Autonome des Transports Parisiens rhmh Revue d’histoire de la médecine hébraïque (journal, 1948–1985), published under the auspices of the shmh (see below) se The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud, general editor James Strachey, 24 vols., 1953–1974 ser Service européen de recherches shaef Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Force shmh Société d’histoire de la médecine hébraïque, established in 1936 sncf Société nationale des chemins de fer, the French National Railway System spp Société psychanalytique de Paris, founded in 1926 srcge Service de recherche des crimes de guerre ennemis sto Service du travail obligatoire ugif Union générale des Israélites de France unrra United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration uro United Restitution Organization wcb War Crimes Branch, U.S. Army yivo Scientific Institute for Jewish Research xviii Cadaverland

In t rodu cti on My French “Jewish Question”

I am both a citizen of France and a Jew of the Diaspora, having grown up during the Quiet Revolution in Quebec, and educated in English and French. Given the timeframe of my undergraduate university education — the explosive 1960s — I received an early exposure to certain strands in French psychoanalytic thought, that still supposedly “Jewish science” of Freud’s, as it was being reread by Lacan and differently so by Pierre Le gendre, two Catholic psychoanalysts and, at the time, still unknown in translation.1 Also, as the son of a Jewish mother, or as she put it, “une fran- çaise d’origine Israëlite,” who had had to wear the yellow star at the age of eighteen, I had heard since childhood her many stories about the Occupa- tion years and its hazards; in particular, about how the French defeat of 1940 was for her the collapse of the bourgeois, assimilationist, republican ideology of the Third Republic, and an utter betrayal of the cultural world in which she had been formed.2 In my twenties, I discovered among my French cousins the same ambivalence that I had over what it means to be both French and Jewish: that is, to have grown up French in some positive sense of the word, and Jewish in some negative sense — with no religious connection to the rituals of Juda- ism, and yet with a lifelong identification with “being” Jewish. It took me years to realize that this is a sociological trait shared by many assimilated French Jews, often of a certain time and of the political left, and one that 1 My French “Jewish Question” 3 not possible. not to communicate. But there are and not to. It also follows that there are situ- are there that follows also It to. not and They themselves were not capable of understanding — solely on their physical appearance, which sup- œuvre abounds in such examples, and even so he made it the Emphasizing the uses of language and the influences of the cultural con- cultural the of influences the and language of uses the Emphasizing However true this assessment may be in many ways, such a failure of camp their about talkedthemselves deportees among former sure, be To zou points out, French publications on the 1939 to 1945 period published between 1964 and 2001 numbered 11,600 titles. By comparison, publications on all aspects of the deportation (French Jews and non-Jews) in the 13). titles (Douzou 2005, numbered only 620 same period text as this study does, I begin from an axiom of my main research (Communication) field that it is impossible ways to communicate to ways many ations in which communication of any significance is simply Primo Levi’s survivor’s “duty to communicate” (1988). However, this was not just the duty of survivors, and we shall see subsequently some of the problems this unevenly shared burden produced. In the case of survivors in France and conclusions to coming meant was there as communication such elsewhere, about the survivors based ob- their based below discussed physicians the Similarly, all. it said posedly servations on survivors’ symptoms, as would be expected. French psycho- late very survival, Holocaust of question the takeup did they when analysts, short, In squabbles. internecine own their in involved more were day, the in no one in the French context asked the survivors what they themselves had experienced until the 1980s. Dori Laub has “failed as patients survivor and caracterized psychiatrists, physicians, between generally the interaction empathy” (Laub and Auerhahn 1989). empathy needs qualification. As Leo Eitinger (by the 1990s recognized as the dean of Holocaust survival studies) remarked, looking back to the im- almost is it camps, concentration the of liberation the of aftermath mediate impossible to overstate the utter emotional devastation of Jewish survivors especially: “The newly released prisoners had no one left, there was nowhere for them to go, they were completely through with their old un- so life new lives, the with do could they what idea faintest the hadn’t they and expectedly granted them. . . . “Scientific added). emphasis 769, 1998, (Eitinger .” . . circumstances. new their studies” of what survivors had been through, Eitinger goes on, were thus capable not were themselves survivors the what grasp to begin to “needed” of expressing. anecdot- for except conversations these to privy not are we but experiences, 4 Cadaverland my scalpel. But the corpse was still warm. It was too soon for the patholo- the for soon too was It warm. still was corpse the But scalpel. my in the late 1970s, “I thought sufficient time had elapsed to allow me to wield drome,” in the first chapter entitled “Neurosis,” when he began his research deals withcomparative,non-French,contextsofsurvivorresearch. that study this of part the in seen be shall as Israel, in including up, ended they wherever survivors to indifference the of typical fairly was it respects, the attempted medical understanding of the effects of deportation. In other they connect,orifso,fantastically, asFoucaultfirstnoted(1963). do rarely only And suffering. human with goes it so And knowledge. with time the at knowledge into built limits the also were there And botched. been had survivors of state physical immediate the than more for caring of job the that recognition limited some even and minimum, the than more much do to available were personnel limited and the Occupation years. On the other hand, because of the war, limited means by ways unclear in “traumatized” deeply been had France that recognition the with identification of version Bettelheim’s mean don’t I were being written by 1946 on (and what camp internment did to “the self” articles psychoanalytic insightful Profoundly questions. such with deal to sociology medical interdisciplinary of branch new a for 1946 and 1945 in made were Proposals effects. psychological the with concerned mediately im- and deeply were survivors to approaches of show,number I a As ence. (such aspsychoanalysis),andotherknowledge-producingdisciplines. fields medical related into out broadening the and compensation, pension its efforts to establish a symptomatology of camp effects, the struggles over knowledge, (neuropsychiatric) medical mainly of circulation subsequent the and camps the of liberation the with began This survivors. French with contact closest the had that networks institutional those within occurred it is to and intellectualdifferences,mediachanges,otherfactors. them deeper. Or put them off for some forty years as a result of generational life French of aspects many distorted had Occupation the that fact the mention to not problems, the country that ended up on the side of the victors. This paradox only tightened defeated a was it that is context French the complicates further ally.What As historian Henry Rousso explains in his major book on “the Vichy Syn- for site first the as exceptional respects certain in was case French The I am not, by any means, an “ineffabilist” as regards the Holocaust experi- What I am attempting here, therefore, in the first two-thirds of this study, reconstruct the process of coming to terms with the French Judeocide as — private, intellectual, etc. intellectual, private, — as at any time. So it goes it So time. any at as — in short, buried short, in ). There was There ss). My French “Jewish Question” 5

— what is one to say of an — perhaps even a psychoanalyst” (1991, 1). — psychoanalysts even. The following pages are centrally — that is precisely the interest of the study of since history, the with its unprecedented magnitude in the scale of mass murder, in fact, one could say until enough time had passed for it to become become to it for passed had time enough until say could one fact, in arm Corpse arm — W — exclusive preserve of professional historians In this study, however, the corpse is definitely warm sixty years later, and later, years sixty warm definitely is corpse the however, study, this In My use of Rousso’s words here is quite deliberate. If, as Freud claimed, concerned with the French medical practitioners who made it their professional preoccupation to study the “living” figures who emerged more or Allied by liberation their following camps concentration the from alive less remains in certain ways “incomprehensible,” as historian István Deák put it put Deák István historian as “incomprehensible,” ways certain in remains incomprehensibility, This after. and 1989 in essays of series memorable a in did not stem from a lack however, of materials; the Holocaust, he wrote, is even Rather, 1). 1989, (Deák event” historical well-documented uniquely “a given extensive documentation, such a state of affairs was not sufficient to have cooled down the corpse of the event so as to allow whatever mea- understanding.scientific or historical for requisite is dispassion of sure As Rousso had found, the events were still too close, and so required doctors who deal with the (still) living. so it is still not yet the time for the pathologist but for rather, doctors who deal with the living Still A Still If writing the history of the Second World War years remained a particular kind of problem for postwar French memory for at least a good forty years the event such as the Holocaust, a corpse that is surely still warm? locaust The Ho- its lasting impact upon most of both and Western Eastern Europe, as well as on so many other countries, if not on “the conscience” of the world gist to begin an autopsy; what the case called for was a to doctor treat the living, qualified not the dead This study, then, proposes to contribute further to untangling the historical historical the untangling to further contribute to proposes then, study, This knots in the French “national unconscious” that connected (or rather did as well as Question,” “Jewish French the and memory wartime connect) not to do so either. of French psychoanalysis the inability the unconscious has no sense of time, at what point does “the past” become a corpse capable of being autopsied? One might be tempted to reply “never,” and corpse is never quite dead or, if apparently so, lingers on in ghostly and for a very long time. haunting ways, often 6 Cadaverland work, overcrowding,filth,brutality, and terror. over- cold, starvation, to due deterioration, mental and physical prisoners’ like the rest; and they made observations of both their own and their fellow ing to help their fellow prisoners, if they could. the by sanctioned practices “medical” of kind the in doctors, as involved, were none course, Of survivors.) on deportation camp concentration of effects (Eitinger moved to Norway Jew.as a a being for Eitinger, Leo like others activities; Resistance for Richet had themselves been incarcerated in several camps: the Frenchman Charles number a camps, the in through been had prisoners the what derstanding un- to themselves devote to came who doctors the Of enough. soon speak Russia andtheussr.(SeeSnyder2009,14–16). northern Belarus, in people million 80 additional an of starvation through elimination the to led have would Ost, Generalplan and Plan Hunger the on Russia, the implementation of two further dimensions of the Holocaust, historian Timothy Snyder reminds us, had the Nazis succeeded in their war decentered. As the YaleHolocaust still remains fundamentally derstanding un- that Army.either Red deny the to before not retreated is Nazis This the as west the in camps overcrowded the to camps eastern the from relocated upon former inmates of these camps, many more of whom had been in any event focus to tend book this concern that studies scientific the well, As folding process of discovery, I deal primarily with the Western European camps. metonym “Auschwitz.” To the extent that this book aims the by signified time a in live we horror, today of epitome the as nificance) sig- geopolitical British greater (of Belsen or se), per Holocaust the to less and II of World War end the of narratives U.S. to significant more initially the Holocaust. Where one initially spoke of Dachau, Buchenwald (arguably of narrative Western the to them) view did journalists Western that (given “extraneous” hence and Russians the by found camps death hideous more even the of that by overshadowed later was camps European Western the of discovery the that is One choice: this for reasons various have I Poland. eastern of camps extermination the with than Europe Western of camps concentration the of liberation the with more dealing be will I that point this at clear it make should I surrender. German the before days three ally liter- (Mauthausen), 1945 May through (Maidanek) 1944 July from soldiers Not all of the doctors we shall encounter in this book, primarily through Of the prisoners and their condition at the time of Liberation, we shall we Liberation, of time the at condition their and prisoners the Of ; they were unofficial prisoner-doctors who used their medical train- medical their used who prisoner-doctors unofficial were they ss; dp at war’s end, where he began to study the 7 Mainly, they tried to get by to reconstruct an un- My French “Jewish Question” 7 that — are, like so — There are many reasons 8 including medical knowledge — specialists in how glandular secretions either help or harm other — Curiously, Curiously, however, none of the key figures we shall encounter ini- One of the key points that this book makes is in stressing the extent to their scientific work, were formerprisoners. Some, likeTargowla, René were highly respected specialists, who had undertaken major studies be- the of veterans among “shell-shock” of effects lingering the on war the fore First World Henri War. Baruk was a former director of the Charenton insane asylum, which he called “the Jerusalem” of Nearly French psychiatry. all had received their medical specialization as neuropsychiatrists is, they studied the physiological bases of nervous diseases. Some, however, like Richet, Gilbert Dreyfus, and Louis Fichez, gists were endocrinolo- bodily functions. This means, on the one hand, that it will be later in necessary this book to better understand their medical training, and the vari- another one with relationships their in knowledge medical of branches ous in the French university and medical context; on the other hand, one that follow just not does be- it training, of form certain a received has one cause Henri Baruk, for in- will be confined to it throughout one’s medical career. stance, progressively moved away from neuropsychiatry to what he would call “experimental moral psychology.” For a more famous illustration of how a doctor can move through various medical Sigmund fields,Freud initially was trained in the anatomy of rememberthe nervous system. that As is well known, he went from that rather narrow specialization to invent an entirely new system for understanding mental illness. tially were psychoanalysts or psychotherapists, or not in until our timeline, much indeed later not until decades later. for this: for one, the pecking order in hierarchies of medical knowledge; psychoanalytic the of fractiousness) indeed (and smallness the another, for profession that did not take off numerically until well into the 1950s, the in case of the United States, but grew With relentlessly greater thereafter. see, shall we as and, respectability, not if influence, greater comes numbers this would cause a considerable change in the understanding of Holocaust survival, in the shift away from the neurological to much stronger psycho- perspectives. logical, psychopathological, and psychoanalytic which bodies of knowledge many other human things, subject to fads and fashions of their own. It is for on gone has survival Holocaust of study the that emphasizing worth also this ways; many in changed has it years, sixty those In now. years sixty some book is the first to examine such changes closely. However, I don’t claim 8 Cadaverland several decades of Holocaust survival. One is that the Final Solution defi- Solution Final the that is One survival. Holocaust of decades several perhaps whenoneisdealing with “thegoodguys,”asisthecasehere. a more profound grasp of the contexts of human actions, and even more so from come always will benefits that me to seems It undertaken. been have should work such why reasons are these of None results. of reliability of findings, the adequacy ofagreement methods,about orthe the certainty temporary than more anything guarantee not does understand to desire the good, human the toward count surely must occurred have could phe brought about by the creation of the State of Israel of State the of creation the by about brought was that thought Jewish in renaissance the and identity Jewish of reasons the question of Holocaust survival. One of these, more than the others purposes, ifmorebriefly. comparative for well as contexts national other at but context, French the at only not looks study this that differences these stress to is it And other. an- to school one from crossovers mention to not emphases, different and tendencies factions, divisions, always are there something; about thinking of way unified a suggest means any by not should “school” a of idea the Polish school, an Israeli school, an American school, and so on. Of course, a by chronology rough in followed were These emerged. survival locaust Ho- of school Scandinavian a and closely) most at looks book this (which WorldWar,school Second French the a of end the after soon see, shall we much as the number of countries in which the topic has been examined. As able contexts. conceiv- all in and respect every in exhaustive are pages following the that experienced. but wide by was, Holocaust the that awareness an from stem survival Holocaust ing front may temporarily be papering over appearances. The reasons for study- any other field of knowledge when looked at closely, despite whatever brave as condition a messy as in is studies survival Holocaust of state the years, sixty after even that is know, they think they what and humans to comes it when unavoidable also but perhaps, say, to Sad long. very for not so, if or,question, any on existed agreement little very that follows also it ences, influ- mutual and understanding, of crisscrossings variety, this all Given in “knowledge transfer” to the new state’s budding psychiatric institutions. he bod mlctos a b dan rm hs eeaiain of re-examination this from drawn be may implications broad Three For example, the French school was made up of different emphases on emphases different of up made was school French the example, For as almost vary studied been has survival Holocaust which in ways The universal agreement, the largest man-made catastrophe ever catastrophe man-made largest the agreement, universal not 9 And although wanting to understand how such a catastro- a such how understand to wanting although And — would play a key role key a play would — for not My French “Jewish Question” 9 Encyclopedia of is crucial to the — roughly equivalent to some- — figure N-S Sprache (the language of National Social- real bodies but semblances if not in total body count, then in the lasting damage it hetoric — Figüren has a number of additional connotations that are also The American philosopher Berel Lang has argued at some length that To carry out what they called To the Final Solution to the Jewish Question, the Nazis invented, among other “innovations,” a bureaucratic jargon to de- emotionalize and dehumanize what they were doing. Governed by “Sprach- sub- word specific very of consisted practices these (speech-rules), regelung” (see gassing and killing, shooting, the of actuality the up cover to stitutions for instance, Paechter 1944, Klemperer 2000, Michael and Doerr 2002). Thus the bureaucrats of extermination did not use the words “bodies” or “cadavers” in their reports, but instead “Stücke” or stuff, “Figüren” or figures, “pieces,” or “units.” The word caused. Second is that even among “the caring professions,” what practi- profes- their of development further the was all of most about cared tioners sion. Third, only a tiny minority of survivors came under the medical gaze; One silence. in and alone suffer to abandoned simply were majority vast the need not be a hardline Foucauldian to conclude that this is how it goes in under- to try also can One fact. this over grieve can One biz. knowledge the I have attempted to do in this book. which is what stand this better, R Stücke/Figüren/ thing like mannequins, not nitely nitely succeeded overall argument of this study; namely, how specialized languages human- our up make make that traits the or human as count we what unmake and The word ity. important to what follows. It can mean “figure” as in sums, numbers,or statistics. It also can mean “to figure” as in figuringsomething out, less in a mathematical sense, than as a puzzle or problem, something that needs to be better understood. And third, “figure”is a key rhetorical concept for understanding ways to organize word use for various rhetorical ends of persuasion, argumentation, or logic, as in “figures of speech” or “figurative language.” It goes without saying that this is a large topic in rhetorical theory that we won’t get but into see, now, for instance, the articles on figurative language and figures of speech in Theresa Enos’s Rhetoric and Composition (1996, 267–71). Nazi-Deutsch was not a language and so cannot be considered figurative (see Lang 1990, 81–102). Without engaging with his argument in detail, as my concern here is not with 10 Cadaverland French todayrefertoasthe“psy”sciences. derivatives its and psychoanalysis sciences, related its and try, across an axis that moved over time from the bodily to the psychological neuropsychia- and neurology medicine, internal from ranging knowledge, medical of figurations various the of prisms the through refracted all were and their children’s children. These explanations and their transformations forty to years later, up that concentration camp experience had affected their children, and twenty By later. years twenty or ten, five, time: of period physically and mentally, and with what consequences over an ever-receding incarceration camp concentration what of explanations, its sixty-year history has stood for various and changing ways of developing overtime. like everythingelse,variesandmutates ing language use, as well as for tracking changes in language usage, which, Obviously, then, figures and figuration are an important key to understand- others. not and forms word or words specific certain paper on down put has she or he which in manner the by say to trying is writer the what grasp tween a writer and the world outside the writer’s mind; it allows a reader to to say, to, form, or stylize what is being said or written so that it will say, or attempt human lifeworlds,whichprecedestheriseofNationalSocialism. upon language technical or scientific of influence growing the with do to study,has this to concern of also is which issue, greater A 2006). Dorland see elsewhere; this of was some discussed (I’ve version example extreme, Nazi if one, the but which of languages, twentieth-century affecting transformations important certain ignores Lang that think I se, per ism) gaze was backed by ever more sophisticated instrumentation that allowed that instrumentation sophisticated more ever by backed was gaze tion with a mere look (“the medical gaze,” as Foucault calls it). The medical condi- patient’s the up sum could that point vantage abstract more much a to himself removed gradually doctor the such), and vomit, (urine, cretions ex- his and patient the smelled and touched actually he which in approach tactile physical, more earlier, an century.From nineteenth the throughout and Revolution French the with changed body sick the to approach cian’s clini- medical the how of history a provides Foucault Michel Clinique, la de 1963 his In so. differently if use, language other any as figurative follow that pages the in cation This may be putting it too strongly too it putting be may This below, detail will and indicated I’ve in As survival Holocaust of study the I would argue that “figures of speech,” or acts of figuration, give shape give figuration, of acts or speech,” of “figures that argue would I this as opposed to that. Figuration is precisely the point of contact be- — but medical language and discourse is as is discourse and language medical but — there is plenty of room for qualifi- for room of plenty is there to survivors, to did — or what the what or Naissance My French “Jewish Question” 11 what is speaking and speaking is who or at least to speculate about about speculate to least at or — a patient’s body and, with the rise the with and, body patient’s a inside Each chapter below begins with a definition definition a with begins below chapter Each 10 not to have to confront the Holocaust and its human both by the fact that bodies continue to get sick, and sick, get to continue bodies that fact the by both displaced I am not arguing here for a “psychoanalysis” of medical knowledge. A great number of figures of speech and various larger and lesser ways of ways lesser and larger various and speech of figures of number great A the doctor to see what was going on on going was what see to doctor the well as mind patient’s the in psychology, of that to been not had there why wondered Foucault preface, book’s the In it. point (or for that matter, since then) anything like a mean not did on, went he such, of lack “psychoanalysis The vi). (1963, knowledge” medical of suffer- and knowledge between “fantasticlinks shortageof no was there that ing” (vii, emphasis added). On the contrary, among these fantastic links, are that (vii) suffering” of figures “the of rhetoric a calling I’m what is there not dispelled by the rise of the objectifying, rational discourses of modern only medicine, in the changing situations where bodies and the medical gaze meet. What between relationship the is however, changed, has what of example stark a as moment, a for here Think about. spoken being is I mean, of the enormous difficulties of those very few Holocaust survivors who did encounter the medical gaze, as opposed to those so just many suffering, their of more figures silent the in years for immured remained who to be able to begin to speak about what they had been through. time same the at is suffering” of figures “the about speak to though, Surely, to make a gesture toward psychoanalysis and psychoanalytic concepts that one could also term a grammar of such figures. What is psychoanalysis if not a way of learning to speak one’s (frustrated) desire to rhetor- both upon drawn speak? have I That follow, that chapters is the organizing in why, ical and psychoanalytic figures to shape what I and the many sources upon say. to trying are draw I which of the principal figure deployed; the content of each chapter provides the frame organizing an as chosen was figure a such why for support empirical of analysis. a upon drawn only have I study this for but available, were them classifying them, of All language. psychoanalytic from these of many so, or half-dozen however, are figures of avoidance, dissimulation, and displacement;other words, of in how consequences, for reasons that are complex and will be explained in more detail below case by case. Or to put this the slightly magnitude differently, of certain events is such that they can be faced only indirectly and require in only then even and grasped, be can they before time long a of passage the certain ways. In the words of historian Laqueur, “There Walter are certain 12 Cadaverland lander 2007,xxv). Fried- S. in (cited present” be enormity,to this happened grasp one unless to needed is effort extraordinary an that extreme so are which situations small miracle” (2000). The need for miracles increases so much more with more much so increases miracles for need The (2000). miracle” small “a was memory normal of act an that remarked nineties, his approaching Ricoeur, Paul Philosopher memory. human ordinary is forgetfulness and omission, distortion, to subject and frailer Even resides). extraordinary the (where norms such outside rarely only and knowledge of paradigm given a within operates science” “normal 1995), (1981, Hacking Ian or (1966), Foucault Michel 2002), (1962, Kuhn Thomas (1991), Canguilhem Georges as such scholars by out pointed been has as part, most the for But work. life’s their it made some true; is it harder, tried Some that. if understand, to efforts ordinary made survivors with contact into came who those part, most the For enough. not were efforts extraordinary even that is chapters following the in find we what understanding, of efforts extraordinary for mony. Soitgoeswithhumanmemories. ished” “dimin- tainted,” “humiliated,” “anguished,” into it subdivides and ory alike. at Yale, exemplifies this when he writes about “the ruins” of survivor mem- are stories Archive Video survivors’ Fortunoff large the upon drawn all has who Langer, Lawrence Tolstoy, paraphrasing is who Elie Wiesel, paraphrase To problems). different without not are these although of course does not apply to the classic literary works of Holocaust memory, was say to had they what memories, warped or failing and age, advanced years, many too of passage the for allowing “testimony,”vors didbegintospeakenmasseasitwerethroughvideotaped survi- When through. been had they what grasp to sufficient was them at fellow citizens who thought, if they thought at all about it, that just looking their or survived; had they if families, their remove; one at symptoms their est to them, be it the few medical doctors who treated them or who studied clos- were ostensibly who those show,of understanding the help not did it their of understanding what they had been through. As the following pages survivors The The LimitsofKnowledge andMemory f auu i rgt n etee iutos uh s h Hlcut call Holocaust the as such situations extreme and right is Laqueur If — all negative descriptors from his 1991 book on Holocaust testi- Holocaust on book 1991 his from descriptors negative all present, and it is far from certain that this facilitated facilitated this that certain from far is it and present, were — forgive me forgive — banal. (This banal. My French “Jewish Question” 13 and There are no miracles in what follows. Instead, normal human beings And so we begin with the encounter at or near the end of the Second extraordinary extraordinary and highly complex events such as the Holocaust itself surviving it. surviving struggle within the limits of their capacities, scientific or otherwise, to understand the extreme. As shall be seen, this is not to say that extraordinary understanding was not possible; it was, but these instances were exceptions. What follows is a study of the limits of knowledge and of memory, an epoch that overemphasizes both. prompted in part by certain,of im- figures speechless often and emaciated, strange, War World prisoned behind barbed wire with the Allied soldiers who freed those crea- tures who were still alive, the likes of whom they had never encountered before. fi gure The Real 1 Term used as a substantive by Jacques Lacan, as of 1953, and borrowed from the vocabulary of philosophy and the Freudian concept of psychic reality, to designate a phenomenal reality that is immanent to representation and impossible to symbolize. elisabeth roudinesco & michel plon, Dictionnaire de la psychanalyse, 1997, 897

As a way to start, we begin with a fiction (or quasi-fiction) that is both a representation and a symbolization: the highly successful and acclaimed hbo series Band of Brothers (2001), which follows the experiences of the men of Easy Company (the 506th Regiment of the 101st Airborne Division of Paratroopers) from training camps in Georgia and England, through D-Day, Market Garden, and the Battle of the Bulge.1 Episode 9, “Why We Fight,” finds the company in Bavaria, not far from the town of Landsberg, sometime between 12 and 30 April 1945, the dates of the deaths of fdr and Adolf Hitler, respectively.2 Both deaths are mentioned in the episode: the first, with regretful awe (“The President is dead”); the suicide of the second, with contempt (“Why didn’t he do it sooner and spare us all this trouble?”). In one scene, to the accompaniment of a quartet of civilian musicians sadly playing a Beethoven violin sonata, German civilians root through the hills of rubble trying to salvage still usable furniture and clear the streets. Sitting idly, watching, one of the U.S. soldiers comments: “Those Krauts 14 The Real 15 Arbe- gure 1 Figure that needed , the Army news- Army the , Stripes & Stars are we fighting this war?” someone except for the lack of snow, the fact they are not freezing and starv-and freezing not are they fact the snow, of lack the for except — The shot cuts to Sgt. Frank Petonte, running as fast as he can back to the to back can he as fast as running Petonte, Frank Sgt. to cuts shot The What they don’t know they have found is a concentration camp, an Later, walking gingerly through a forest, the sunlight refracting through through refracting sunlight the forest, a through gingerly walking Later, Petonte returns Winters with and Maj. Capt. Nixon in a jeep and a trans- sure clean up good.” Eventually, Easy Company is sent out on patrol in per- a amphibian and trucks of convoy a in travelling direction, northwesterly reading is soldiers the of One carriers. sonnel ing, and the fact that German artillery is not ripping the forest to splinters. raised, guns clearing, a to nervously and slowly come men the while, a After safeties off, and then they just stand dumbstruck. there, town. Arriving out of breath, he manages to shout to the other soldiers, commanding his Finding officers?” the are Where officers? the are “Where something!” found We’ve away. right come to got “You’ve gasps, he officer, know!” Petonte replies. don’t “What?” the major asks, “what?” “We paper. “Whatcha reading?” asks another. The response, “Something about “Something response, The another. asks reading?” “Whatcha paper. why we are fightingthis war,” sets off hoots of derision, as if any explaining at this point. “So why have Germans the that seems “It quietly, replies reading soldier The sneers. very bad.” been very, the tall trees, the men are on their guard, not just because there are enemy soldiers still about, but also because, as one soldier remarks, the forest is eerily reminiscent of the forests of Bastogne (seen two episodes earlier), where they had experienced the worst fighting in their two-plus years together. One of the sergeants responds sarcastically that it is same exactly the itsläger, a labor camp. port truck of additional troops. The men of Easy Company advance slowly toward the camp, surrounded by a high, formerly electrified fence that has a body entangled in its barbs. Silent, skeletal, shaven-headed men in dirty their of bottoms the just some star, yellow a wearing some clothing, striped “uniforms” or wrapped in tattered blankets, watch them one approach. speaks. No The men of Easy arrive at the main gate, behind which they see wood smoke wafting through the air and an open space littered with signs of work interrupted (half-sawed logs), and dead bodies. The chain locking the gate is cut, the gates pushed back and the soldiers enter camp. the Slowly, more prisoners emerge from the rows of small huts lining the sides of Each a one main seems alley. thinner and sicker than the next; some elderly prisoners are being carried in the arms of others. As they ap- 16 Cadaverland to town to seize food back drive Others water. find and rations, their out break to men his ders hanging on,aswouldachildtoparent. emaciated headsfeeblytrytoraisethemselves. shaven, of rows move: to sick too prisoners of full crammed within, bunks mouths, enter one of the small huts. Their flashlights illuminate the tiers of to throw up; others sit, too stupefied to speak or move. Two, covering their begun have some mouths; and noses their cover soldiers the stinks; place more dead bodies, in piles or groups, lying where they were shot. Clearly the find they site, camp the explore to begin Nixon and Winters hesitantly.As ammunition. Hethenwalksaway, makingwailingsounds. of out running until prisoners other shooting and them, in prisoners with huts the of some ablaze setting after morning, that away run had guards the that explains vaguely.He pointing adds he junction,” railway next the at camp woman’s a There’s Gypsies. and Poles some and farmers also are there clerks; writers, musicians, are we Here Jews. “for responds, prisoner the suspiciously.no,” asks no, Liebgott “No, criminals?” “For camp. work a is it that factly, of matter replies, scratching, prisoner, The place?” this is “What German, skull. speaks who Liebgott his Cpl. through inside asks, Winters something Maj. remove to attempting though as furiously head his scratching is and tics nervous all is He disorder: mental a from suffering be to seems soldiers the to closest standing prisoner A films. bie Romero’s George of thinking times, media-savvy our in avoid, to hard is difficulty, it with walking pear, tention that is not available here and, the surgeon regimental explains, they at- medical serious require they elsewhere; moved be can they until again up prisoners the lock to given are Orders bodies.”) the of dispose to ovens and facilities “Gassing asks. Nixon “How?” this.” than “worse camps, ger big- far other, found have Russians the that Nixon tells later try.(Winters coun- the over all camps similar finding been have troops whose manders com- other to phone the on been have They surgeon. regimental the with well, as arrives colonel regimental The it. on themselves hurl prisoners ing temple, excepttoprotestthattheywerenotNazis. angry an with argue won’t but pleased, too none The officers suddenly realize that they must do something. Winters or- Winters something. do must they that realize suddenly officers The him, holds just and men, Easy the of one embraces prisoner older An them touching soldiers, the around gather prisoners more and More Back at the camp, as food begins to arrive and is unloaded, the starv- the unloaded, is and arrive to begins food as camp, the at Back — bread, cheese and other such zom- such other and Dead Living the of Night — from the local merchants, who are holding a .45 at their at .45 a holding gi The Real 17

— a phe- gure 1 Figure is — are we fighting what they are seeing. In Several key points should be 3 see it, they do not know “How could you have not known about this just — When the soldiers come to the clearing, before the camp is seen on- Now, of course, these are not unfamiliar images. Now, the rather or war, Company’s Easy of story overall the within episode This Liebgott climbs atop a truck and tries, his voice breaking, to explain this There is more. On a railway siding, the door of a railroad wagon is slid Petonte tells found Winters, something “We’ve but we don’t know what noted here, however. Unlike the Liberation newsreel footagenoted here, however. from which it But while Jews are to an draws, the episode does mention Jews specifically. extent focal in this segment, their discovery is incidental and the soldiers clearly have not been fighting the war to save Jews (“So why this war?”). Furthermore, by late 1942, Allied governments were aware (as we shall see) not only of Nazi extermination camps, but also of the fate of to down filtered not had however, knowledge, official That Jewry. European end. the fighting men, even almost at war’s screen, although they can from the stench?” one soldier shouts at them, as they are made to begin digging graves while others drag bodies, limbs falling off, gravesite. towards the news- many the of composite a basically is it, of portion camp concentration reel images, widely disseminated and publicized beginning in April 1945, of the discovery of the concentration camps. should should not be allowed to eat, as the sudden intake of food into their starv- will kill them. ing bodies to the prisoners, who set off howls of protest as the soldiers begin to push inside the camp. them back open, exposing more dead bodies. The next marched to the day, camp the townspeople are this sense, the episode refers not specifically to the Jewish fate, but more (like the paradigmatic newsreel images referred to above) to the general (and even so unimaginable) Nazi “barbarity” of which the Red Army had found far worse instances, Nixon. as Winters tells it is.” Now, these are battle-tested soldiers who have experienced pretty much the worst of war; they’ve seen many dead or mutilated bodies; they are not innocent with regard to the horrors of battle. And yet this camp apparently a fairly “typical” work-camp by nomenon camp standards that is completely through been and off seen have they troops; green not are these re-emphasize, the “normal” registers of about the their worst that war experience. can offer. But the To concentration camp is some- 18 Cadaverland Jews inthegeneraldiscourseofwaranditspsychicconsequences. of marginalization the echoes which camps, the of survivors with work cal This willbecomemoreapparentlater, aswetrackmedicalandpsychologi- (1994). imagination” liberal “the termed TonyKushner scholar British the fusal, or willed ignorance of the Holocaust’s primordial Jewishness by what re- denial, the Worldwith Second Warprevailed the story of reality doxical para- equally an end, war’s after decades for Indeed, elided. effectively was the represented, graphically and undeniably were sions of that reality. For, although the horrors of Nazi concentration camps discovery of the camps, including prisoners’ accounts, offered had bynowbecome“reality.” an was enough to say that what the soldiers found with the liberation of the camps 57; emphasis in original). We shall explore this idea further, but for now it’s Real, then raw the by overwhelmed directly being from us protects that screen the as acts fantasy if and fantasy, by structured is ‘reality’ as experience we what if complication: crucial “a of writes former the Real, the of notion can’s La- on gloss Zizek’s Slavoj In Real.” “the termed thought psychoanalytic his in Lacan Jacques inaccessibility,impossibility,that this this is It both). do to try to seen, be shall as attempts, many (despite symbolization and representation beyond Other, completely something entirely, else thing Its obvious and increasing centrality was a consequence of the twists and twists the of consequence a was centrality increasing and obvious Its pened to be Jews, although hap- their Jewishness was still apparently secondary. whom of many leftists; other and Democrats, Social Communists, especially regime, new the of enemies political the of “re-education” the before the annexation of Austria. These harsh prison camps were set up for expansion territorial Germany’s Nazi after called be to came Germany within others and Buchenwald, ers episodedescribedabove. the in troops the and officers the by depicted comprehension in- the contextualizing of way a as when, and whom by camps, the about known was what of overview brief a undertaking worth is it point, this At W ho Knew owtsadn, otmoaeu ad usqet artvs f the of narratives subsequent and contemporaneous Notwithstanding, The establishment of the first concentration camps such asDachau, such camps concentration first the of establishment The ; what the prisoners themselves had experienced had themselves prisoners the what Real; the of upsurge reality itself can function as an escape from encountering the Real” (2006, W hat and W hen D id They Know It? — the (old Reich) as it as Reich) (old Reich Alt experience therein experience Jewish — Band of Broth- of Band particular ver- had begun had 4 The Real 19 The gure 1 Figure wjc, among other Some aspects of these policies were very public knowledge. By the mid- The next level of those who knew were members of the international For Jews living in England or the United States and especially for refugee for Statesespecially United and the or England in living Jews For turns turns of the Nazis’ evolving antisemitic policies and legislation. Following would these (1961), Hilberg Raul by used progression this of categories the proceed through four phases: (1) establishing the “legal” framework for the subsequent civil expropriation of Jews from German public life, from 1933 to 1935; (2) the various aspects of actual civil expropriation (civil service, 1933; pensions, 1935; economic life and property, 1933 to 1941); (3) physical expropriation, concentration, and ghettoization, from 1938 1941; and (4) the “Final to Solution” itself, from mobile killing units to fixed installations extermination, from 1941 to 1945. for mass 1930s, among émigré refugee groups France, and for example, progressive initial protest intellectuals over in the “Fascist” onslaught Nazi denouncing Books” “Black against of publication the by followed was culture actions, including the detention of politicals in concentration camps. Pro- test eventually hardened into military action in the fight against Fascism, of side Republican the on Brigades International the of creation the as such (1936 to 1939). the Spanish Civil War Jewish communities. Jewish The Congress World ), (wjc for example, had offices in neutral Switzerland, and so became a listening post for events unfolding within the Reich, German-dominated Europe, and occupied Po- late by ghettos the in death” “lingering about known were facts Some land. 1941; reports were disseminated about “the horrors of deportation” from War- the in typhus mass of outbreaks of and Czechoslovakia, and Germany saw Ghetto (see Gilbert 1981, 16–18). Pressed by the groups, representatives of nine Nazi-occupied countries gathered for an Crimes in Conference London Inter-Allied on in War January 1942, issuing occu- in civilians against atrocities German condemning declaration joint a mentioned not were Jews notes, Gilbert Martin as However, countries. pied specifically (1981, 19). Jews who had managed to flee Germany before 1938 when it was still possible to do so, it was clear by the end of 1940 and increasingly so through 1941 that a terrible fate was about to, or Europe. had At a descended special Zionist on Conference in the New York in Jews May 1942, Chaim of Weizmann (later the first president of Israel) told delegates of “statistical estimate[s],” according to whose projections “25 per cent of Central Euro- pean Jewry will be, to use the modern term, liquidated,” as reported in 20 Cadaverland very well. For one, the Nazis had long said that no one would believe what believe would one no that said long had Nazis the one, For well. very this of out comes nobody But rescue. prevented later and help prevented initially that 22’s Catch of series a in parties the all affecting and Nazis the (2004) has framed the issue as “a doomsday machine” (xi), set in motion by world conflict. world larger the of aspect minor, say to not secondary, a as best very the at lies Al- the by seen was Holocaust the 1980s, early the since question this on literature extensive the into getting Without accusation. and speculation, handwringing, after-the-fact much of subject the been has and complex, the sssickbayatAuschwitz-Birkenau,killingfivemen. Monowitz-Buna at plant trial September, and December 1944, but focused on the synthetic rubber indus- August, in place take did Auschwitz of bombing Allied Hungary. of Jews half-million almost the engulfing moment very that at Auschwitz, of cally “Poland” of railroads the bombing of discussion American Anglo- produce to enough West: the reached Auschwitz of workings the about reports detailed sufficiently that 1944 until not However,was ture. it Nazism. The year 1943 saw emerge, further to details fill in the general pic- of “evils” the re-emphasise to figures the inflate to been have would tice an indicator that they were not believed. Indeed, normal bureaucratic prac- reported numbers the more the flowed, information the which over 4 million Jews had been exterminated. Oddly, the more hands through to tended accounts eye-witness and reports if even clear, was picture general the Thus, 38). 1987, Rayski and (Courtois Jews for line deportation the of structed at Chelmno, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka, and Auschwitz, at the end con- been had chambers gas (3) and Europe; throughout place taken had many of Hitler’s speeches had been put into effect; (2) of deportations Jews in to alluded plan extermination Nazi the (1) that least at knew opinion lic pub- of elements and editors, newspaper organizations, international ers, Gilbert 1981,41). unknown destination” where “[t]hey disappeared without a trace” (cited in sand Jews and much higher, as well as about large numbers deported to “an thou- fifty to fifteen numbering rates kill with Poland, in actions” “murder about abroad groups Jewish reach to began risk personal enormous at out Times York New o xli wy o mr ws oe y h Wsen eorce is democracies Western the by done was more not why explain To By December 1942, according to a later French study, Allied political lead- h ata nmes f eih ed B ti tm, n fact, in time, this By dead. Jewish of numbers actual the underestimate 5 (cited in Gilbert 1981, 39). Increasingly, reports smuggled reports Increasingly, 39). 1981, Gilbert in (cited More recently, Israeli political scientist Shlomo Aronson Shlomo scientist political Israeli recently, More — although a bomb did fall accidentally on accidentally fall did bomb a although — not specifi- not diminished: The Real 21 gure 1 Figure actually do about Nazi after the collapse of the final German counter- ler worried that this might prompt prisoner riots and/or facilitate If the above reveals at least some of the complexities at the highest po- Nor does the Zionist leadership come out much better than that of the It is also the case that, among Allied government officials, the horror sto- horror the officials, government Allied among that, case the also is It Whatever the case, in Western Europe, the war’s outcome was far from offensive of December 1944 to January 1945. And the Nazis were certainly offer Eichmann’s instance, For end. very the to deceptions elaborate at adept for exchange in Jews” the all [him] “sell to Brand Joel Zionist Hungarian to “goods”; or the dismantling of the Birkenau crematoria in November 1944 to mislead Allied reconnaissance photography. litical and military levels concerning decisionmaking over the conduct of a sur- not is it Jewry, European of “rescue” potential the over not if war, world prising that ordinary soldiers knew even less about the fate of Jews under Nazism (at least, until the liberation of the camps). they were up to with the has Jews, more which, than sad some to truth say, to it. Certainly, until 1942, Western press and other reports smuggled to the West about what was transpiring in Nazi-occupied Europe could have been dismissed as unreliable, or viewed with suspicion. Also, until after the 1943 Allied landing in North Africa and then D-Day in June 1944, the German armies controlled continental Europe; and the main burden stopping of them rested to the east and entirely upon the Soviet Red Army. There Allied was forces not could much the Western escapes from the concentration camp system. As a result, he ordered the reinforcement of camp defences and the electrification of the barbed wire 142). fences of their perimeters (Gilbert 1981, Jew- “typical” as dismissed were often Europe Occupied of out coming ries ish exaggeration: some American officials spoke of “Jewish sob stories”; others of “the Jews’ war.” The British also worried that doing anything to help the Jews of Europe would have upsetting consequences for their bal- ancing act in Palestine. Ironically some statements expressed concern lest any positive action undertaken produce negative consequences for those European Jews who still remained alive! Notwithstanding, the Allies did war for Jews. not want to appear to be fighting the a foregone conclusion until actions in the east, and when they were able to do something, the primary objective of the air war was the destruction of German industrial capacity and thus Germany’s ability to continue the war. However, from early 1943 when Allied bombing of Germany achieved alarming levels of devastation, Himm 22 Cadaverland as long as Jews lived in the Diaspora, they would be subject to constant constant persecution of forms to various and subject be would they Diaspora, the in lived Jews as long as that holds Zionism of tenets key the of One 1996). Teveth see Executive, Agency Jewish the and Ben-Gurion on attacks the of refutation attempted preceded the establishment of the State of Israel (for a thorough review and to the executive of the Jewish Agency, the main administrative authority that of France. return to this in a later chapter, as we now look more specifically at the case will We 11). (Segev,2000: Jews” the of destruction the surrounded silence postwar problems with Holocaust survival. Indeed, “[a]fter the war, a great taboo a spoke they fact, in nerves; much more? What is certain is that claims such as Segev’s struck more than that done fact in have reality in Agency Jewish the could resources, the of fraction a with but however, forces, Allied the with As not. than different in- more initially was it indeed, Europe; of Jews the of more might save it to have as much as do not did leadership Zionist the it, terms Segev as counters with the survivors” (2000, 11). Because of its ideological “malady,” — Jews” ropean response of the Jewish community in Palestine to the destruction of the Eu- compassionate than less “the documents book Segev’s Zionists’],” ‘Hitler so-called [the refugees German first the of arrival the and Nazis the of rise the to response Zionist the with “Beginning so, Even Holocaust. the with “post-Zionists” scholars Israeli by books of series a among was Segev’s 1993). the first Israeli edition was published in 1991 and the first English edition in journalist Tom Segev’s Allies, although this aspect was hardly discussed until the furore caused by 1963). of lists of people fortransportto“labor”camps)wereineffectcollaborators(Arendt up drawing the including demands, impossible increasingly Councils (Jewish by established the Nazis in the ghettos to administer their Judenrate the that charge her and 1960s early the in Trial Eichmann the of coverage Arendt’s Hannah by caused uproar the reprise controversies later Israeli politics (see for example Ellis, 1990; Gorny 2003; Zertal 2002). These 6 For Segev and others, however, accusations would now be directed be now however,would others, accusations and Segev For — evaluating the impact of the Holocaust on subsequent on Holocaust the of impact the evaluating — and the former’s “first pained and uncomprehending en- uncomprehending and pained “first former’s the and The Seventh Million: The Israelis and the Holocaust (2000; — — which reached its ultimate expression ultimate its reached which namely, that Israel, too, had its own its had too, Israel, namely,that — so-called The Real 23 — gure 1 Figure — notably the Communists moi (or Main d’oeuvre immigrée, the Organisation juive de combat; l’Armée — that is, political refugees. But their contribution to less than two weeks after General Pétain’s takeover — — esistance and the “Jewish Question” “Jewish the and esistance Notwithstanding, as Resistance networks themselves became better of power in Vichy (non-Occupied) France. Between March 1942 and Au- gust 1944, eighty-five convoys of Jews were deported to the concentration camps, the vast majority of whom were never to return. No attempt was made by the Resistance to interrupt or stop the convoys. Rousso writes, “The more the genocide became a reality, the more [the Resistance] appeared to deny the amplitude of the phenomenon, because fundamentally it was too disturbing” (132). Like the Allies, the Resistance considered that inter- problem” “Jewish the with militarydeal scarce to diverting resources while Further, Germans. the against struggle armed primary the with fered the Resistance may have been, in a general manner of speaking, “against antisemitism,” some Resistance elements eventual an become to as so much so one, distinguished a was struggle the problem regarding the “Frenchness” of the Liberation, itself complicated by the fact that it would be mainly the work of non-French Allied forces. In the 1944 Battle of France, some forty thousand immigrant combatants (Italians, Spaniards, Russians, even some Germans, as well as refugee The French R French The For the French Resistance and the Gaullist Free French, the story is more or less the same as that of the other Allies: indifference to the fate of the Jews of Europe and the ideological historiograph- 1982 an ambivalence in Rousso, Henri historian of For Diaspora. the of Zionism Jews toward the ical review article, the key questions are these: “Why, generally speaking, Resistancethe preoccupy to begin only problem’ ‘Jewish [French] the does at the end of 1941? And why, as of 1943, is the problem in longer discussed, large particularly part in no the underground press?” (1985, 130). As Rousso recalls, the first antisemitic measures by began Vichythe in July government 1940 saw any focus on antisemitism as an ideological diversion detracting from the main struggle against Nazism, in which Nazi racism comprised only Fascism. one aspect of the greater enemy, organized, their numbers were complemented by more and more specifically Jewish combat groups on which more below). These were small, clandestine groups, often made up of “foreign” Jews juive; the Trumpeldor Squad (named after a Zionist hero who was killed in the early 1920s); and especially the 24 Cadaverland man troops, train derailments train troops, man activities “resistance” their listing also By Armenian. an so on, including the head of the twenty-three-member Manouchian Group, and Jew, Polish Fingercwajg, Jew; Polish Wasjbrot, Jew; Polish Grzywacz, as identified were men The (ftp). Partisans Francs-Tireurs Communist the of members ten of names and photographs the showed poster the ground, back-blood-red a Against propagandists. Nazi by up put were Posters Red thousand fifteen Paris, of streets the On 1944. early of affair Poster) (Red names nounceable might not want it to appear that its heroes were “foreign” Jews with unpro- LionelRocheman’sincomparablybitterformulation: former Resistant had to do with the desire to be more French than Jewish, if only in name. In it and involved, more was there But name. Jewish blatantly a with Gestapo the of hands the into fall to want not did they reasons; security for ously obvi- was This on. so and Aubrac, to Samuel from Villon, to Guintsberger from names: their changed Resistants Jewish the of Many part. took Jews) group. That one or several members might have been denounced was one was denounced been have might members several or one That group. the betrayed having of (pcf) Party Communist French the accused directly that 1985 in another and interviews, and footage archival of documentary firing squad. with an axe in Stuttgart in May decapitated Bancic, Olga woman, one the and 1944, February 21 on squad firing by executed men twenty-two the arrested; were group Manouchian the “Army ofCrime”wasfightingagainstFrance. that message the with distributed widely also was pamphlet propaganda A Jews and ers “Liberators” these whether asked poster the bodies, dead Both this desire to seem French and its obverse its and French seem to desire this Both Nazis haddraggedusdowntotheirlevel.(citedinGrynberg1985,12) wanted to be good Frenchmen of the native soil [“de souche”]. The French Resistants [Jewish] the even hammering, anti-Jewish of years After well! and that was unpronounceable. Oh yes, the propagandists did their work Wasjbrot and Grywacz called were they But same. the just deaths their commemorated have would I Durand, or Martin called been they Had Several films of the Affiche Rouge affair were made much later: a 1976 later: much made were affair Rouge Affiche the of films Several purpose its accomplished poster The , the semi-autonomous Jewish combat group affiliated with the with affiliated group combat Jewish semi-autonomous the moi, — were not in fact terrorists, members of the Army of Crime. of Army the of members terrorists, fact in not were — came to a head with the infamous “Affiche Rouge” “Affiche infamous the with head a to came — French law not allowing women to die by — as well as providing pictures of various of pictures providing as well as — all twenty-three members of the of members twenty-three all — that the Resistance Resistance the that — — attacks on Ger- on attacks these foreign- these The Real 25 gure 1 Figure cfln, de pows and

pcf also had begun to remodel itself, shift- epatriation or simply effaced. — As he tells it in his memoirs, Henri Frenay, after three years of dangerous of years three after Frenay, Henri memoirs, his in it tells he As gov- the reorganize to wanted he that explained Gaulle de meeting, the At However, However, according to a third documentary released in 2007 (drawing “volunteer” laborers, many conscripted into German industry and agricul- the for issue an became soon home them bring to how of question the ture, Gaullist government-in-exile. underground activities in Occupied France creating and organizing one of or October late in Algiers in arrived Combat, networks, Resistance main the early November 1943. Algiers was then the site of the Free French govern- fran- Comité the of president sole become just had Gaulle De exile. in ment çais de Libération nationale ), (cfln ending the previous co-presidency he had shared with General Giraud, the “pro-American” candidate who did Churchill, with problems diplomatic and military, personal, the all have not Roosevelt, and Eisenhower that de Gaulle did. As head of the Gaulle called a Consultative Assembly in an attempt to gain inter- the the of spectrum the representing decisive delegates eighty-four the of support nal Resistance. On 3 November 1943, Frenay received a note that de Gaulle wished to see him the next day. liberation looming the combat, final the for preparation in ernment-in-exile men needed he this, For reconstruction. postwar of work the and France, of One of the primary activities of the military is planning. the To extent that France, of all European countries, had the largest numbers of Military Planning for the Liberation of the Camps and Prisoner R and Prisoner of the Camps thing; thing; that all of them were, seemed to suggest systematic betrayal. By the time of the Affiche Rouge, the ing from one of the most Moscow-centered European Communist parties po- French postwar for Gaullists, the after contender, leading second the to litical power. “French” face forward. was putting its best It too on the work of historian Denis Peschanski based on French, Russian, and German archives), the rounding up of the Manouchian Group was solely to the credit of French police Special Brigades, working with pier the (for Occu- historical sources, see Courtois, Peschanski, and Rayski, 1989). Thus, it was evident, even before the end of the war or the discovery of the concentration camps, that the Jewishness of Resistants was going to be an issue 26 Cadaverland central inter-Allied commission with regional and local missions to make to missions local and regional with a commission inter-Allied central by example, For organized? be structures administrative these should how And matter? that for French the by and services, inter-allied by played be should roles What Germany. from Frenchman million three estimated an repatriating of problem the of dimensions other emphasized undated, ter af,Seriesf9File3124,“Repatriementengénéral ing this as mainly “an administrative problem” (Archives de France, hereaf- present- workers,” deported and prisoners of administration the Germany Occupied in organize to “Project a detailed had Beirut postmarked letter A missioner, laterMinister, forPrisoners,DeporteesandRefugees. to accept the position forty-eight hours later. Thus France got its first com- existed between Free France and us [the Resistance]” (384), Frenay decided always has that incomprehension and gap the close “to help might tance you thatareafreeman.Gooddaytoyou.” thing else.Isaidneedyou.Thisseemstocountforlittle.” some- want Immediately,you serve. should you where is this told Youare got up from his desk, raising his voice: “You are all the same: ungovernable. Gaulle Finally,de positions. exasperated, ministerial getting be might else comrades.DeGaullesaid, with hisResistance France in back use more of be not would he whether asked Frenay ment, astonish- some expressing After man. a such was Frenay network, Combat the of head As regime. Vichy the and defeat 1940 the to opposition their in unambiguous absolutely were who France outside and inside both from Several other notes and “instructions,” some dated from 1944, others 1944, from dated some “instructions,” and notes other Several 1943. January least at since floated been had ministry a such of idea The After giving the offer some further thought, and assessing that his accep- told I Frenay,“Well, him: dismissed Gaulle de hesitated still Frenay As who inquired and hedged embarrassed, more and more Frenay,feeling up.(Frenay1973,379–83) interest Iamaskingyoutotake national of work a is This way? same the feel not you Frenay,do Come, a great extent determines the moral health and political future of France. families, their jobs, their readaptation . . . here is an immense task that to their in reintegration their return, rapid Their France]. [of East the and workers sent to Germany, the refugees and those expelled from the North the deportees, prisoners, homes: their from torn been have war, the of because Frenchmen, million Several you. offer to task major a got I’ve — Alger”). The Real 27 gure 1 Figure not suffi- not fundamental distinction between “racial” and s: a minority captured in battle in May and June 1940; June and May in battle in captured minority a pows: For his part, Frenay now began to think about the men and women for A statistical report, dated 29 May 1944, attempted to clarify these num- contact with prisoners? Was the problem military, administrative, or medi- or administrative, military, problem the contactWas prisoners? with cal? How soon after the armistice should operations begin? One report, urging that the speed of repatriating prisoners was key, suggested operations begin within twenty-four to forty-eight hours of the signing. Another does “it that added and complicated,” “too project whole the found ” (René (René ” deportees and prisoners of condition psychological the account into take ciently David, “Note sur le projet de rapatriement des prisonniers et déportés,” 4 July 1994; af, Series f9, File 3124). emphasis added, in whom he was responsible before the nation. “Who are they? How At 395). 1973, (Frenay many approximately!” even know, to Impossible there? are million 1.5 least most of them surrendering soon afterward without a struggle. What had impris- of months forty after them to done propaganda Vichy of ravages the onment? What did they know of occupied France or the Resistance? And what of the deportees, first of all the members of the Resistance, taken by beginning to know: Buchenwald, train to “camps whose names we are just Dachau, Bergen-Belsen, Neuengamme, Auschwitz . . .” (396), where they were mingled with criminals, pimps, thieves, drug dealers. The number of deported Resistants “is totally unknown,” but all in all possibly “four million men and women, perhaps more, scattered by the winds of war” (396)! Not a word here about French Jews, although no lack of Jews were in the very camps that Frenay lists. bers, although not Under very successfully. the heading of “Other Deport- ees,” the report flagged the “political” deportees, but added that actual numbers are “very imprecise,” noting that a Secret Service report from 24 January 1944 had put the total number at 160,000. The report went on to add obscurely that the Germans of Germany to deportation systematic the in proceeding moment the at “are all detainees from the camps in France,” estimating those numbers of po- “it destination, their for As 200,000. around at combined racials and liticals Magde- at camps of names the speaking generally but say,” to impossible is burg, Oranienburg, Dachau, and Buchenwald are those “most frequently mentioned.” In a statistical table in conclusion, the report catego- lists other and deportees, political 200,000 workers, 850,000 million one pows, a mentioned “racials” the enumeration, this in 2,650,000; of total a for ries, 28 Cadaverland ulation Movements (20 October 1943) estimated that 21 million civilians million 21 that estimated 1943) October (20 Movements ulation Pop- on TechnicalCommittee Consultative the by report A Europe. nental conti- in turmoil of state the of awareness some had exile in government who returnedinMay1944 an and prisoner-exchanges, in 1943 October in Britain to return to able been had who officers British several of consisted panel The doctors. military French especially whole” a as class officer French the The panel interviewed for this report also remarked upon the ending.” war’s] [the of possibility the with only but won, who with concerned really not were so bitterly,and rather war themselves, the of out others.” The French “French 1940],” [in France of collapse early and corruption political “the with combined and result, a [the in . . . “even intolerable likely was this that so much affair,”so real and very a . . . anxiety or guilt of “feelings made tion” collabora- against passively or actively struggle “to failure The Nazis.” the French “10 some incarceration, four-year their during that, suggest to on the Frenchhomeland,thiswasnotcaseamongpows.Thereportgoes in increased had figure national a as standing Gaulle’s de Hitler.”If wards to- groups German “certain of that to similar as attitude their noted report the pro-Pétain”; still were soldiers French these of majority a possibly and British among common . . . attitude objective ers. It paints a picture devastating of French morale compared “to the more written in mid-1944, and is based on interviews with British former prison- been have to appears undated, although report, English The mpgdir.) Résistants, to which the letter “I” for “Internés” would be added later et Déportés Guerre, de Prisonniers des Ministère the of acronym the was (mpgdr Paris in WashingtonDeportees” in of mpgdr “Director the and file as an exchange of letters from October 1944 between the delegate of the fears were confirmed by a three-page undated report in English, in the same rale and the effects of over forty months of Vichy and Nazi propaganda, these 1944, inaf,Seriesf9File3124). Prisonniers de guerre, Internés et Déportés français en Allemagne,” 29 May moment before had simply disappeared (“Eléments statistiques relatifs aux According to According If Frenay had reason to be concerned about the of state French s . . . [had been] incapable of even secret passive resistance to resistance passive secret even of incapable been] [had . . . pows documents from late in 1943 and early in 1944, the 1944, in early and 1943 in late from documents cfln pows were seething with resentment; “these men felt — s were . . . looked down upon by all the all by upon down looked . . . were pows all MedicalCorpspersonnel. s.” As a “large number “large a As pows.” ’s] own mind.” As mind.” own pow’s] and a private a and nco pows’ hatred “of pow mo- –15% of –15% — so,

The Real 29 pows f9, file gure 1 Figure pows and deportees with a common soul pows and deportees varied according to the locations In spite of occasional mention of the fate of deported French and “for- This report began by observing that it would be pointless to speak of a the among “opinion” of categories four identified then report The “in a state of distress” were dispersed about Europe, and that these float- ing populations would pose a grave postwar problem for civil and military authorities. Among these millions were some 1.6 million displaced Poles, of whom some two-thirds were Jews whose numbers were “diminishing signa- Frenay’s under report eleven-page An illness.” and massacres to due ture, dated 11 January 1944, drew attention to “the very grave psychological shock” that would accompany the repatriation of “the considerable population mass” of displaced French civilians and prisoners of all sorts still in Germany. These risked not being aware of “the moral and political evolution of the majority of Frenchmen” as a result of the Resistance. It was important to counter Vichy propaganda and to stress to the prisoners and that and fighting, was ”) entière France (“la whole” a as “France that deportees the prisoners too were combatants. This would create “a communion of feeling” between prisoners, deportees, and the rest of the nation, so that the return of the repatriated would take place “smoothly and in the spirit of Unity.” eign” Jews and some awareness that the process of repatriation included a psychological dimension, Free French authorities remained fixated on the repatriation process itself and how to administer it. Indeed, before late 1944, no more than passing reference to the psychological state of prisoners and deportees appears in the records. One such instance is an undated guerre de prisonniers des psychologie la sur “Etude entitled report six-page et des déportés par rapport aux problèmes du rapatriement” (af, 3125). single, unified psychology of prisoners and deportees “due to the mass of collective complexes that have to be taken into account,” as the mind-sets (“la mentalité”) of and duration of their detention and consequent experiences. That said, the report went on, “the German, because of his brutality, as well as hunger and suffering, had forged both and common reflexes.” These included the constant humiliations of captivity; constant lies and betrayals; and “a prisoner mass” that had become enfeebled, disabused, and impatient to come home. and deportees: (1) those whose characters had been formed by their resis- 30 Cadaverland s and recommended various prac- various recommended and ex- pows among found states chological culture” of “a . . . chaotic postwar situation.” It also listed nine further psy- strange completely “the to adaptation” difficult “the help to techniques” “new of development the and repatriation of aspects psychological the of authority, records”(3). “despite oftenexcellentmilitary terness and suspicion; acute anxiety in meeting others; and difficulties with bit- discontent; and restlessness unreality; of feelings included difficulties These (2). life” ordinary to readapt to attempting of result invisible most al- “that as them described report the symptoms, difficulties” emotional “acute these term to reluctant While added). emphasis (2; captivity]” [of high expectedly “the incidence of emotional problems in repatriated prisoners of war is animals] from here to greener [of pastures” (2). herds But experience transferring had shown that ] [of that as complete as and rapid as is men these literature The of recovery repatriation. the that impression the “give[s] and of “optimistic” be to tended experience the by highlighted been has compounded bythedifferentnationaloriginsofrepatriated. human thoughts and feelings, especially those of others. This problem was sumptions we make about the human mind, and the relationships between as- many the of because matters” psychological about speaking of ficulties dif- “the noting by began It experience. repatriation early on based thesis syn- a be to seem would it evidence, internal From workers. social Czech to English in lecture a of text the is that Repatriation” of Aspects “Some entitled report British fourteen-page unsigned undated, an contained It 1945. March of as underway got that activities repatriation of beginnings concerning issues chological “Psy- entitled is and 1945, December to 1944 December period the covers not say. simply “forget the notion of time.” How this was to occur, however, it does deportee or prisoner repatriated soon-to-be the if best was it that “insight” psychological the conclusion in offered report the planning, repatriation of importance the stress to on Going mass.” undifferentiated “an (4) and emissaries; Gaullist of arrival imminent the awaited and for hoped who men the (3) home; coming of thought only who others (2) actions; tance The report went on to stress at length the importance of greater planning that one literature, published the in contradiction a underlined then It that 3168) (f9 file different a to turn to want I comparison, of point a As and this . . . appears to be to appears . . . this and ” i Fec) n oelp wt the with overlaps and French) (in pows” independent of . . . physical conditions physical . . . of independent un- The Real 31 gure 1 Figure 331/47/30, rg331/47/30, nara, shaef (Supreme Headquar- estern Camps estern W -5/904/3). danek, as early as July 1944. The liberation of Majdanek was accompa- Most important, the report called for further research and study in what it what in study and research further for called report the important, Most posses- the in far, so not, are “we concluded, report the “Unfortunately,” The contrast between this British report and the much more lim- Technically speaking, the formal aspects of the Final Solution through mass through Solution Final the of aspects formal the speaking, Technically stag- to end an put not did this although 1944, late in halt a to came gassing gering losses of life in concentrationary incarceration. With the advance of the Red Army into Poland, one by one some of the main Eastern camps were discovered, often quite by accident, and liberated, beginning Maj with nied by considerable Soviet propaganda that oddly would not be generated iberation of the Liberation The tical measures to separate out the different medical from the psychological problems and provide better screening of “unstable frame[s] of mind” (11). This would draw on concepts termed the new field of “Medical Sociology.” from psychodynamic as theory, well as cultural and anthropology, certain aspects of medicine, but generally would be “better approached from the and psychology.” angles of sociology sion of anything like an adequate basis of empirical fact, of effective concepts, [or] . . . of trained personnel” for practical development of this new research field. ited French documentation was highlighted by the fact that there is a not single written annotation in French to a report that prescience. stands However, out this for its signalled that French repatriation efforts, enormous logistical an accomplishment as we shall see, tended to emphasize the national unity fundamentals of the process much more than the psychological condition of the repatriated. The fact remains, though, that, for the most part, the camps and Stalags still German had to control. be liberated And from even such military inveterate were the first to planners admit, at least in as a the American ters Allied Expeditionary Force) staff study dated 11 August 1944, that, as far as concentrations camps were concerned, “There is very little reliable information as to the number and location hereafter Administration, Records and of Archive tional [these] at present” (Na- shaef/g 32 Cadaverland leading female French Resistance fighters many held that camp women’s a latter the Ravensbrück, and senhausen, camps major of number a evacuated mans Ger- retreating the 1945, April of advance Soviet final the With Auschwitz. from prisoners 20,000 and women, mainly Jews, Hungarian of thousands included these Stutthof, of case the In inmates. new of thousands of tens with camps remaining the flooding westwards, couldn’t) that those ing shoot- (and walking of capable still deportees those march to begun had Nazis retreating the 1944, late in Also, 27). 1990, (Bridgman camp” tration camp, “had the dubious distinction of the highest death rate of any concen- labor heavy a technically while Danzig, of east kilometers 40 some camp, Monowitz] Lagerpackedwithcorpsesanddyingpersons”: famous description of the arrival of Russian soldiers into “our [Auschwitz- Levi’s Primo In 1945. January of end the at Auschwitz of liberation the by can regiment, and members of the Resistance as well as escaped deportees, Moroc- a forces, American to attached officer French a of mention passing than Army.Other First French the by discovered was Alsace in Natzwiller Alsace in Germany, several in northeastern and central East Germany, in Austria, and theexactnumberofJewishsurvivors). ficulties ofestablishing dif- the on 1970 Bauer also see but 29; 1990, (Bridgman 1945” April–May in liberated Jews the of bulk the for war,accounted the survivors those and of end primarily.the Mauthausen to and survived 100,000 “about these, Of retreating the Russians liberated about 12,000. The remainder, if not killed on the spot by the camps, Eastern the in alive still prisoners 250,000 the of that estimates rather full of the dead and dying, by the time the Russians arrived. Bridgman The Red Army pressed on, liberating Stutthof in the autumn of 1944. This written forSovietauthoritieswithinmonthsofLiberation) Monowitz, at deportees Jewish of “health” the on report technical more knew. (Levi 1988: 54; see also Levi and Leonardo De Benedetti 2005 for a had to witness or undergo an outrage: the shame that the Germans never knew so we well, which submerged which us after the shame selections, and every same time we the was It scene. funereal the on fastened eyes but also by a confused restraint which sealed their mouths, and kept their They did not greet us, nor smile; they seemed oppressed, not only by pity The work of liberating the Western camps — fell predominantly to American and British troops, although troops, British and American to predominantly fell , were death-marched westward to Buchenwald, Dachau, Buchenwald, to westward death-marched were ss, — — — leaving them almost empty, or notably Gross Rosen, Sach- Rosen, Gross notably that is, in what became West The Real 33

Henri shaef gure 1 Figure 7 mpgdir on the good-will of outside of France appears to have been minimal. French sources, for their part, tend to make much of the utter depen- Annette Wieviorka, a French Jewish historian and in every other respect Borlant, a French and Jew, at sixteen a veteran of several major camps, relates how he led “two American soldiers in a jeep” to the camp at Ohrdruf, near Gotha, on the other side of which city stood Buchenwald (quoted in Matard-Bonucci and Lynch 1995, 26). Unless a camp stood directly in the the was discovery their extent what to striking is it troops, advancing of line hiding deportees fleeing with encounter fortuituous a or accident, of result Mauthausen, and Buchenwald, Dachau, including camps, Some forests. in were known from intelligence sources, at least by name. As well, the discovery of a camp often was made by rations, their military than other supplies avant-gardes, no With troops. or of body main scouts the of ahead far higher- of arrival the until cigarettes out hand than more little do could they larger forces. ranking officers and dency of ministries such as Frenay’s and American military commanders in the field, and this with a consider- men- to not pows, French to access French that resentment of degree able on, so and workers soldiers, repatriating for plans French elaborate the tion military“foreign” fact, of (In whims commanders. the to subject now were the Americans generally were leery of letting in anyone into their jurisdiction, including American Jewish organizations, until late in 1945.) In this light, all “the meticulous planning undertaken since Algiers,” wrote one “Kreigspiel [war than more nothing to amounted lieutenant-colonel, French games], the pretty work of the General-Staff” (quoted in Matard-Bonucci and Lynch 1995, 19). In addition, planning was one thing and the situation on the ground in the fieldquite another; and the disconnect between the seen. two was often considerable, as shall be cannot a refrain from superb Generals scholar, needless sarcasm over U.S. Eisenhower, Patton, and Bradley’s 12 April 1945 visit to the Ohrdruf concentration camp and the resulting massive publicity given both to this visit and to the discovery of the camps generally. She writes about the “ritual- ization” of such visits, not only by ever-lengthening lists of often Ameri- can dignitaries, but of the forced “visits” of German locals ordered by the acting now deportees former with horror,” of tourism of sort “a as military, as guides showing soldiers, visitors, and journalists the mass graves, the gas chambers (whether or not they actually had been used for the disposal the role played by French military forces and partisans in liberating concentration camps 34 Cadaverland a foresters’ or lumberman’s camp, but “the charnel house of the Ste. Die Ste. the of house charnel “the but camp, lumberman’s or foresters’ a not was this that adds, he consciousness,” one’s into “force to had One Deal.” New early the during States United the in trainees forestry housed that barracks] Corps Conservation Civilian [the like exactly “looked willer 80). “A vast [media] vast “A 80). 1992, (Wieviorka sacrifice and heroism of stories telling and prisoners), of oners: pris- 4,000 of killing the of accounts French Free to listening despite and urns, burial hair,and female human, of piles tables, dissection chambers, gas shown being despite same, the were Group Army Sixth American the a of reactions The Army. Eighth American the by followed soon it, found Army First French the time the by months two over for abandoned been had camp the Allies, the by Evacuated Strasburg. of University the from scientists German-speaking by conducted experiments medical and torture gassing, by Belgium, and Holland, France, from fighters sistance Re- and Gypsies, Jews, of killing the to functions its expand to only 1941, in camp labor a as built was Natzwiller mountains, Vosges the in bourg Stras- of southwest Located 1944. December or November in troops Allied by found be to camp major first the Natzwiller, of discovery the example, Take,for camps. concentration the of discovery the with terms to coming troops American that was Bruno Bettleheim on “Individual and Mass Behavior in Extreme Situations,” psychoanalyst refugee by article journal 1943 the of officers senior to tion distribu- mass the including commander, Allied Supreme as Eisenhower Jews” (81). the of extermination the of way no in but system, concentrationary Nazi out a doubt those of Buchenwald and of Dachau, perfect expressions of the with- are predominate to come that images The . . . Jews. the of mention Soviets the matter that for or French the to as Americans the to degrees, varying in much, as the all of because adds possible she And newsreels. longer no was censorship when 1945 May until ministry Frenay the by maintained censorship strict continuing the decent” (81). in- become well could that voyeurism of form “a Americans,” the by trated One factor that may have influenced the “maximal publicity” ordered by ordered publicity” “maximal the influenced have may that factor One with publicity” “maximal this contrast does she however, credit, Toher . Milton Bracker of the of Bracker Milton disbelief . and suspicion 8 — reporter and of two senior officers from officers senior two of and reporter Times York New that “With the discovery of the camps, there was no was there camps, the of discovery the “With that ,” she writes, using the English word, “orches- word, English the using writes, she show,” — seem to have had a very difficult time difficult very a had have to seem particular in although without pointing out that it applied it that out pointing without although with the approach of the of approach the with ss wrote that Natz- that wrote Times The Real 35 ss, and gure 1 Figure dps, deportees on the run, piles of ” (emphasis added). The two visiting two The added). (emphasis battlefield” a on He goes on to add that there “can be no simple explanation 9 “Liberation,” as is by now well known, so long hoped for, was short- No available “simple explanation” calls for a more complex explanation, complex more a for calls explanation” “simple available No Valley” (quoted in Abzug Valley” 1985, 5). That the camp was empty only added to the weirdness: “There were no prisoners, no screams, no burly guards, no as air the in death of taint colonels from the Sixth Army Group had similar reactions, reporting back about “so-called gas chambers,” or stains that “appeared to be caused by blood.” Robert Abzug, whose account I am drawing upon here, writes that the American officers “believed enough to send their report to war crimes investigators, but retained a measure of disbelief. In this sense they were typical of many American officers in France who . . . infuriated German of stories at thescoffing even sometimes local and doubting by populations inhumanity.” on and on, in the trail of death that greeted Allied troops the further east they advanced, and that did not cease with the official end of the war in the on 8 May. West lived at best; if the liberated showed any reaction at all. As one American soldier recalled, so many were too weak or close to death to react: “They’d be sitting, just squatting down. We walked up and they’d say ‘Amerikan- of the inability of Americans to imagine the full extent of Nazi atrocities” (5–11). Lacan’s with chapter this of beginning the at saw we which of aspects some concept of the inaccessibility of the Real. But there for are now, two recurring themes in the various accounts and reports of the American discovery of the camps, from the deserted camp at Natzwiller at the end of 1944, through Ohrdruf in April 1945, Nordhausen-Dora also in April, along with in Woebellin-Ludwiglust camps, auxiliary 240 its and Dachau Buchenwald, and early the May, ongoing discovery of additional camps large and small, liber- the with Austria into south stretching Flossenberg, and Penig as such of system vast its and May, 5 on Mauthausen of camp” mother “the of ation main sub-camps at Gusen, Ebensee, and Gunskirchen, and beyond these, of sub-sub camps. The first theme is the role of accident inmany of the discovering camps. The second theme is that of continued disbelief, even dying, the and dead the of full were sites subsequent the Natzwiller, after if, of railroad freight wagons stuffed with emaciated bodies and, along the wandering bands of roads of Germany, dead prisoners lying in the open where they had been dispatched, charred remains of prisoner bodies in barns burned alive by the retreating 36 Cadaverland and by what means, the ex-prisoners, the Allies, or the press (newspapers, press the or Allies, the ex-prisoners, the means, what by and out getting involved in the problem, one which continues to this day, of how just can’t understand it, even when you’ve seen it” (Abzug 1985, 127). With- “You camps, the all of true was it although Buchenwald, of said liberator to beginthecomplexprocessofmedicalliberation,which weturntonext. Within two days of the liberation of Mauthausen, U.S. army doctors arrived (142). rampant” disease and death and water bad food, anarchy,little with lasted several days, the fact is, as Abzug writes, that “Each camp was a small vengeance of acts and celebrations the If eye. blind a turning often officers not to mention the atrocities committed by Allied soldiers themselves, their watched; just soldiers Allied as limb, from limb guards and kapos former their tore literally ex-prisoners as revenge of acts alcohol; of caches looted support this were theythere?”(quotedinAbzug1985,92). Why faith? religious their is What they? are nationality What name? their What’s they? are who mean, I years. 36 for . . . me haunted [that’s] . . . ing these people, you couldn’t believe what you saw. It gave you a lost, sick feel- contemplate, Germans. curled and caftans black long their in Jews, Eastern of sighting first supposedly in description own Hitler’s of me reminds that describesasurrealsceneduringtheliberationofBuchenwald: to report secret time the at and hair-raising a cites Abzug 95). would fallbackdown..Theywereskinandbones”(quotedAbzug1985, ish?’ We’d say ‘Yeah.’ And some of them would get up. up. Stand And some But first, to return to the “gnomes and trolls” mentioned above. As one As above. mentioned trolls” and “gnomes the to return to first, But So, joy often, to be sure Another liberator recalled: there “standing looking through that fence at survivors Jewish (“Oriental”) Eastern of description this not, or Oddly from nara,rg331,shaef/g 56, 1985, Abzug in (quoted joy with shouting others crying, are Some visitors. the to ceremoniously these doff They skull-cap. black little a is covering universal The clothing. Eastern of remnants grey-black or . . . convict-suits striped wear all Almost genies. Oriental like movements. glide angular Some with run Some feet. of stumps on hobble Some to appear like magic, pouring out of doorways. . . . Some hop on crutches. On the sight of an American uniform a horde of gnomes and trolls seems payes, and his alarm not only that these were Jews but, even worse to — or not, but also drunkenness as liberated prisoners found or — there are plenty of celebratory photographs to -5/2711/7.21). of his astonished, his of Kampf Mein shaef hq

The Real 37 gure 1 Figure remem- gi the smells, the sights, naked and semi-naked — — there is a related problem and it has to gi who had helped liberate Woebbelin — dead, close to death, wandering in a haze, — starved and beaten into a chilling sameness As more and more visitors from outside came to visit Buchenwald and Here were human beings and in any case stripped of all the things we rely upon to identify someone as human. Here the Americans responded in much the same way their fellow soldiers had in other camps. There seemed to be no limit to one them,” see you “When . . . get. could conditions bad how bered, “there is nothing to distinguish them, you know. Shaved heads and sunken cheeks . . . There is no way, it is hard to even much. too them seeing see avoid to try circumstancesyou them the Under human. as It is too hard to do.” (117–18) Explaining how “these people” had become that way was what would The term “medical liberation” is used by British historian Joanne Reilly in her fine 1998 history of the liberation of Belsen. If “liberation” meant the Medical Liberation Medical magazines, magazines, and newsreels) attempted to convey to the wider public what they themselves could scarcely grasp first-hand Dachau, they had the same reactions as the soldiers. Representative John Vorys, in a speech to a Congressional Committee, spoke of the “ape-like living skeletons we saw” at Buchenwald, adding that the inmates “looked eyes, sunken and suits prison striped their in apes absent-minded like more although many were professors, doctors, writers, and generals” (Abzug 1985, 132). An American Jewish the very existence of the camps extermina- mass of work their to addition in Nazis, the that fact the with do of or “humanity” their of prisoners surviving the strip to managed had tion, writes, As Abzug of humanity. the appearance recalled: “These Jewish people and these Polish people were like animals, they were so degraded, there was no goodness, no kindness, nothing of that nature. . . . If they got a piece of something to eat, they grabbed it and ran away in a corner and fought off anyone who came near . . .” (quoted in Abzug 1985, 63). unexpectedly befall the medical personnel whose work began within days of the liberation of the camps and, as this book relates, has continued ever since. 38 Cadaverland the camp and the posting of “Danger of posting the and camp the around zone neutral 8-by-6-kilometer an established negotiations quent Subse- camp. the of existence the of troops British informed who colonel German a was it time This cease-fire. local a of part as earlier days three British the to surrendered been had itself camp The Anti-TankRegiment. 63rd the of members with along Battery Yeomanry Oxfordshire 249th the of elements advance by 1945 April 15 on liberated was Bergen-Belsen ers. or attempting to treat the woeful medical condition of the surviving prison- “medical liberation” was the second phase that began soon after of treating control, Nazi from camp concentration a liberating of dimension military delicate situation,” as one note dated 28 July observed (in more a reveal to time enough not anomaly; minor a detect to time enough suffice should evaluation medico-psychological ten-minute day,a per repatriables thousand ten and six between process would camp transit each that Estimating team.” psycho-social “a by treated be would repatriated the camps, transit the At airplane. or train, boat, by France, to back transport of means the organize to centers repatriation regional as sembly and as triage. well The latter would consist of evacuation hospitals, be evacuated to a transit camp and, from these, to designated centers for as- to were liberated the camp, concentration a or facility industrial an either officer for lishes the general organizational schema to be set up. From an Oflag (camp 1944 study concerning French prisoners liberated by Soviet authorites estab- winterofearly1945.AFebruary ees continuedthrough1944andthebrutal liberated of repatriation the for efforts planning French french repatriation plans policies oftheAllies,wewillcomebacktoBritisheffortsshortly. medical liberation efforts, stemming in part from the differing Occupation the British (Reilly 1998, 19–23). However, as there are variants important in to intact over handed was but orders, per as destroyed itself camp the was nor evacuated, not were prisoners Bergen-Belsen’s camps, other Unlike Berlin. from orders on destroyed been already had which of most ments, docu- inmate over hand and posts their at stay to ordered were camp the erably “pref- but experience, work social or psychological some with possible if Ideally, the “psycho-social” personnel should be women “of a age,” certain , sisters or wives of prisoners and deportees” (emphasis in (emphasis deportees” and prisoners of wives or sisters mothers, s), or Stalag (ordinary Stalag or pows), — s), or a labor “kommando” in “kommando” labor a or pows), Typhus” notices. Typhus” s and deport- and pows af personnel at personnel ss — f9 File 3125). “more than “more The Real 39 gure 1 Figure 3,000 Czechs — as well as all the — The population of the 11 plus 3,650 Poles evacuated — An undated one-page report from 10 disposing of bodies, following up on reports of — “no Russians nor French” — French records, after the Liberation of Paris (18 August 1945), revealed All these reports, accurate or not, serve to highlight the enormity of the Archives de France File 5592 contains assorted reports of daily life in camp after liberation consisted of about 14,000 survivors tasks of an Occupation force: some form of administration, public health problems, and so on. well Resistants,as and Jews of records arrest police French of discovery the mass graves here and there, identifying the nationality of those deportees still alive, understanding the camp records-system where documents were available, or from the memories of surviving prisoners and Germans 4,300 and Gypsies, is, that “bohemians,” German 4,000 Buchenwald, from Auschwitz. Jewish Poles and Czechs evacuated from anarchy that faced Allied forces, not just within the camps, but in their ju- risdictions as a whole original). So much for the overall planning. Actual evacuation of concentra- of evacuation Actual planning. overall the for much So original). on the camp. April 1945, depending got underway in early tion camps various camps before Liberation, accounts of body disposal, prisoner nationality lists, and various testimonial accounts. As an example of the lat- a ter, statement by M. Robert Join, of 225 rue dated Saint-Jacques, Paris V, 30 October 1945, reported “the existence of a mass grave, about 35 or 40 containsdeportees, that of Chemnitz cadavers of the southwest kilometres enough to fill a 10-ton [train] wagon.” “Weimar Buchenwald” explained that there was a garbage dump (“un pour- “Weimar rissoire”) in the middle of the camp where bodies were It tossed went daily. with along thrown were cadavers which into grave mass larger a note to on lye “as the crematoria were no longer working.” Another report consisted of thirty-five single-spaced pages detailing the discovery of bodies here, there, and everywhere. It noted that at Camp No. 1 at Bergen-Belsen, the number of bodies buried by the British since they took over in mid-April had reached over 17,000. It also noted (seemingly contrary to Reilly’s later account) that the camp was evacuated by the Germans on 7 April 1945 and traced the meandering itinerary of the evacuated prisoners. Other notes at- tattooingof system the decrypt for to Neuengamme, tempted at deportees: observa- were These 86,000. to 1 numbered were men 82,000 that example, tions drawn from uncovered camp records, or according to the recollections of one Schemmel, the camp “screiber” (sic). 40 Cadaverland recounting arrests. A statistical list (in list statistical A arrests. recounting as witness accounts trickling in from various parts of France (Lyon, Cannes) aircraft for the French repatriation effort, claiming military priorities, and priorities, military claiming effort, repatriation French the for aircraft April, border.Finally,Franco-German 11 the on on Longuyon at center triage the at arrived repatriated the of convoy truck first the April), early (probably recall not does Frenay that date Germany.a course At of and Italy,Austria, the found: be might prisoners French where countries the all to travel to planned, or up, set been had Missions and Sweden. Denmark to repatriated Ravensbrück, of deportees women the of triation repa- the secured had Cross, Red Swedish the of head Bernadotte, Count of efforts diplomatic WehrmachtThe female auxiliairies. hundred few a of that against deportees women French January,many of release the secured the Alliedadvancetroops.NegotiationswithHimmler, begunattheendof as time same the about at territory German entered authorization, Cross Red under acting were they because also but bombs Allied from protection as white painted convoys, the personnel, medical and supplies, medical food, with loaded vehicles, fifteen and four between of columns in nized Orga- Allies. the from received hundred four another plus requisitioned, many lines virtually impassable. One hundred new Renault trucks had been made that system rail Reich the to damage bombing serious despite 498), 1973, Frenay see ones, which specify not do memoirs (Frenay’s camps the to supplies bring to territory Reich through cars railroad System) Railway 425 of intermediary, authorities the passage had negotiated with German military as ministry,Cross Frenay’s Red 1945, the March with and January Between Jewish population(seeWieviorka1992,337;Hilberg1988,903). pre-war the of four in one represented deported the survived; 2,500 whom total of deported The Jews for all deported. of France 66,576 was between 75,000 of and 80,000 total a for “stateless,” the and Russians of bers num- small “naturalized as well as nationalities”; “other 575 19, Poles; 14,459 French”; 7,724 nationals”; “French 14,669 listed and Germans, the of request the at internee, Drancy a Etlin, Georges M. a by up drawn was list The 1944. August 14 to 1941 from deported were Jews which from urb sub- Paris the in camp transit main Drancy,the from deportees French of The French military corps of repatriation now numbered ten thousand. ten numbered now repatriation of corps military French The That said, French repatriation planning efforts worked out relatively well. changed its mind concerning its previous refusal to supply to refusal previous its concerning mind its changed shaef (Société nationale des chemins de fer, the French National French the fer, de chemins des nationale (Société sncf , Sweden, Denmark, Hungary,Denmark, Sweden, ussr, af file 5592) gave the numbers the gave 5592) file f9 12 — of The Real 41 gure 1 Figure vips, either through of- us 45th Division’s 157th In- These attacks in the press, from fellow members of the pro- 13 As had Frenay, seemingly; his chapter on “The Return of the Prisoners Annette Wieviorka establishes four principal modalities of the French As Wieviorka singles out Dachau and Mauthausen, liberated by Ameri- announced announced that the planes would be landing at the Paris airports within forty-eight hours, causing further logistical headaches, as those airports were also feeding the Allied military and materials effort for the war. The ministry was now expecting 15,000 daily arrivals keep of to ordered been had Frenay and overcrowded, already repatriated was Paris alone. by train the returnees away from the capital. Still, with the Ministry working night By home. brought been had prisoners 330,000 April, of end the by day, and the first of June, that number reached one million, to enormous fanfare, and although the repatriation effort continued, after that magic number, lost interest in this triumph of logistics. the public already had and Deportees,” is much more preoccupied with defending himself from the relentless Communist press attacks that repatriation has been “a total failure.” konzentrationsläger (kl) dachau konzentrationsläger Dachau was liberated on 28 April 1945 by the visional government, and as a result of the struggles for power between competing Resistance formations, eventually cost Frenay his job. He was and 1946 early in Casanova Laurent Communist the by minister as replaced the ministry itself was renamed the Ministère des Anciens Combattants et Victimes de Guerre (see af, f9, file 3224). repatriation process: (1) large-scale collective repatriation from of the major camps deportees that was rapid, efficient, or with only minor problems, such as at Buchenwald; (2) large-scale repatriations that dragged on under “deplorable” conditions of drawn-out detention and overcrowding (Dachau, Mauthausen, and especially Bergen-Belsen); (3) the French return “Prominenten,” to use the camp of term for these of (one Resistance organization person’s that of those or efforts ficial who we will re-encounter in the next chapter was Charles Dr. Richet); and (4) those deportees with sufficient remaining strength to get themselves home by means of their own personal efforts, on foot, hitching rides with 1992, 81–82). passing troops, or by other means (Wieviorka can troops, and Bergen-Belsen by the British, respectively. we turn to these camps fantry Regiment and the 42nd’s 222th, after an unexpected battle with re- 42 Cadaverland tween 25,000 and 30,000 prisoners, perhaps more perhaps prisoners, 30,000 and 25,000 tween be- contained camp The crematorium. the outside neatly cordwood like stacked others everywhere; corpses openly; weeping soldiers veteran up, throwing some troops, ashen-faced scenes: now-familiar by followed was hardened maining in particular. ness of medical treatment and the lack of attention given to French prisoners slow- the about reports with authorities American bombard to begun had the numberoftyphuscaseskeptrising. by dead bodies and insufficient filtering, as contaminated a result of which May, of weeks first the of River, Isar the from water drinking still were they heat intense the In vaccination. evaded anyway.prisoners quantities Other to submit to forced, be to had or refused, prisoners Many 150. and 100 between was prisoners of release daily the Still, deaths. 804 was liberation of week first mortality the the and in rate wasrampant Typhus such). as identified not are they 32,000 says port numbers of cases of diarrhea. It also noted that American food “is the only the “is food American that noted also It diarrhea. of cases of numbers large those of diet the regulate help to but prisoners French for only not useful,” “most be would team medical French a of presence the that added It results. concrete any document not could report the However, hospital. French a establish to Blount Major a by effort an as well as delayed, been former the in hospital 10,000-bed a establish to plan a mentioned It above. to referred conditions cur- camp rent on details the of many provided Ministry, Frenay the by authorities play akeydiplomaticroleinnormalizingFranco-German relations. among the signatories of one such letter was survivor Joseph Rovan, later to protests; submitting also were groups Resistance French camp, the within From camp”). Dachau the in interned formerly Frenchmen of condition French physicians” (nara of care medical the under be rather “would also They them. among tants Resis- the especially themselves,” to abandoned are they “that complained prisoners liquify.French to The beginning were that putrefaction” of state advanced “an in corpses unburied as well as dying, and dead the of bodies, of heaps of presence the noting while liberation(!), after days two ment” improve- “little ministry,of Frenay’s complained of Longuet Col. by mand Within eight days of Liberation, at times even earlier,authorities even French times at Liberation, of days eight Within nte rpr, ae 9 a ad owre o 1 My o American to May 12 on forwarded and May 9 dated report, Another 14 One report, dated 8 May and copied to Allied Supreme Com- — units. The eventual entry of the troops into the camp the into troops the of entry eventual The units. ss of which about 3,500 were French (if they were Jews, were they (if French were 3,500 about which of delousing, of which there were insufficient were there which of delousing, ddt rg331/47/47/2501 barracks, on which progress had progress which on barracks, ss shaef — a later American re- American later a g -5, “Report on the The Real 43 s all dps gure 1 Figure shaef,” rg331, Box 50, Files 2711/7 Concentration Camps”). — Germany us military authorities” (nara, — Why French medical teams were not used is not clear. In a letter from The main issue at Dachau seems to have concerned the continued high By early June, a French Mission on the conditions of care of the remain- “Countries [food] [food] they are able to assimilate without danger.” Attached to this report was an organizational chart that showed that, at least on now highly organized. units were by medical liaison paper, French Paris to Duff Cooper at the British Foreign Office dated 22 the May, writer reported that according to Monsieur as Frenay, of two days before, “more and daily” 30,000 of rate a at repatriated been had Frenchman 700,000 than estimated that repatriation should be completed by the end of July 1945. French repatriating in first difficulties, continuing several noted report The prisoners from the Russian zone; second, “the bitter criticism” of Frenay, public- full given not has “shaef that third, and Left; the from particularly to date” (nara, rg331, box 48, files 2701/3). ity to our achievements levels of typhus cases. In mid-May, Col. Worms, the personal doctor French general De of Lattre, attempted to negotiate better quarantine condi- Gen. Leclerc obtainedtions for the French typhus the cases. The same day, Seventh agreement Army of Group the for the U.S. transfer of non-typhoid however, cases, Typhoid Mission. Vatican the of section French the to cases 1992, 98). remained under American care (Wieviorka ing French in the British and U.S. zones of occupation, made up of members of the Consultative Assembly in Paris and, in American files, an additional report by a British colonel and an Australian captain, “expressed the highest satisfaction with the work of the Allied [i.e., U.S. and British] military” at Mauthausen and Ebensee in the U.S. zone and in the Buchenwald British zone. There was no mention here of Dachau, although it reported that most of the French sick had left Belsen, with about one hun- French “the hospitals.However, various in scattered still cases dred complained that the bread was too black and that the diet was insufficient,” was diet the that and black too was bread the that complained although regular army rations for all those who were well were being provided. While observers worried that the French mission “might attempt to make political capital” of what they had seen “at the expense of and so offered them the opportunity of a second visit to examine the food and diet sheets, this did not turn out to be necessary. The mission ended “in a series of speeches . . . all in glowing appreciation of what had been done by the 44 Cadaverland Guards had all disappeared” a few days prior. days few a disappeared” all had Guards “the that noted report uncovery the as troops, enemy unspecified with May,5 of noon combat after May 6 of evening the on occupied actually and their troopsbackhome. send to begin and up things wrap to hurry a in were Americans the time, this By “uncovery.” their since there conditions on jurisdiction American placed PersonsBranch,werereportingbackfromthevariouscampsunder rogators” (2). inter- his to activities these of “boasted and building” administrative main the of porch the from rifle a with . . . residents shooting by himself amuse By the second week of June, members of the of members June, of week second the By kl mauthausen Austria,” 7 June 1945, June 7 Austria,” Mauthausen, at Camp Concentration 1: No. (“Memorandum them” lift to enough strong residents the of those by barracks the of corners in up piled dead “The ground. the on and floor the on slept thousands bed; a to six or five beds, triple-decker per sixteen slept “residents” the weeks; for off turned been had water “indescribable”: were uncovering” of time “the at Conditions women.” were 3,000 whom of residents, 18,000 “found Armored 11th The to apparently over, “high praise”fromthecamp“residents.” taken and Vienna from trucks their driven had who Department Fire Vienna the of men by basis” humane a “on operated been interrogated for forty hours. be to enough long lived but arrest, resisting while wounded severely and and flogging;“surgerypracticebeforeafterdeath.” hanging guards; by shooting chamber; gas dogs; by killing (2); died” they until again over thrown were survived who “those quarry: the of cliff the over “residents” throwing heart; the into injections benzine women; and men of alteration sex camp: the in used “punishment” the of means principal listed report The 1945. January 1 since destroyed” been “had people 40,000 approximately that stated Seibel, Col. Lt. commander, American All subsequent in quotations this section are from this memorandum). The later. days five and day one respectively Gusen, for and Ebensee for reports Mauthausen was “uncovered” by the 11th Armored Division on the after- Mauthausen was the principal control center for twenty-one additional twenty-one for center control principal the was Mauthausen At one point, the camp had contained from 35,000 to 40,000 prisoners. 40,000 to 35,000 from contained had camp the point, one At h Muhue cm cmadr Cl Faz ire, a captured was Zieries, Franz Col. commander, camp Mauthausen The — 700 unburied bodies in all were found in the premises . . . . . premises the in found were all in bodies unburied 700 shaef/g 16 His “11-year-old boy . . . had been allowed to /file 2711/7, p. 2, along with similar with along 2, p. 2711/7, -5/dp/file g 15 -5 Division of Division -5 The camp had since then since had camp The , Dis- shaef, ss

The Real 45

ss gure 1 Figure No men- pows (all approximately 500 calories Residents are still dying at the rate of 5 to 5 of rate the at dying still are Residents French, Belgians, Luxembourgers, and Dutch infirmary. TheU.S.ss 130th Armyinfirmary. Field Hos- malnutrition induced by a diet of — While the bulk of “the seriously sick” had been moved to the Evacuation How then to explain that, when the camp was uncovered, some of the Soon after medical liberation, 5,200 residents remained at Mauthausen; U.S. Army doctors arrived at the camp within two days of its uncovery, The diseases found [at uncovery] follow the usual pattern in concentration camps residents the emaciating in resulted period extended an over less or day a and making them highly susceptible to typhus, tuberculosis, diseases of old treat to performed are operations of number A like. the and bone, the sores and wounds that were never properly disinfected . . . and resulted infection. of conditions advanced in 15 persons per day; this is in favourable contrast to several hundred per day when the camp was first uncovered (4, emphases added). concentration concentration camps in Austria, all of whose records were captured intact were deaths “all although Commission, Crimes War the by impounded and accounted for by entries showing pneumonia and other diseases. Hospital at the Gusen concentration camp, malnutrition and other related diseases were being treated by blood plasma and glucose injections. “In tion was made of any deaths through brutal of any deaths through tion was made added). treatment” (3; emphasis the from looted weapons with themselves armed had who residents able Arsenal, had to be disarmed “through rather strenuous disciplinary methods” (3)? Furthermore, the residents “indulge[d] in uncontrolled looting [and] thievery [and] would not heed any directions regarding sanitation.” cheat- thievery, deception, in masters become had residents surviving “The ing and all manner of kindred activities” usually to obtain additional food. social for capacity increased demonstrated [since] have residents the “as But been “progressively relaxed.” the strenuous discipline had responsibility,” at residents 18,000 the Of treatment. medical receiving were 1,621 those, of uncovery, 11,000 “Russians, have been repatriated, with the exception of a few isolated cases too sick to be removed” (emphasis added). and immediately opened the sanitaryand medical all thirty pitalof with control matters, full in now was medical officers, forty officer nurses, Emergency ten Measuresbacked staffers, for menial work by six hundred “volunteer” Wehrmacht from homes now in the Russian zone and apparently not keen to turned there, thus their volunteer work). be re- 46 Cadaverland fore beingrecapturedandhandedovertoSovietauthorities. be- locusts” of horde a like property destroyed and raped, pillaged, looted, countryside, the roamed ranks, broke repatriated soon-to-be “The eration. Lib- of week first the within Russians bodied able- 2,000 foot on repatriate to attempt tragic the recounted and camp, the from kilometers three only were lines Soviet the that page final its on those noted report for The hospitalized. care long-erm provide to how and residents remaining the of and more‘aliveness’isapparent.” diminishing is listlessness former The . . . pounds of number a gained has one each and good, be to appears . . . residents the of health the general, inspection of documents, not to mention the supposed outright disappear- on-the-spot allow to Board Review Crimes War the or Branch Advocate’s Judge the as such services American various of refusal the and nationals,” own their with concerned “only prisoners of committees national between be present at the interrogation of captured to officers French allow to refusals crimes, war of lists over hand to fusals the of attention and Ministry Frenay the of request May,the 25 at Mauthausen to 12 from to mission French a of report the contains 7.2) item (2711, same the in item another However, report. Proudfoot’s from apparent was this of none deportees, French of repatriation the over Section. The report was signed M. J. Proudfoot, Lt. Col., Chief, Operational Analysis this.” to similar installation an operating in experience previous “no had Mauthausen, of command given been had who Seibel, R. R. Col. Lt. ficer, of- Artillery the that remark the with opened had paragraph first report’s coping in a humane manner with an in exceedingly difficult assignment.” men The and officers its by done work excellent the of proud be can Army The principal problems at Mauthausen now remained the repatriation the remained now Mauthausen at problems principal The (4, allemphasesadded). edly will remain death, imminent of threats stant and resort to all manner of deception, and exposure to and brutality con- residents, the of condition the of view serious a takes Camp this at personnel medical The f a Fec sucs lie, atasn a te ie f difficulties of site the was Mauthausen claimed, sources French as If, States United “the that was conclusion and paragraph final report’s The 12th Army Group Army 12th us a serious problem for their own governments after repatriation of whom, after a long period of cheating of period long a after whom, of many . They undoubt- They unbalanced. mentally are . It complained of American re- American of complained It hq. ss men, bureaucratic confusion file group file nara 17 to the to shaef mental mental The Real 47 gure 1 Figure unrra could not get — two medical trains — shaef. There was no medical personnel on-hand; pows from Stalag xib close not by, the Liberators, she writes Two French prisoner doctors, Fréjafon and Salomon, organized Salomon, and Fréjafon doctors, prisoner French Two Nor, Nor, as Wieviorka had observed more generally, was there in the English-language accounts, however, tell a somewhat different story: for story: different somewhat a tell however, accounts, English-language -5 report the slightest mention, or awareness, of any “Jewish” dimension dimension “Jewish” any of awareness, or mention, slightest the report -5 through, by order of the one British doctor on site was there only to evacuate the most sick of from relief food organizing of effort hospital.The nearby a to prisoners the nearby villages, extra clothing, and so on, fell to the deportees themselves, assisted by 91). (1992: what little medical aid they could from an week improvised or so earlier, the camp, infirmary.or more Justexactly the three to a five compounds that made up Belsen, contained 40,000 prisoners, and of these only 1,241 were French, male and female; whether or not they were Jewish was not mentioned. In Camp III, between 8,000 and 10,000 were women packed into some twenty barracks. With such overcrowding, typhus to spread continued rapidly; the British imposed an even more rigorous quarantine. Of the 1,240 French prisoners, close to 500 simply disappeared: About 30 dumped bodies their anonymously, died remainder the escape, to managed into a mass grave. By 15 the May, typhus epidemic reached its apogee. To ensure that Belsen remained hermetically sealed, the British made use as of the German military. guards of Hungarian troops formerly part example, that there were 40,000 prisoners in the main camp plus another the in And school. training Panzer the at up set camp temporary a in 15,000 Auschwitz- from mainly Jews (18,000 women were 25,000 itself, camp main Birkenau and often the sole survivors of their families; the others being either conscript workers or politicals). All the prisoners, whether Jews, re- kl bergen-belsen no camp: just-liberated the to came help no account, Wieviorka’s In ance of some documents (see 12 Army Group, Mauthausen Camps, 30 May 30 Camps, Mauthausen Group, Army 12 (see documents some of ance 1945). g to Mauthausen, although as of mid-1944 it was a major fallback camp for death the Bridgman, to according Jews; Hungarian of numbers” large “very the in alone 3,000 inmates, 31,000 around was 8 May to January 1 from rate two days following “uncovery,” but the latter fact was not mentioned by Proudfoot. However, to the extent that French sources claim that Bergen- Belsen was the most “tragic” and “bitter” for French prisoners (the words 92]), we return to accounts of its liberation. are Wieviorka’s, [1992, teams; French aid available nearby 48 Cadaverland in a state of complete confusion. As Reilly notes, not only was fightingin still a state were 1945 April in Germany in services medical well, As cursing. and rage, vomiting, weeping, uncontrolled troops: American with seen have we as camp the to reactions similar had soldiers veteran Germany.why was This ously had liberated numerous previ- troops the although Rhine, the of Army British the by liberated be the was Belsen Indeed, units. fighting between provised, not to mention problems with chain of command and squabbling of a concentration camp, as a result of which officers on the ground just im- them at Belsen. had The “no military policy” for dealing with the liberation nate decisions” (34), in part because the British had slow to react to the desperate situation [at Belsen] and made some unfortu- for themselvesatenothingatall(Reilly1998,24). caloric value in the final four days before Liberation; those too weak to fend no with stew of bowl one to stew,dropping thin and bread of form the in day a calories 400 only receiving been had prisoners the that estimated He time.” of length any for there been had who those all of malnutrition plete com- and emaciation “Extreme recalled, Hughes 1945, September of Trial Belsen the at camp the at arrival his upon prisoners the of state general the Deputy Director of Medical Services for the British 2nd Army. Testifying on Hughes, Glyn Brig. was these Among 21). 1998, individu- (Reilly help” offer tangible als to able were and . . . internees the with contact personal more far “had personnel new The June. early to May of end around units for experience” British personnel, after the original camp ] liberators were replaced by other of [kind “different a provided eventually it Liberation, at respects many in was certainly it which camps, the of worst the being of instead that point important the makes Reilly Joanne Belsen, of ation Bridgman1990,55). table, beginning asof2May(seehisstatistical evacuation May,with 5 by 209 to thereafter slowly falling April, 23 on day per 1,700 of maximum a reached causes all from camp the in rates tality May,mor- of although beginning the by passed had crisis typhus The 54). unburied corpses . . . on 15 April) were buried as rapidly as possible” (1990, the Panzer . . . School; the water supply was improved; and the dead (13,000 nightmare conditions: “Food was brought up; a hospital was established at to order some restore to dispatch” with “moved British the Bridgman, to According demoralization. total of state a in were politicals, or fractories, However, Reilly does address the fact that “British authorities . . . were . . . authorities “British that fact the address does Reilly However, liber- the of history 1998 her in account, Wieviorka’s to contrary Quite pow camps in France, the Netherlands, and concentration camp to camp concentration first no idea of what awaited The Real 49 18 gure 1 Figure basically individual — f9 file 3821, “Mis- s and German soldiers who soldiers German and dps non-military prisoners. The Americans, old hatreds for instance. In fact, Allied — reflects something of the old enmity between dps (to use that acronym to include all the catego- — and, in British understatement, rather a mess, — leaving aside for reasons of space both survivor accounts and those and accounts survivor both space of reasons for aside leaving — unrra, and ninety-seven British medical students from the London The difference between accounts like Wieviorka’s and those of the En- llied DP Policies ries of now-liberated camp prisoners), were different. ries of now-liberated camp prisoners), policies with respect to for instance, according to the French, gave top priority to their own men and material. A French account of the that slow remarked repatriables back bring progress to Germany for leave of to trains French one of the first the “voyage was long and painful . . . [athough only an actual distance of 100 km]. The train [constantly] stopped for long periods in [various] sta- stateterrible the of because only] [not tions, because] also [but lines the of of the immense traffic caused by American trains. There was no electricity in our wagon [and] all the windows were broken” (af, A One of the running reproaches consistently made by the French of their allies “Anglo-Saxon” was over distinctions, or the lack of them, regarding the different categories of former French and British mentalities. French “logic,” as it were, is highly central- highly is were, it as mentalities.“logic,” British French and French English whereas planning, thorough relatively involves and down, top ized, “logic” is empirical, individual, and improvised, although of course there is more involved than just logic 26 Correspondance, 1948, 1945–March April Allemagne,” en française sion glish written by Americans continuing, but the roads were flooded with flooded were roads the but continuing, either had surrendered or had been wounded. She estimates that, for Belsen Belsen for that, estimates She wounded. been had or surrendered had either alone, five thousand nurses plus staffwould have been needed to properly administer the camp’s medical liberation, and this still would have been a ratio of one nurse to every ten patients, which she considers inadequate, the that concede to willing is she while So (35). possible been had it if even situation was both unprecedented at the overall planning level unplanned for contributions of medical personnel made all the difference. These included These difference. the all made personnel medical of contributions people such as Hughes, former prisoner doctor and Auschwitz Meikeljohn Dr. Hardman, survivor Leslie Rabbi Rosensaft, Bimko) (Ada Haddassah of teaching hospitals, all of whom worked tirelessly day after day, often on (36). survivors” Belsen of “thousands save to helping initiative, own their 50 Cadaverland hotels in the Austrian Alps . . . But what seemed to be generally true was true generally be to seemed what But . . . Alps Austrian the in hotels beautiful were some barracks, prisoner-of-war were some camps, tration concen- former were “Some camps. of kinds different many in scattered than withtheAlliedOccupationforces(seeGeller2005,31). rather directly authorities German with deal to preferred Germany,and in remain to wanted minority a 40,000, and 20,000 between of community YetJewish German underground and returnee the of that, is irony further a repatriables,” threw whatever plans whatever threw repatriables,” dreds of thousands of so-called OstJüden or, in bureaucratic parlance “non- in increasingfloodsthesummerof1946.Theunexpected returnofhun- 1946 July of Poland in pogrom hostility such with there met were elsewhere or land, other is that the Jewish the 104); 2001, Rosensaft (M. Dinnerstein to according antisemitism, with “rampant” still was 1946 and 1944 between Congress American the that is with the largest number of Jewish were beingrepatriateddaily. of number overall the of period, this In emphasize). to range this of end which over disagreement is there (although Jews were 200,000 to 100,000 some these, Of daily. almost changing impossible,” M. Rosensaft 2001, 104). Dinnerstein also noted that statistics here are “just in (quoted 1945 summer to spring by million one some were there which toward all” at policy no and policy “a both had part, its for States, nevermindthatof“racialdeportees.” notion ofpoliticalResistants, of idea the with time easier an had cans in concentration camps. In part this was because the British and the Ameri- France generally went more smoothly than that of the French politicals held the morale of French of morale the WeFrench. concerning reports British some of opinion low the earlier saw the by acknowledged not was this although so, understandably perhaps senger carsthatwereoldandfilthy. was “inverybadshape,”consistingofcattlecarsandthreethird-classpas- June 1945). The train also had been used recently to return Russian The returnees from Eastern Europe, along with the remaining One of the great ironies is that the American Zone of Occupation ended up United the Dinnerstein, Leonard historian American to According The Allies also tended to give priority to the return of their own their of return the to priority give to tended also Allies The s, although the repatriation of repatriation the although pows, dps who attempted to return home to Hungary, Po- — that they returned to the American Zone American the to returned they that dps, and this is ironic in two senses: one and shaef s than with the more obscure more the with than pows had into chaos. into had unrra — s, about 65,000 about dps, notably the Kielce the notably s back to back pows dps, were dps and s, of dps, pows, 19

The Real 51 shtetl pows, gure 1 Figure camps, to get the get to camps, dp s, also recommended that 100,000 Jews be Jews 100,000 that recommended also dps, dps, and it was problem enough to get camps and as- British as policy, Reilly terms it, became increasingly “para- 20 camps were absolutely dreadful and “we appear to be treating the treating be to appear “we and dreadful absolutely were camps dp This, as Reilly notes, “sanctioned further Jewish suffering” as the Brit- Word got back to Washington that those who survived the war were being were war the survived who those that Washington to back got Word The Americans and British in general tended to see the surviving Jews noid,” seeing Communists and Zionists everywhere, but eventually learning eventually but everywhere, Zionists and Communists seeing noid,” to distinguish non-Zionists groups, who were viewed with less suspicion. British to open Palestine to Jewish emigration. The political activities in the in activities political The emigration. Jewish to Palestine open to British former camp by the Jewish Central Committee headed by Josef Rosensaft were seen by British authorities as “a horrifying state of affairs” (quoted in Reilly 1998, 111), whereas Rosensaft himself called Belsen “the last sembly centers for them running smoothly. ish remained “implacable and . . . unimpressed” with American calls for immigration certificates to Palestine (109). The core of Jewish activity in the British Zone was at Belsen, now an autonomous, self governing community with over 10,000 people as of the latter part of 1945, and the hub of surrounding in and Belsen in activism Zionist thriving that in southern Germany, where Patton was in command, the displaced persons were treated much more harshly 2001, 106). (M. Rosensaft than in northern Germany” kept in camps behind barbed wire, received less food than German and were being treated far worse. A commission of inquiry headed by Earl Pennsly- of University and immigration of commissioner former Harrison, vania law professor, reported back to Truman in July 1945 that conditions the in Jews as the Nazis treated them, except that we do not exterminate them” (quoted in M. Rosensaft 2001, 105). Harrison’s report, which called for the appointment of a Jewish adviser to liaise with the American military with Jewish with dealing to regard allowed to go to Palestine, and that the United States do something proac- immigration laws. tive about its restrictive as just another religious group, part of a larger national group, although American views changed after the Harrison Report. no- a was Jews] [for treatment special of “idea the out, points Reilly Joanne For the British, as “seg- moreover, and, monoculturalism” liberal British to unacceptable tion regating the Jews would seem in accordance with theories propounded by the Nazis” (quoted in Rosenhaft 2001: 108–109). For the British military, dps were first of all of Europe.” 52 Cadaverland The Continuing Problem ofJewishSurvivors the Allied liberation of the camps, she uses the word “Revenants” in charge of research and location of French deportees. In her 1965 book on ser, in 1945, was a 33-year-old archivist with the Frenay ministry at the time Worm- Olga this, of tenor the of something indicate to the But, chapter. next with story French continuing the to return we event, any In [1955]). Oppen Von by edited documents the (see troops African North by mitted com- rape of reports occasional as well as facilities, industrial German of (dismantling) ” “démontage economic the on more rather and zone, French personal fiefdom. There appears to be next to no information on Jews in the France, and was run by the French commander at Baden-Baden like his own the remainingdpcampsfinallyweredismantled. when 1950s, early the until some later; often and time, that until Germany that out point to perhaps Nor 1948. in Israel of State the of establishment the to leading Palestine, to emigration “illegal” the with continue would this that add to unnecessary seems It War”(113). World Second the in Tragedy Jewish the of particularity the see to refused authorities British the . . . insensitive and shortsighted “often was cludes, that of 1 July 1946, no new announcing Europe, Eastern from refugees returnee of numbers growing the of Occupation of Zone their to entry refused also British the policies, American divergent increasingly from resulting strains the to addition In fevered concoctions of what Goebbels once called “applied biology” that biology” “applied called once Goebbels what of concoctions fevered own their outside “reason” any for not Indeed, reasons. economic for Not reasons. military for Not beings. human million 11 some of murder mass the secret: best-kept end bitter the to almost and darkest regime’s Nazi the camps ”solved” by the Final Solution. not Instead, the “uncovery” of was the concentration Europe of Problem” “Jewish the efforts, best Nazis’ the Despite The N Buchenwald” (217).Andnotwithoutreason,asweshallsee shortly. writes, “seemed to us more waxy, paler, and more sarcastic than those from she revenants, latter The universe. concentrationary the of geography clear un- still the in places other and 216) Dora, Buchenwald, from 1985, returning those (Wormser-Migot returnees on pun a also but The French Occupation Zone was the smallest of the four, the closest to closest four,the the of smallest the was Zone Occupation French The azi A-B — and uncovery is really the right word right the really is uncovery and omb:

dps would be in. taken British policy, Reilly con- s remained in camps in camps in remained dps — released into the world the into released — o describe to — ghosts, The Real 53 un- cc, So: gure 1 Figure 23 us Group gi quoted above Visual Culture and the If those who were at the scene could 22 21 gis; an American Intelligence Colonel could grasp per- — except perhaps in a sudden sharp blast of utter incompre- (except partially), and before long the widespread idea widespread the long before and partially), (except unshowable since become what we imagine the Holocaust “looked like,” but there No wonder the Allied troops could not bear the scenes of “uncovery,” and and “uncovery,” of scenes the bear not could troops Allied the wonder No In some sense, perhaps the closest parallel to understanding what was The Liberators did not “get” it either. If we return to the Lacanian concept Lacanian the to return we If either. it “get” not did Liberators The speakable, the Red Army soldiers kept their eyes downcast. As one said, “Even if you saw it with your very own eyes, you couldn’t understand it.” And not just fectly well that the rehabilitation of democracy in postwar Eastern Europe and in Germany “will have been handicapped [possibly for decades] by . . . thou- of hundreds of deprived systematically and progressively been having sands of the best liberal or democratic leadership personnel,” only then to (nara, Jews” the with thing German “this “get” not could just he that add “Report of 14–20 Reconnaissance April in 1945, Germany,” gave them the motivation, the means, and the opportunity to do so, and so of the war. well as under the cover as error, through trial and they did so “uncovered” is the use of the atomic bomb, developed largely by German dropped Statesbe United to the in scientists refugee Jewish Hungarian and on Germany. But as that war was over, the bomb was dropped on Japan instead. Leaving aside the long-argued question whether some valid military reasons to do so might have existed, what I mean here is in the sense of the unprecedented flash of an enormous release of murderous energy, not watchable to the naked eye without going blind, shooting upward to smack against the atmosphere, and spreading outward, churning up in its wake huge clouds of rock, earth, debris, bones, and ash, whose poison- ous residues would drift about for years The thereafter. Holocaust was the Nazi version of the A-bomb, and arguably far more destructive at that, in its in and extent, geographic in capacity, killing its of targetedprecision the long-term consequences. Appendix A, Annex 6, 21 April 1945). of the Real used above, one might say that it is because the Real is impossible to “get” hension, like an atomic explosion. are many kinds of images and each is always framed by somebody. by framed always is each and images of kinds many are not put what they saw into words, then perhaps photos worth and a thousand newsreels, words as the cliché has it, could show what could not be said. As Barbie Zelizer argues in her introduction to Holocaust (2001), it is certainly true that those photos and newsreel images have 54 Cadaverland nobody botheredtoaskthem. France, in that, is encounter next we problem The return? their upon say either towardtheologyoravoidance. that the Holocaust is To take a different perspective now, what did the survivors themselves survivors the did what now, perspective different a take To ineffable. Note here that these are all strategies that veer 24 fi gure Condensation One of the essential modes of the functioning of unconscious 2 processes: a unique representation finds itself at the intersection of several associative chains . . . One can see condensation at work in the symptom . . . jean laplanche & jean-bertrand pontalis, Vocabulaire de la psychanalyse (2002), 89

The Return

As the excerpt above suggests, the return of the former deportees from captivity forms a unique representation: atrociously thin, lice- bitten, often still in their striped camp uniforms, with big staring eyes that quickly darted away when faced with the gaze of a passerby. This chapter will show how this key figuration soon split into various different sets of associations that often contradicted each other. And most important, how these associations began to manifest themselves in the physical and other symptoms that the returnees exhibited. Furthermore, on the surface, the figure of condensation manifests itself laconically: the representation of the Holocaust survivor seems to say it all. However, as will be seen, in fact and underlying the fact, a lot more must be said or is trying to make itself heard. Annette Wieviorka remarks that it was not until late 1944 that any gov- ernmental or nongovernmental concern was expressed over the so-called “racial deportees” (Wieviorka 1992, 121), and even then, as we have seen, this category itself tends to appear and disappear; sometimes counted, sometimes not. The major French preoccupation was with the return of French pows and forced and volunteer industrial and agricultural workers of the Service du travail obligatoire (sto). Moreover, as Wieviorka ob- 55 56 Cadaverland yet returned from captivity. not had who “absent” still those of wives the and deportees, work ternees, in- and deportees unite would that confederation national single vast, a of dreamed prisoners, political and deportees for networks support to provide November in established others with existed, as federations national Such 121–23). 1992, Wieviorka (see them !” divide not “Do italics, in bottom slogan reads at the top in letters, capital “they are united,” and at the poster The uniform. camp concentration striped the in deportee enfeebled mer Unity, producing a poster in which a its part, the Frenay ministry consistently emphasized the theme of National in March 1944, was itself the fusion of three resistance groups of (mnpgd, National Movement of Prisoners of War and Deportees), founded to bringtogethertheformerracialdeporteesinanyspecificassociations. effort little made parties political and organizations Resistance the serves, as well as the as well as Resistance, the of internees and deportees former of association women’s the Résistance), la de internées et déportées anciennes des nationale tion The 1946. January in politiques) résistants et internés tés, the became 1945) October in formed Politiques, Internés et Déportés des Nationale (Fédération fndip along political lines the various federations that came into being. Thus, the fracturing and unity of dream grand the away sweeping resurfaced, ences patriation figures of April swelled into the millions by June, political differ- join an association or an or association an join to wanted instance, survivor,for Auschwitz Jewish the If dilemma: sulting re- the puts Wieviorka As arrival. upon murdered been had deported were who “Israelites” French the of most that problem additional Finally,the was there on. so and Communists, Yiddish-speaking versus Communists differences internal with riven already were “amicales” notional these camps, the in even But, “amicales.” survivor French three big the Ravensbrück, and Auschwitz, Buchenwald, at notably themselves, camps the within created often ily), (or “amicales” various the the was as sociations, The 1945. in formed were also Buchenwald, in born was which for idea the Résistance), h Mueet ainl e Piones e ure t e Déportés des et Guerre de Prisonniers des National Mouvement The with his worker’s cap and briefcase on the left are holding up an up holding are left the on briefcase and cap worker’s his with sto were Communist or communist-front ascommunist-front or Communist were fndip/fndirp (Fédération nationale des déportés et internés de la de internés et déportés des nationale (Fédération fndir — Jews versus non-Jews; French and French-speaking and French non-Jews; versus Jews , while the while adir, to use a term that translates more read- more translates that term a use to sodalities , she or he faced a very limited choice. If choice. limited very a faced he or she amicale, 1 But, as 1944 turned into 1945, and the initial re- Fdrto ntoae e dépor- des nationale (Fédération fndirp pow in uniform on the right and a for- was not. Then there were there Then not. was fndir (Associa- adir pows. For Condensation 57 gure 2 Figure / fndir Because, as 3 there was inevitably famously put it of his

— and never mind for now what an experience, he adds impor- — — ,” in the camps. And that is what their their what is that And camps. the in there,” tended to focus heavily on the internal the on heavily focus to tended amicale were able to write about the camps within two Like so many others, David Rousset, Char- Jean Améry, 2 , and so could opt only for the Association des dépor- des Association the for only opt could so and adir, was quite sufficiently eloquent” (1947, 9; (1947, eloquent” sufficiently quite was alone appearance physical our And then there was the matter of the returnees’ physical appearance: So, for the returning Jewish deportees Anthelme remarks, “we were still were “we remarks, Anthelme bodies were “saying” to others who apparently had only to look at them to understand what they had been through tantly, that was being pursued (“poursuivre”) “in our bodies.” We’ll come back to this crucial point soon: that namely, what the surviving deportees had been through was, in fact, manifested in their bodies’ exteriors and return from Buchenwald-Gandersheim, “we were all of us . . . seized by a veritable delirium. We wanted to speak, to finally be heard . . .We experi- had lived our memories, our us with back brought had we returned, just ence, and we felt a frenetic desire to tell it as it had been . . . But they told that us emphasis added). some disorientation, to put it mildly, regarding the re-establishment regarding of so- some disorientation, to put it mildly, cial solidarities. their heads still shaven; their bodies emaciated beyond imagining, scarred Paris the rode they as uniforms camp their wearing still and lice-bites, from buses. But, above all, as the writer Robert Anthelme these people had been through there; the specific conditionsof their re- family turn; or members had which, survived if any, Resistance within the camp, and the solidarity of all the prisoners; that is, of the camps. the Communist image the person had not been a resistant, he or she could not join the or the or fndirp tés juifs de France or the Auschwitz Amicale that did not practice political “ostracism.” Unless that person spoke Yiddish, however, they would not partly because feel at ease in the former association; and, even in the latter, it a accepted Jewish everybody, former deportee might feel like a complete given representation the in Jew] a [as himself recognize to “unable stranger there of the deportation” (Wieviorka 1992, 131–32). The representation of that by articulated Auschwitz lotte Delbo, and more, who years of their return, it was the same encounter with the fact that nobody same the about; speak to burning were they what hear to wanted home back awareness of the increasing distance that separated the returnees from the language; of home the including to, returned had they thought they “homes” and with it, the same eventual suspicion of language itself. 58 Cadaverland h rao fr h pioe’ arrest prisoner’s the for reason the 5583, f9 means of return , and finally “impressions of France since your return” (af the Liberation; at condition physical returnee’s the factory; or kommando, prison, camp, returnee’s the about questions general and destination; at arrival convoy; the in persons of numbers Auschwitz); (e.g., convoy tion camp the returnee had been held; the destination of the returnee’s deporta- or prison French which in police); French or Gestapo, Wehrmacht, arrest (e.g., the made had organization of type which then, Resistance; the in been had prisoner the whether second, file); the in entered was “Jew” just ”) of 5,000 Francs. 5,000 of ”) déportation de (“prime bonus” “deportation a with along Francs 1000 of bonus come” political deportee political A cash. of surprise pleasant the and clothes civilian of out handing the by greeted was she or he list, the on figured returnee the as long As centers. demobilization military I WarWorld on modeled frontaliers rapatriement bureaucratic. Lists of the repatriated had been at established the Centres de than other trying, overly not was border Franco-German the along posts lousing had often been synonymous with gassing, their arrival at the border de- as objected, violently prisoners liberated earlier,newly saw some we as what different affair. Apart from the unpleasantries of delousing, to which, the relationsbetweensomatic,orbodily, andthepsychological. of an emerging larger, if not exactly entirely novel, problem novel, entirely exactly not larger,if emerging an of toms disturbing as appeared already bodies wasted Their interiors. then status to according questionnaires, long rather ferent, dif- three of one out fill to required also and personnel, intelligence or tary of Ministry the from Paris, the returnees sometimes were interrogated, presumably by someone to return their upon or post border the at either Then, performed. was tion examina- medical brief a and order, in were papers that check to minutes or worker. or gas chambers,ashissisterdid notwanttobeseparatedfromhermother. the to them take would that truck the board sister and mother his Auschwitz, seeing at arrival upon recalled, “guest” One camp. concentration a of the “hosts” the questions dealing with housing, food, leisure activities, and the attitude For the returning the For mdpr). 5 In the case of deportees, the questionnaire asked first about first asked questionnaire the deportees, of case the In — as if the deportees had been staying at a hotel, rather than as if the deportees had been staying — 6 Especially amusing Especially no mention of the racial deportees racial the of mention no s, workers, and other deportees, it was a some- a was it deportees, other and workers, pows, s, Deportees and Resistants as opposed to mili- to opposed as Resistants and Deportees pows, 4 The process took about an hour and twenty and hour an about took process The — — o eape “ail (sometimes “racial” example, for in a deeply ironic sense ironic deeply a in — — , deportee, pow, received a “wel- a received — — that of that symp- were

Condensation 59

f9 and — pows’ gure 2 Figure neither France nor — pgdrs, and occasional bulletins the spelling of place names is at times eccentric — f9, File 3125, 3, emphasis added). The second problem, or re- Other files that deal with the overall repatriation process (such as This particular report was written early in the repatriation process, but To give an idea of the laconic answers to some of these more outrageous more outrageous of these to some answers the laconic an idea of give To verse of the same coin, was that the repatriated in turn were “profoundly shocked” not just at the actual conditions of post-Liberation France, but also at the overall attitudes of the French themselves “Lubec,” comments that housing conditions were “very bad,” “insufficient,” leisure the activities “non-existent,” and medical food care similarly “non-existent.” As for the questions dealing with morale, he responded that that of the French deportees was “on the whole . . . not too bad.” The morale of the Germans, on the other hand, was “excellent,” although their cruel (“méchants”). general attitude was 3169, press releases by the Ministry of enumerating the growing numbers of repatriated) shed additional light on pro- Ministry of study nine-page undated One return. the of aspects various facilitate to cinema the in and radio, on press, the in efforts paganda the of return rapid” “happily the that readaptationremarked life, French to repatriated had brought out two pressing problems. One was “how much the French public was profoundly ignorant of the psychology of repatriation” (af, Series its people any longer resembled what they had left behind at the time of in some their cases, captivity, as long as four years before. As we shall see, pows were of course also afflicted with a host of psychologicalproblems and difficulties, often relating to their fear of being unable to return to or adapt to civilian life. and returnees between disconnection the that risk the of warned author the the new society to which they had come back “could solidify into a permanent [form of ] psychological discord,” and urged that a systematic propaganda campaign be undertaken “in order to recreate a climate of mutual understanding.” Other reports, written later in the process, perhaps late summer or fall of 1945, when over 1.5 million returnees had been repatri- Pierre Dr. by report twenty-seven-page A however. sanguine, less were ated, Bourgeois, director of the Repatriation ana- Health Service of the Ministry, “tourist guide” questions: one Robert Bouyer, a farmer, born 14 August 1926, and returned to France in August 1945, having somehow managed to escape to Sweden by boat, after stints in “Bouchenvateld,” “Blanguen enbourg” (?) 60 Cadaverland deportees had passed. the Hotel Lutetia in Paris, through which, at the time of his writing, 26,000 at deportees” political of treatment the for centre special “a rapidly nized various unspecifiedadditionalerrorsmade. had been done was to provide “a minimum of comfort.” Here he referred to epidemic and the quarantine had complicated matters. In fact, the best that typhus the and said, he observation, adequate for provided been had time enough Not illness. mental and physical between discriminate not does which “malade,” word the used Bourgeois that here noteworthy is It (13). ill” considered be to had deportees the and survivors the of totality near the “that fact the masked had effect in example, for covery,Buchenwald at dis- their of time the at camps the of conditions sanitary horrendous The (12). organisms” their on impact] [an have could to, subjected been had survivors] the [that horrors the that information, no had we besides and predicted, been have not could “it that realization dawning the came vice, ser- his by made mistakes unspecified of number a of admission the and mortality,post-Liberation high with Along (98%). deportees racial among the of because inflated, were figures these that added Bourgeois But, persons. 400,000 as together lumped indiscriminately again once are deportees cial ra- and political the produces, he table a In home. brought be to remained still returnees million one report, his of time the At categories. all of ables repatri- million 2.4 of number total the of estimates statistical recent lyzed fices. It is not known which French wit had the idea that this would be the be would this that idea the had wit French which known not is It fices. of- their had activities intelligence various where and Occupation the ing dur- stayed officers German high-ranking where station, metro Babylone Sèvres- the near hotel luxury large a Lutetia, the at up ended latter the of many later, or Sooner stations. railway l’Est de Gare or d’Orsay Quai the at arriving train, by returned often more deportees Racial airport. Bourget often most returnees, Many The L services and assistance insodoing. services andassistance had offered their of doctors from the Bichat, Salpêtrière, and Ivry hospitals number a that noted and Paris, to return their upon deportees political the u Bugos de ta the that added Bourgeois But now apparent among political deportees (60%) and (60%) deportees political among apparent now death-rates high very utetia Hotel 7 He insisted on the importance of “taking charge” of s, reached Paris by air, landing at the Le the at landing air, by Paris reached pows, te iity of Ministry the mpg, , a orga- had pows, Condensation 61 gure 2 Figure 5592, folder entitled folder 5592, f9 8 As of March–April 1946, the radio began to broadcast scraps of infor- And also there were the gaffes brought on by persisting Occupation hab- Occupation persisting by on brought gaffes the were there also And Whatever the case, the Lutetia had many rooms in which deportees could deportees which in rooms many had Lutetia the case, the Whatever The Lutetia was also the specific first point of encounter the between mation about the missing; for example: “Hummel, Bernard, 26. Arrested 6 August 1943 . . . As of January 1944, was at the Tambow camp [Russia] (in destination” unknown an to evacuated then and “Radiodiffusion française: Emissions de service: Méssages et recherches,” item dated 8 April 1946). at control identity of charge in policeman the that recalled survivor One its. the Lutetia automatically wrote or stamped (it’s not clear which and, if the even more latter, astounding) the word “Jew” on her identity card, provok- ing a torrent of outraged protest (Lynch 1995, 122–26). Another recalled that a friend of the family had come to visit him at the hotel: “Me, I needed to talk. I was 19 and had been through an knew about . . . But, as she sat down, the firstthing she said was: ‘My poor experience which few adults Charles, if only you knew the hunger we experienced here [in Paris].’ What could I say to her after that? (Lynch 1995, 122–26). Occupied ideal site for the return of deported Jews, in a seemingly after-the-fact insult insult after-the-fact seemingly a in Jews, deported of return the for site ideal to Nazi racism. affected seriously more the state health, their of on depending stay while, a being moved to hospitals or specialized centers (if they existed). And at a time when serious shortages still affected the capital, the hotel was well stocked with food. Large, oppressive crowds of family members returnees and French society. and relatives gathered in front of the hotel, shouting inquiries at the returnees whether they had any information about a particular family member. While some did, it was often not good news, and they didn’t want to provide to up set been had facilities hotel, the Inside hopes. remaining dash the families with the latest official information on the status of missing husbands, brothers, sisters, and other relatives. Inside the main hall, bul- yet not or disappeared the of photographs with up set been had boards letin found; some of the photos already had been crossed out, meaning that the person was dead. The constant milling about of people seeking information went on for weeks, sometimes months, or longer. hop- and Family waiting desperately end, on members weeks for daily hotel the at up showed on. ing against hope as the weeks dragged 62 Cadaverland and venereal or other contagious diseases. contagious other or venereal and audience “repatriated,” furtherdelousingbyshavingtheirheads the of clothes lice-infected the of rid getting about detail great as thedefeated,andothervictims?”(336). was already evident that one category of the repatriated would be welcomed it since same the all them consider to us expect decently they could “How others. the from different very was through been had “deportees” the what that presentiment indistinct still a avoiding of way a not was war” of mads “no- other and refugees prisoners, of categories all of together lumping indiscriminate the whether himself asks and other, the to usage one from switch to Ministry the for took it long how wonders narrator novel’s The (336). circulars” and instructions reports, our in adopted have we term the That’s ‘rapatrié.’ but ‘deportee’ say not “Do cautioned, he But, on. so and men, half-million mere a war 1871 the from prisoners French of triation repa- the people; 50,000 involved only Babylon from Jews the of captivity from return the instance, for comparisons: historical grandiose make to greatest enterprise of human displacement ever conceived” (335), going on “the was operation repatriation the that explained who Ministry Frenay the from functionary high-level unnamed an by is briefing first security.)The hotel of charge in is Jews, Paris of roundup the in role their over police the return of the deportees. (The novel’s main character, a former cop who quit text an account of two security briefings that received Hotel before staff the the in provides He names. own their under book the in appear persons cal histori- 459), (p. acknowledgments his in reports Assouline As archives. private own hotel’s the to access including sources, archival and historical of range a upon based but fiction of work a write, to years thirty him took entitled novel a published Assouline Pierre biographer and ist eminents stayed literary some where been had that before and refugees, political German book 1945 entitled a in Cartier-Bresson by photographs in and German, in and bodies. Another was concerned about the presence of medical specialists. medical of presence the about concerned was Another bodies. Any questions?” (337). Someone has a question about what to do with dead with ruined bodies. Estimated average weight 48 kilos [about 105 pounds]. dealing Yoube broncho-pneumonia. will acute of form the in tuberculosis The second briefing in the novel is by a Doctor Valette, who went into went who Valette, Doctor a by is novel the in briefing second The The Lutetia story had been told and retold since May 1945, both in French . During the 1930s, the hotel was a temporary home for home temporary a was hotel the 1930s, the During retour. Le — followed by a long shower, and the treatment of skin diseases skin of treatment the and shower, long a by followed — James Joyce wrote some of 9 “Expect to see a lot of cases of cases of lot a see to “Expect Ulysses there. In 2005, novel- — a proposalthatupsethis that Lutetia Condensation 63 gure 2 Figure basically, that basically, — that time? Unable to find answers in the report, the in answers find to Unable time? that after but especially by what it does not say. Why, he wonders, is the Why, but especially by what it does not say. — Cleaning up afterward, Kiefer, the narrator, finds among papers left Kiefer is more confused. Wasn’t the trip back only going to aggravate speak, to so out, flesh to novel Assouline’s from passages these used I’ve Sadness, bitterness, powerlessness: you’ll see this manifested generally and accompanied by specific symptoms: anxiety about meeting the family; prolonged meditation over the deaths of comrades; confession and self-accusation. Often, this emotional state leads to alcoholism, to inex- to suicide attempts. (341) plicable acts of delinquency; more rarely, The answer is that a generalist and two specialists for venereal and tubercu- and venereal for specialists two and generalist a that is answer The available. would be respectively, lar diseases, lying about, a report dated January 1945 on the organization of the medical sector. In this report, the repatriateds’ stay at the Lutetia was minutely plotted out, including the returnees’ anticipated reactions all this, adding to their disillusion? The doctor, admittedly not a mental health specialist, gives him four general rules to pass on to the others, but I’ll mention only the last one: Let them fill in for themselves the gaps in their experience; they tend to draw their own conclusions anyway. Kiefer wonders what on earth the returnees are going to “conclude” from their stay at the Lutetia. At the beginning of the briefings that were supposed to prepare them for the actual arrival of the repatriated, and didn’t, he had breath- halting the hear [actually] to was missing was “what that remarked the in them look to try to voices, their in vacillation the revenants, the of ing waited unable to eye at the We risk that they would immediately look away. imagine what was awaiting us” (335). what many survivors would articulate about their return, later. often On decades the whole, according to Lynch, memories bad especially the have not did co-edited deportees he book 1995 the who for viewed were inter- of their stay at the Lutetia. It was only a provisionary stay and, while many were “they them: assist to takenthere been had measures some that agreed they would be very tired from their trip home, very docile, and would just want to go back to their families. Kiefer is struck by the clichéd nature of the report the observe to expect can he that him tells who doctor, another out seeks he following: critical duration of captivity arbitrarily set at eighteen months? According to to According months? eighteen at set arbitrarily captivity of duration critical what criteria? And why do psychological problems seem to become worse complicated more and 64 Cadaverland tions of captured of tions interroga- held and inmates camp former from depositions gathered also but inspection, visual a for on-site arrived latter the of members natively, Alter- (wcb). WarBranch military,the Crimes American to the of case the in forwarded, was report a days, within often camp, concentration a of ery uncov- the after soon that We’veabove organizations. seen of number a of how crimes against humanity had been committed. This involved the work had led up to the war itself, what had transpired under Nazi occupation, and what of account some of creation the involved however, punishment, and justice Establishing vague. somewhat arguably also law,but international humanity,”against in concept novel a doubt no was alternative, official the notice whatsoever”(Lynch1995,126,emphasisadded). practically place took return smaller, their infinitely were bers] indirectly.or directly either num- “Aslatter [whose deportees racial the for of numbers huge the to compared ity past” (“le lourd passé”). heavy Besides, the deportees in “the general were such a of small minor- return the also was deportees the of return The ago. months six already was Liberation all. it about forget to wanted French the kinds, all of shortages and restrictions rationing, occupation, and war of years four After this: for explanation partial a offers Lynch situation. their the deportees over the encounter with a society incapable of understanding were abletoreturnlife”(122,emphasisadded). truly deportees the that conditions, precarious often in themselves, among survivors could find was among their companions from the camps. “It was families they encountered only silence; uncomfortable the sole comfort the situations, material as well as psychological” (Lynch 1995, 122). From their their to relationship real no had [these] . . . that affirming in unanimous example, the example, an as Mauthausen taking general, In translated. be to had then material this of All liberation. at seized documents camp-related the collecting as name something that as yet had no commonly identifiable name “the catastrophe,” to use the term initially employed by Jewish historians to lies was that of meting out justice and punishment to those responsible for As the months passed after V-E Day, the next formidable task faced by the Al- W ar Crime Forensics, 1945–1947 Fifty years later, Lynch continues, a residual unease still existed among existed still unease residual a continues, Lynch later, years Fifty set up a system of index cards with details of victims, of details with cards index of system a up set wcb and other German and Axis-allied personal, as well as personal, Axis-allied and German other and ss s, and everyone knew one of the of one knew everyone and pows, without any without — “crimes Condensation 65 gure 2 Figure f9 file 5595, chief Ernst sd chief Ernst af files, Records Records files, wcb / Gestapo and ss/sd/ documents Ironically, for all the enormous effort at documenting the case, the press the case, the documenting at effort enormous the all for Ironically, The International Military was instituted Tribunal on 8 August 1945 and Kaltenbrunner, Kaltenbrunner, subsequently wrote in his writ- work, 1954 documentary of book feat formidable on a were the records trial Nuremberg the evidence, ten and oral, fact-checked against the stenographic record, electric sound recordings of the testimony, statistics, citations, and other data in three The Egbert. D. Lawrence Col. Lt. of editorship overall the under languages, record of proceedings was published in English, French, and German, but not in Russian “because the Soviets failed to pay their contribution toward trials the from volumes forty-two The xvii). 1954, (Harris costs” publication also were accompanied by an eight-volume (plus supplementaries) collection of prosecution briefs and a large number of documents that had not made it into evidence, published in 1946 by the Office of the United States Chief of Counsel for the Prosecution of Axis Criminality. corps from twenty-three countries covering the trial was bored to tears by witnesses, witnesses, and the accused (in the latter case, noting the organization com- to been had offense the where place the and belonged accused the which as status,such administrative current its indicated card index Each mitted). actions taken, actions pending, inaction, and so on (see UB Section, War Crimes Branch, October 1945). Each Allied nation drew up lists of all sorts: the French on 14 October 1944 created the Service de recherche des crimes de guerre ennemis (srcge), which by August 1945 consisted of three hundred personnel (chargés de mission, regional delegates, and liaison officers to the major Allied Army groups). For its part, Sus- Security and Criminals War of Registry Central the created had shaef pects ), (crowcass initially in Paris, and then subordinated to the Berlin disbanded in June 1946. Control Council, and would be responsible for a number of trials, those at Nuremberg being the major and best known. On 17 September, the trial of forty-eight members former of the Bergen-Belsen camp administration opened at Lüneberg and, on 20 November, the first Nuremberg trial began. Of the estimated hundred thousand captured Nazi documents totalling just over one million pages, about four thousand documents were submitted into evidence at Nuremberg. The official text of the proceedings made up forty-two volumes, published between 1947 and 1949. As American prosecutor Whit- ney Harris, at the time a young ground saw naval him assigned to officerthe case against Gestapo whose and Intelligenceback- photostatscaptured of 66 Cadaverland the wartimecreationofIsaacSchneersohn. the through name) that by called yet not (still Holocaust the write about would who historians Jewish French of core initial the formed ers oth- some Wellers,and Georges Poliakov, Billig, out. help to Billig Joseph colleague his Paris from in call to had he increased, documents of volume of documents of thousands which alargenumberhadtodowiththefateofJews”(169).Andas of tens sorted and classed photographed, kept “inventoried, staffers documents German and American of of teams several as volume growing, The (169). thing” essential the me for were tialism, thenalltherageinintellectualcircles. Westexisten- particular,the Sartre’s in in Jean-Paul and, life about curious endlessly writers, and journalists Russian with up catch to there time his use did he Nuremberg, of town bomb-flattened the of or itself trial the of the end, you just take them for relatives.” So, if Poliakov did not recall much “In accused: the watching about sarcastically him to commented someone As 167–68). 1981: (Poliakov twice” than more went even I certain not I’m and visit second the after fastidious “became itself trial the that memoirs his in recalled Poliakov Léon harvest,” archival vast a of . . . Americans the of will good proverbial the to “thanks himself availed he While team. tion prosecu- French the to attached expert an as Nuremberg at himself found 1946 in who (cdjc ), contemporaine juive documentation de Centre the of Service Research the of head the time, the at and, member Resistance Jewish historian-in-the-making, born in Saint-Petersburg, a former French young a was bored Similarly 311–12). 132, 1994, Persico (see proceedings the of management Jackson’s Robert Justice Chief for problem a became this that so much so documents, of numbers large of reading lengthy the a naïve confidence in themselves” (164). He was handsome, elegant, and a and elegant, handsome, was He (164). themselves” in confidence naïve a succeed at everything because, in addition to their dynamism, they possess scholar dic famed Hasidicdynasty a from came only not Schneersohn (164). properties Jewish “Aryanized” the ahalf-dozen over poured typists where Grenoble, in office an up set had Schneersohn that recalled Poliakov persecution.” great idea “the about the documents got collecting of he where 1943) until France non-Occupied of part mained Most important, Poliakov recalled, were the available documents: “they documents: available the were recalled, Poliakov important, Most Schneersohn was a rich industrialist, refugeed in Grenoble (which re- (which Grenoble in refugeed industrialist, rich a was Schneersohn — but was, Poliakov recalled, “one of those kinds of men who men of kinds those of “one recalled, Poliakov was, but — rwn u “nemnbe lss of lists “interminable” up drawing Officiel Journal his cousinZalman,arabbi,wasleadingTalmu- 10 cdjc, Condensation 67

cdjc gure 2 Figure The problem, 11 Out of the crate also 12 cdjc for microfilming (Polia- Bréviaire de la haine: Le IIIe Reich et les Juifs Breviary was the first history based on archi- cdjc. The cdjc hosted the first international conference of largely Jewish histo- With the Liberation of Paris, Schneersohn moved the Centre to the capi- Going through some of the documents, Poliakov kept coming across The contents of the crate provided inexhaustible documentary resources would come the publication of Serge Klarsfeld’s minute reconstructions of reconstructions minute Klarsfeld’s Serge of publication the come would who made up the convoys of deported French Jews (2001). Late in 1947, the rians from thirteen European countries and Palestine. The delegates were representatives of the Historical Commissions that had emerged from the formidable negotiator (and indeed later would fire Poliakov from the from Poliakov fire would later indeed (and negotiator formidable for publishing elsewhere). for publishing tal, briefly taking over the offices of the defunct Union générale des Israé- lites de France ), (ugif more or less the Judenrat of Occupied France, and later moving to a splendid apartment on the Avenue Foch. val research of the Nazi extermination of the Jews. however, however, was that the Centre did not have much in the documentation, way apart of from research the lists of “Aryanized” properties, and this lack obsessed Poliakov, who wanted to know more who had wanted to about kill not only him, but also millions of other human be- the butchers that introduction of obtained letters he connections, various Through ings. a of office the in up ending Interior, the of Ministry the to access him gained Commissioner of the National Police. The latter pointed to a large wooden crate in a corner and informed Poliakov that these were archives the police could read, couldn’t he that German, in were they as obtained and, just had Poliakov tell him what they were? The crate contained the archives of the entire ss and Gestapo administration in France! proof of collaboration activities, names of informants and denunciators, including a prominent Jewish judge. While he kept that person’s name to himself until he could consult Rabbi Zalman Schneersohn, Poliakov did point out a few other flagrant cases to the police, doing his part, as he put it, for the “épuration,” the postwar purging of the French Vichy state administration. The police collaborators in turn told him he from could take whatever documents he wished back to the kov 1981, 165–67). that took years to work through. Out of it, and the Nuremberg documents, came Poliakov’s best-known book, (1951) which, since it was published by rival publisher got Calmann-Lévy, him fired from the 68 Cadaverland ap hd en saved. been had camps internment French the of archives the of most that noted report same The an alphabetized bat repertory to of establish deported or disappeared Jews. including that begun at Toulouse in 1942 by the Organisation juive de com- groups, Jewish French similar several of fusion the (ser), recherches de européen Service the about was presented reports the of One Library. ner Wie- the became which London, in Office Information Central Jewish the and others), among Poland, Romania, Italy, Bulgaria, Wiesenthal, Simon ters created in a number of countries (Austria, with one in Vienna headed by Cen- Documentation Jewish other as well as Liberation, after soon camps sified them camp by camp (see Wieviorka 1992, 446–76), a few titles here titles few a 446–76), 1992, Wieviorka (see camp by camp them sified clas- and accounts testimonial of outpouring this analyzed has Wieviorka Annette that extent the To 1965). Rousset 172; 1992, Wieviorka in quoted (Anthelme title that by essay 1946 as his in latter universe,” the termed Rousset concentrationary David “the about expression” of hemorrhage veritable “a call would Anthelme Robert what 1948 March and 1945 May March 1946,theopeningsalvo,asitwere,ofColdWar. tinuity.in Missouri, Fulton, at given was speech Curtain” “Iron Churchill’s con- psychic of re-establishment the disrupting in here heavily very weigh becoming increasingly evident that politics was and geo-politics would come to it clear, fully yet not was it if And such. as seen always not although reconstruction, material postwar of dimension a also was that continuity” “psychic of work the of tendrils fragile the extending catastrophe, Jewish the with grapple the to beginning tentatively were researchers civilian of the of principal trials the and (1945–1946), criminals war Nazi major the of trials forensic great the with beginning war, the of end the of years two Within From Testimony to Medical D s el s hs o “ nw eih itrorpy (owt) (see (Borwitz) 1949). historiography” Jewish new “a of those as well as nus) focused on issues of the scientific study of the (Friedman) catastrophe (another Borwitz Poliakov,Michal Friedman, and as such ans missing repatriate and trace to Arolsen Bad at (its) Service Tracing International 1945 of Still, among the general French reading public, there occurred between occurred there public, reading French general the among Still, — dps throughout Europe. “medical” doctors (1946–1947), growing (if small) networks small) (if growing (1946–1947), doctors “medical” ss “after lengthy discussions” lengthy “after 13 t lo etoe te rain n h summer the in creation the mentioned also It iscourse, 1945–1948 14 The reports by emerging Jewish histori- — by the four Allied powers of the of powers Allied four the by alum- cdjc cdjc

Condensation 69 In 18 17 gure 2 Figure personal 1946). — fils La Presse Médicale Le Camp de la mort lente mort la de Camp Le Anthologie des poèmes de poèmes des Anthologie On the other hand, as 16 not to mention newspaper — Misère et mort: Nos deux compagnons 15 (1945), juive la Drancy Häftling 43485 (1947); Le Médecin français contained a long article by Professor Christian (1945); l’enfer de reviens Je pows and deportees and what was now being termed, in one, “the From the vantage point of early 1948, Anthelme, recalled similar state- In this context, it is not surprising that one has to turn to more special- On one level, this outpouring of books seemed to contradict the idea Buchenwald (1946); (1948), along with some 140 other book titles in this accounts, period scholarly work, and documents and radio broadcasts. accounts, May 1945, pathology of the camps,” and in “the another, pathology of deportees.” In Champy on the Nazi “medical” experiments in the concentration camps. Further articles appeared in other medical press publications throughout 1945 and early 1946, not all of them in Paris, on the state of health of repatriated in July 1946 and five other articles in the same year (Richet ments: “‘Testimony? . . . we spit on it, we refuse it; we’ve had enough.’” More subtly, he writes about “the Phariseeism of lencing”: that if forgetfulness one was perhaps and willing to admit si- that it was one and the to want didn’t still one there, been had who but returned now person same hear him or her speaking as a deportee. so “And one pleads: ‘That wasn’t real life. Forget! What you saw was false . . . Forget, forget horror not and only the the evil, chase away those memories, thought was the truth. It was chase a time in parentheses’” (quoted in Wieviorka away what you 1992, 172). ized kinds of journals and bodies of knowledge. In the medical press, not only accounts by returnee prisoner-doctors of what they had seen in the camps, but also began a to new appear conceptual as terminology, early as one month after Liberation. For instance, Professor of Medicine Charles Richet, one of the returned Resistance “Prominenten” from Buchenwald, published an early account of “La médecine en bagne” in (1944); that the returning deportees were silenced. They were and they weren’t at the same time. As was seen at the Lutetia, former deportees talked among themselves about what they had experienced. should give an idea of this new genre and its varieties: varieties: its and genre new this of idea an give should Wieviorka points out (173), publisher demand for testimonial paraphrase writer’s one quotes She 1946. January as early as wane to began accounts of what a number of editors were telling him: “‘Enough cadavers! Enough now.” want to laugh about the Resistance!torture! Enough stories We 70 Cadaverland ing ofthehistoryextremeevents. writ- the about discussion problematic and larger a of part integral an was World War deportation Toaround itself. reader,discussion the the remind of tance, the Occupation, or for that matter of the French role in the Second with the deportations failure of the project of writing a history of the Resis- Jewish French the of history a write to attempt failed the of intertwinement the about Introduction the in remarks earlier my to unrelated not ever,are on the pathology of The deportation. many problems of the observations moredirectlyrelatedtotheemergenceofamedical discourse some to here myself confine will I (2005), Douzou Laurent by detail great in recounted been have institutions, rival by 1950s late the in eventual absorption and 1944, to back antecedents its Deuxième (ch2gm), la Mondiale de Guerre d’histoire Comité the 1940s late the in became what of af, f9file3224). Service, director Paris, of 22 the November Documentation sistant 1945, in Weibel,Pierre by as- letter six-page the (see Déportation la de l’Histoire de d’Étude Commission a of formation the study to 1945 November in search Re- and Documentation of Service his asked Frenay Henri Suffering, of ter it” (Canguilhem1991,43). peared to be by dictated the authority biologists and physicians accorded to dogma, whose extension into the realms of philosophy and psychology ap- guaranteed scientifically of kind a “became pathological the and normal the between differences the when century nineteenth the of course the in reinforced were aspects polemical The forces. opposing between struggle between the organism and a foreign or substance, conversely as an internal polemic has to do with differing conceptions of disease; roughly, as a battle “a in rooted are normal and the pathological, both concepts, but especially the pathological, ever,the of study classic his in 1966 in out pointed Canguilhem Georges as How- studies. scientific of number growing a in congealed soon thology pa- of concept The associations. of chains of intersection of point the at forms idea charged emotionally an which in condensation, of figure a by chapter, the of beginning the at meant, I what is This them. to done had by those who had been deported or imprisoned by the Nazis, and what this cept con- a around itself form to begun had discourse scientific a words, other As the complex twists and turns of the various bureaucratic incarnations Minis- as acts last his of one likely most was what in time, same the At — that of pathology of that situation” (1991, 41, emphasis added). Part of the of Part added). emphasis 41, (1991, situation” polemical — that gave a name to what had been experienced been had what to name a gave that ch2gm, how- Condensation 71 gure 2 Figure We discuss two 19 “the pathology of depor- — f9, 3224, 18 February 1946, third plenary session were treated

s in captivity, largely from the perspective pows in captivity, Fortunately, his officials did not seem to pay attention. The same file con- file same The attention. pay to seem not did officials his Fortunately, Part of the work of these plenary meetings was the creation of various Be that as it may, in the various plenary sessions that were held to de- to the following comment from the new Minister of the now renamed Min- renamed now the of Minister new the from comment following the to istry of Former Combatants and Victims of the “Until War. 1942,” opined Laurent Casanova, the new “I Minister, was a prisoner of war in a punishment camp; very few prisoners died there. So I don’t believe that a History of the Captivity presents much interest” (af, plenary session). transcript of the third history a to “Introduction entitled report undated twenty-three-page tainsa deportation”and internment of statuscurrent the reviewed that archival of materials from all sources, as well as camp by camp, in France, Germany, and Poland. be and issues medical examine would that one including subcommissions, annexes the in observations historical the of Some doctors. four of up made that than attitude different rather a revealed they since reporting, worth are mentioned above from publishers who had had enough of cadavers, torture, and the Resistance. “We realize that what is involved here than is a nightmare that should be more forgottem . . . [Rather that] the history of a captivity without precedent is a link in a [larger] chain . . . of the national history of all the peoples [who were imprisoned] on German soil.” On the contextual- larger a for called importance” this of phenomenon “a contrary, ization that belonged “as much to future historians, as legislators, and sociologists” as to the present undertaking. Because “historical truth reveals itself only with difficulty.” tation.” Fuller description of the latter, however, would taketation.” however, a while before Fuller description of the latter, more extensive development. As of 1945, initial book-length publications dealt with the experience of reflection philosophical of form a of is, that psychology; philosophical a of that had not yet been absorbed by a medical discourse. The medical press had unveiled a new concept The Psychology of Captivity, 1945–1946 of Captivity, Psychology The bate issues of money and budgets for the history project, and what exactly it should deal with, the members of the such books next to show why the slippage from philosophical to medical thinking occurred. 72 Cadaverland decisive for his thinking. There was There thinking. his for decisive been had one, brief relatively a if captivity,even and war of experience many,the so for as But boredom. crushing of hours empty interminable its had been mobilized into the army for the duration of the “Phony War” with himself had spent almost a year as a prisoner in Stalag Sartre 1940, in defeat French the After point. a to up close, are captivity of constraints the within freedom find to how with struggle Cazeneuve’s and the resemblances between Sartre’s idea that one makes one’s own freedom le néant was published in 1943, while Cazeneuve was still imprisoned based clinically than philosophically more be to tended (1855–1947), Janet Pierre rival French great Freud’s to century tieth twen- early the in forward and example, for (1715–1780), Condillac of ings of the same period of Jean-Paul Sartre, to whom he does not refer not does he whom to Sartre, Jean-Paul of period same the of (especially sexualinstincts),theselfandoffreedom(vii). instinct habit, pleasure, pain, of meaning the of conceptions his formed of the human soul” and how that experience trans- anterior understanding testing “the reveals ] a prisoner of war against his [“l’épreuve”] of [the exceptional experience of essay the however, all, Above Cazeneuve. does nor added) emphasis vii, 1945, and psychologist, the “of those are ers writes in the book’s preface, Cazeneuve’s observations of his fellow prison- Normale at professor former his As captivity. in entirely written was Essai a as war the of rest the spent and 1940, May 17 on captured was 1939, September in army the joined he Normale, Ecole the of philosophy in graduate A 1945. in France de universitaires Presses prestigious the by seeRoback1964). States, United the in psychology new the on 1973b; 1973a, Prévost see Janet, on 1973; Derrida see Condillac, (on psychology” new “the of name the taking States, United the in 1880s Germany the by in and, century developed mid-ninetheeth the of that as others and Wundt, Humboldt, of chology psy- experimental the from different rather still was this But psychology. clinical a with philosophy combined who included, Janet sure, be to tions grand theme of human freedom. As he noted in his diary: “The paradox “The diary: his in noted he As freedom. human of theme grand his here discovered had Sartre illusions. previous all of away stripping the The French version of psychology, going back two centuries to the writ- the to centuries two psychology,back of going version French The To draw a parallel, Cazeneuve’s essay bears some similarities to the ideas Jean Cazeneuve’s Essai sur la psychologie du prisonnier de guerre was published — an idea that regrettably he does not develop, not does he regrettably that idea an the war and, then and, war the before (Cazeneuve psychoanalyst the of even — XII D in Lorraine; he ih ao excep- major with the war, the with . His pow. — L’êtreet — but Condensation 73 the — gure 2 Figure but rather with how one experienced and subjectively or, to use a word from the Sartrian — For instance, Cazeneuve initially was preoccupied with the psychology of psychology the with preoccupied was initially Cazeneuve instance, For For Cazeneuve, captivity was not “easy”; perhaps because it lasted so lack of material comfort, physical limitations caused by being fenced in by barbed wire, the lack of contact with women, the forced uprooting from one’s usual social contexts coped with these privations phenomenologically. philosophical lexicon, he which in life his of dreams sleep his in prisoner the that fact the dreams: is not only a prisoner, to wake up to find that he is. But he also knows that simul- living of existence double this Reconciling forever. one be not will he taneously in two worlds is a serious problem: to wit, the frequency of pris- personal- even self-alienation, profound experiencing or mad, going oners ity split (3). So while it made a degree of sense to speak of a psychology of captivity, since it is a particular condition of the human psychic process, was it therefore just an aspect of human psychology in general, or was it a pathological condition? The concept of derived pathology, either from ex- mentallythe of perhaps perimentalobservations had from ill, or situations over continued debate if even speaking, broadly psychology to helpful been how exactly the study of abnormal states helped one understand “the nor- health as same the not is it extent the to so only is illness since subject,” mal (5). The Theprisoner factwas wasnot thatby hedefinition had unhealthy. been placed in abnormal conditions, and so this was not the passage from the normal to the abnormal as in hysteria, but the transformation of a normal state by an abnormal environment. Thus the first part of Cazneuve’s study consisted of an enumeration and description of the transformations of the psychic life of the prisoner by the particular conditions of existence called captivity; the five negative environmental transformations enumerated above, along with three positive ones: the new forms of cooperative and captivity; under possible become that organization and existence social opposed as goals self-imposed with (one activities of kinds new these, with to those imposed by the camp routine); of and a thirdly, different relation- of our condition is that it is both unbearable and easy to live” (quoted in 1985, 274). Cohen-Solal much one Yes, longer. was free to think, but then the very concept of freedom was “highly imprecise” (Cazeneuve 1945, 13), having political, physi- was captivity with problem The dimensions. ethical and psychological, cal, constraints exterior the with terms to come to sufficient not was it that 74 Cadaverland did not refer to her work. her to refer not did he although Weil, Simone of writings the to central idea an uprooting, or (55–64) “déracinement” of idea the was concepts key his of one one, part In generally.freedom and suffering human of interplay the of dimension a as consciousness of unity prismatic a than se per prisoner the of psychology specific a less meant he which by (95), complex” “the termed he what into minate waiting,thatcanonlyberesolvedbyhopeandfaith(90–93). determination and continuity; and finally, a crisis of temporality, of indeter- family, home); a personality crisis stemming from the unmet needs for self- (wife, love-object a of idealization the from stemming anxiety separation danger; of sense ever-present an of of result a as anxiety pleasure; result of lack the a as pain physical increased prisoner: the of psychology the of sense, hewasnoSartrianatall. this In firmly. more hope anchoring of means a faith of conception religious a in found Cazeneuve why is This pessimism. and optimism of cycles ing hope, to hope in hope. He realizes that hoping can be dangerous, reactivat- ments (85). And a component of the act of making judgments is to judg- value making always is he point, some has action his that thinking without act or thinking without live cannot prisoner the that extent the to But problems. its without not was too this although essay, present the of case the in as thought, of object an captivity of make instance, for could, One impossible. not was it extreme, the in difficult was future, and past in captivity). While learning to live in an indeterminate present, cut off from captivity was not meant to last forever (except for those prisoners who died speaking theoretically if even future, the to respect with also but past, the (“coupure”) split double temporality.a to is ship Captivity is a subjective state of human psychology in general from which we flee by flee we which from general in psychology human of state subjective a is it that (131) explanation” psychological specifically “the from stems ennui of cause objective the Rather, hands. their on time of lot a had prisoners as distractions seeking from even or impressions, of uniformity objective the from resulting monotony the of result the not is ennui that reveals ysis remains aware of the fact that he remains a prisoner. always he because part in respite, him gives prisoners) other the by on put play a attending (e.g., distraction no which from and imprisonment, his after soon prisoner,even the oppresses so that boredom the of discussion a from drawn is and complex,” “the of tonality affective the as “ennui” of In the briefer second part of the essay, Cazeneuve probed more deeply more probed Cazeneuve essay, the of part second briefer the In In the conclusion to part one, Cazeneuve enumerated the principal traits 20 The equivalent key concept in part two was that was two part in concept key equivalent The 21 And yet further anal- — with respect to respect with choose to Condensation 75 gure 2 Figure was seen — Psychologie du prison- than the ordinary soldier. In — and, for that of matter, deportation — “des gens réfléchis” (11) — and so the empirical data for his study was based on question- on based was study his datafor empirical the so and pow Not because the two works were vastly different; like Cazeneuve, Viau Cazeneuve, like different; vastly were works two the because Not 22 By contrast to Cazeneuve’s “metaphysical” approach to the psychology Second, where Cazeneuve had drawn upon the Janetian idea of psycho- means of psychological automatisms (a concept key to Janet’s psychology), psychology), Janet’s to key concept (a automatisms psychological of means games and other distractions and diversions; in other words, of all the objective determinations that we claim make up our lives in our flight from freedom. which The Cazeneuve “psychological looked drama” of captivity, at in part one, where the external conditions of captivity “reconstitute the ex- by two, part in then and outside, the from prisoner” statethe psychic of to him leads state psychic interiority, same its that in amining within, from between moves being human the that suppose only can “one that conclude two poles: that of the automatisms that preserve him in his being; and that of freedom (“la ”) liberté which lets him liberate himself [from the finitude of being]. Between these two extremes, the movement the at . back . . are we and what us to forth “reveals finally, is Captivity, (154–55). continuous” same time objects in [finite] being and subjects . . . in [infinite]being able regarding human freedom. to make value judgments” of we captivity, look briefly at another book of the same period, written by “Doctor of Letters” Jean Viau in his massive, 366-page nier. naires addressed mainly to officers who had experienced captivity. Why of- naires addressed mainly to officers who had experienced captivity. about self-reflexive be to likely more were they noted, he as Because, ficers? their experience found the study of the psychology of the prisoner interesting less in itself, but because “it opens onto the Infinite” (Viau n.d., 363). However, some a not was himself Viau First, noting. worth are two the between differences former fact, it would take many years before historians (re)turned to the reality of the experience of the common soldier in both In Wars. World France, this was not until the reissue in the 1990s of the work of historian Jean Norton Cru from 1929 to 1931 on the testimony of soldiers about the In war. 1914–1918 the work of both Cazeneuve and Viau, it is important to recall that the “experience” of war classes. primarily through the eyes of the “lettered” logical automatisms, Viau spent some pages on the conceptual, dogmatic certainand psychiatry, physiology, of sciences the rested which upon pillar branches of clinical psychology; that namely, the physical cause of all abnormal mental phenomena was attributable to cerebral lesions. Without its that was disadvantages its of one now, detail in “theory” this into getting 76 Cadaverland Viau sounds very much like Cazeneuve intellectually.”Only grow to which materialin pathway each new a in obstacle . . . find to able are others “the instance, second the In ity, including “the last remaining privilege of their interior freedom” (362). captiv- their of conditions external the to completely” less them- of more “abandon selves prisoners instance, first the In captivity. of conditions abnormal milieu.” an by state normal a of transformations “the observe to one allowed also captivity that Cazeneuve like state did he although (6–7), abnormal” the to normal the from passage the study “to opportunity the time” and place of value scientific “the Viau, to according hand, one the slightly.On only but captivity is.factuallyandessentiallypsychological”(3). that extent the to . . . man understand to which by means novel entirely an of study the for milieux scientific in enthusiasm the of Part patient. dead) (now the accuracy could only be confirmed after the fact portation] portation] (1948). De- in Ego the on [Remarks déportation” la dans moi le sur “Remarques pathologique. Written by a young psychoanalyst, M. Dambuyant, it is entitled the of issue 1946 April–June the in appeared thatwe’lllook atshortly.with anoutpouringofmedicaldissertations rapidly change would this although development, of state early very a at of captivity is that, if nothing else, the field of study in France as of 1945 was before God”(363). piety familial that, the subordinated to patriotic devotion . of . . must bow down [“s’incliner”] self-realization . . . the to come individual the can self, and then a transit camp; all of those points that she calls “the death of the of death “the calls she that points those of all camp; transit a then and cell, jail a in yourself finding arrest, your way: fragmentary a in member damage experiencedbythesubject indeportation. understand to one allows vations obser- her of acuity the but activities), Resistance for Ravensbrück to case, between differences stark ht l ti aons o a ruhy w picpl epne t the to responses principal two roughly was to amounts this all What view, Cazeneuve’s from different slightly was this by means Viau What Before turning to these, I want to discuss an extraordinary article that article extraordinary an discuss to want I these, to turning Before psychology the of studies two these of said be can that most the Perhaps Dambuyant begins by recalling the “limit points” that you actually re- actually you that points” “limit the recalling by begins Dambuyant cases pow s was, in Viau’s words, that “they offer[ed] to psychologists to offer[ed] “they that words, Viau’s in was, pows — and so of mental illness mental of so and 23 Not only does the article provide a useful contrast of the captivity and deportation (in Dambuyant’s (in deportation and captivity pow the extent of the psychic the of extent the inside the from — “in learning how to surpass him- — is they provide in a delimited a in provide they is Journal de Psychologie normale et normale Psychologie de Journal — by autopsy of the brain of — and here and Condensation 77 gure 2 Figure for no one. “It is this false game that is the most interiorly — It’s something else that puts us before the infernal, the one, For demential, . . . the World Other the Other, completely the] [also but monstrous, it is a completely alien world because thought has no grip on it . . . [And yet] it is a “real” world, a wall utterly indifferent to the human and as a there itself; just is world cursed This alone. totally yourself find you result is no connection to any outside, no answers to your calls. One simply 1948, 4–5) gets lost. (Dambuyant The term she comes up with to characterize what is most typical in the According to Dambuyant, abandoned to your self, you find you can no spectacle without spectators. The most profound inner desolation, the most absolute the despair, sense of going mad, the lack of communication with anyone, and simultaneously a kind of perpetual astonishment the thus and artworks; created or civilizations built species same the that see to the idea of man. (8) impossibility of connecting the men you The experience is one of constant or doubling. A fracturing Here, you are in the realm of “the infra-human” (6). Because the prisoners are all mixed together, from the ones condemned to death to the women there by mistake or those employed as informers by the is Gestapo,no sense there of proportion, anywhere. And this is compounded by the ab- surdity of the groundless orders received, and the endless, unpredictable interdictions. formal sense about the camp is “the spectacular”: the camp entrance tries to appear pretty, decorated with flowers, while nice, tight formations of prisoners, marching in step, return from work. “It is a spectacle without spectators” (6), whose effect is to make you doubt your own existence, as we too are expected to participate in these empty roles, and to learn the art of pretending longer be “at home” in yourself. As part of this doubling of self from self, comes the physical “desolidification” (15) of your own so body, that if you get a glimpse of it while getting undressed, there’s a certain astonishment world.” world.” But even that “death” does not prepare you for arrival at a German concentration camp, for which the word “Hell” used by the deportees on the firstday is sosoon completely inadequate. Because it is not a place, as conceivably be. Hell might destructive . . . because it is experienced as the shame of being human and (6). sometimes . . . as painful, crazed laughter” 78 Cadaverland etl eule f atvt, ad te scoerss f a, among war,” of psychoneuroses “the and “the captivity,” of ofbetrayal,” sequelae mental psychology on “the papers scientific publishing also were psychiatrists period, postwar early this In chapter. later a of matter the be will however,these chiatry, of discussion the military; and civil both psy- of domains conventional more the from well, as taken were proaches es; n psychoanalytically. and sense; tion both at look to which in developed had ways it was(26). might have it been,” and so risks making what happened what more “heroic” than of after basis the on [like] was it what imagines one because ing experience afterwards. of “[T]hey their are deportation worth next to noth- what hadhappenedtoyouthere. (“intimement . . . un échec”), pursued by distress and the fear of forgetting failure affective an as re-emerges One superficial. is it but more, once joy Youextreme. too is self too-familiar a feel from may camp the in perienced ex- separation radical The before. as automatisms habitual or equanimity same the with longer no is it it, to return the and form (aesthetic) of tance Likewise with the “old” self, and while she is very insistent upon the impor- regains weight, it is surprising to find it has much the same form as before. pens over. taken resist beingtotally to learn must that self your of remains what and personage your between continues struggle on-going the But work. on focusing decisions; making politeness; of acts of capable being; human a of semblance the as yourself (17) “reconstitute” to ability your comes reconnection this with And again. ) self your not is (which “self” your lose not to as so partly comrades, your with connect eventually you lets that personage” “the of on taking the is it However, personage.” “your losing about in sets anxiety that so much so appearance” (16). non- of similarity “same the is there comrade’s, a or yours is it Whether another.of body the was it if as body own your at looking up Youend ing. at the changes your body is undergoing and that you hardly notice happen- We can see from the above that as of 1945 and 1946, several different several 1946, and 1945 of as that above the from see can We This is why she remarks on the hap- what on observations some with article her concludes Dambuyant person, a than rather personage a role, one’s becomes one end, the In — , when you are no longer a deportee. First of all, as the body the as all, of First deportee. a longer no are you when afterward, scopioohcly n mtpyia o proto-theological or metaphysical a in psycho-philosophically 24 t hud e etoe ta ohr ap- other that mentioned be should It unreliability of former prisoners’ accounts captivity and deporta- and captivity pow Condensation 79 gure 2 Figure

The camps in question (Gurs, the larg- the (Gurs, question in camps The 25 one “female Polish Israelite”; the other three German Jewish — issertations on Concentration Camps Camps issertations on Concentration all would die between July and December 1940, of unknown causes, unknown of 1940, December and July between die would all eportee Pathology, 1941–1946 eportee Pathology, — Dibra-Menzelxhin’s dissertation focused on the camp at Gurs and But Dibra-Menzelxhin made two observations here worth emphasizing. est, near Bayonne; Saint-Cyprien near Perpignan; and Rivesaltes, also in the the in also Rivesaltes, and Perpignan; near Saint-Cyprien Bayonne; near est, non-Occupied zone) had been established initially by the French government in the late 1930s for former soldiers of the defeated Spanish Repub- lican armies refugeed in France. With France’s defeat in May–June 1940, the camps now became detention centers for Jews, enemy aliens, political refugees from Belgium, even the odd tourist sucked into the whirlwind. were they when 1942, August until detaineesthere these held of were Many into the Reich. deported to the Occupied Zone and then detailed sixty-five cases from June 1939 to June requiring 1940 hospital- ization for psychoses at the hospital nearby that served the camp’s 15,000 to 20,000 prisoners (Dibra-Menzelxhin 1941, 11). Of the sixty-fivediscussed, cases twenty-five were Spanish, thirty-one of formerwere the members International Brigades (including American male a dressed in women’s clothes), and four were thirty-five-year-oldJews (35–36). African- These four men though recalled, be should It explanation.” notation“no the with simply or it was not mentioned by the author, that by this time Vichy antisemitism, and particularly the legal exclusion of Jews from French citizenship, was just about to get underway. The first was that concentration camps are “a totally new” phenomenon “in the sociological domain” (10). As he explained this, the concentration camp is a completely artificial society established without the consent of its members, in which thousands of men and women of different “races, Ironically, one Ironically, of the first French medical doctorates that I was ableto locate dates from 1941, the first year of the Occupation, and was written by an Albanian candidate, Higmet Dibra-Menzelxhin. Entitled “Psychoses in the Concentration Camps” (in French), it was submitted to the Faculty of Paris. of University the of Medicine Medical D Medical other other topics. The question we pursue for now concerns the ways in which closed off, and why. perspectives were alternative and D 80 Cadaverland empirical supportfortheoverall andlargerargument. little provides it psychosis, acute of cases ten with dealt only dissertation madness is related ”) (“se to rattache external events. that history French from clear was subsequently,it and Bastille the of ing tak- the since that hypothesis Esquirol’s quoted author The 1940). (Roger operations military of beginnings the and refugees, of numbers increased area Nantes the in percent tempted to correlate a perceived increase of acute psychosis cases psychosis acute of increase perceived a correlate to tempted at- 1940, from this dissertation, medical another war, the as such events, external current to relation in especially and questions these of persistence Jacques Lacan on psychotic paranoia (1932). But as a brief illustration of the of dissertation medical the in particular in and psychiatry 1930s (some) in to internal and interpretive factors, a line of thinking that one can also find emphasis greater gave dissertation Dibra-Menzelxhin’s psychosis,” his of form the creates patient “the that arguing By two. the between distinguish to be can it difficult how on and factors, internal versus factors external to give to importance the on turned debate the speaking generally but enon, neurotic symptoms. Psychoses, of course, are a different order of phenom- of aetiology sexual the stressed that example, for Freud’s, as such theories psycho-dynamic also but psychiatry; German by favored most one the ity hered- theory; materialist principal the being lesions in cerebral contention: were causes these of “location” the about theories of number a seen, century.nineteenth early the of work Esquirol’s with psychiatry have we As French modern of beginnings the since present been had that question a disturbances, mental of “causality” the concerning point important dously tremen- a is Actually,last (65). this psychosis” his of form the creates that patient the is it . . . cause determinate a with illness an “not is syndrome psycho-pathological a Dibra-Menzelxhin, For self-mutilation. and suicide, attempted aggressivity, turbulence, psychomotor behavior, hallucinatory founded upon personal by “interpretations” the patient that translated into were rather but basis, objective no have factor,” camp “the about said just had he what despite and however, These, themes. political to linked often tients” (17–18). pa- our all of preoccupation dominant “the as well as observed, turbances dis- mental the of determinant main the certainly was factor” camp “the proximity.close in Accordingly,that together found thrown he themselves find opinions” [political] opposed and education, language, nationalities, His second finding concerned “the frequency” of persecution mania, ofpersecution frequency” “the concerned finding second His — as a result of the tensions of the Phony War,Phony the of tensions the of result a as But since this particular — up 33 up Condensation 81 up to gure 2 Figure — Lemordant 26 ss (18). ss medical manual that Revier in German camp language. Le Turning Turning now to those dissertations that dealt specifically with deporta- Initially, Initially, the cases that came to the infirmary presented “rather simple tion, most likely the first medical dissertation likely the first medical tion, most topic be published on this to was that of Guy Robert Lemordant, a highly decorated Resistance member. It was submitted to the Faculty of Medicine of the University of Stras- bio-medicine of professor a Klein, Marc Professor by supervised and bourg who had himself been deported as a Jew to Auschwitz, Gross Rosen, and Patholo- “La Entitled 1946). Klein (see liberated was he where Buchenwald, account personal a part in was thesis Lemordant’s concentrationnaire,” gie phys- the describe to attempt an also was but experience, deportation his of the at prisoners the among illnesses the of timeline manifestationsand ical Melk concentration camp in southern Austria, liberated in April 1945 by the Second Moroccan Division of the French colonial army. According to Lemordant’s account, the Melk camp was “inaugurated” in early June 1944 (Lemordant 1946, 16–17). Wieviorka claims vaguely that he spent most of his time there in the or “infirmary,” mordant writes that he had been designated a prisoner-doctor by the chief was who Chaplinski named doctor Polish a Mauthausen, at doctor prisoner a former student of Gilbert-Dreyfus, of whom we shall speak later, to replace another French prisoner-doctor disliked by the remarks that “it is not possible to overstate the level of horror of our [overcrowded] infirmary,” which became ever morefilthy, crawling with lice, and stinking as the number of the sick and dying kept growing 6,000 deaths a day from pneumonia by April 1945. Initially, had however, struck it him as a “perfectly normal” infirmary, although the prisoner- doctors soon learned that “we were not there to reduce mortality [rates] . . . but to triage and recuperate rapidly the human material available that it could serve so longer” (18). He quotes from an de- prisoner’s a that death,” rapid a is . . . psychosis for treatment only “the allow should one that respectable,”and “perfectly is suicide commit to sire him do so. inflammation of the skin, pathologies: a few cases of pneumonia, pleurisy, best the short, in . . . accidents minor infections, suppurating or phlegmons very changed this But (16–17). circumstances the under for” hope could one infec- of consisted mainly and few relatively were cases the first at If rapidly. tions and acute pneumonia, the numbers grew as the seasons changed: by cases of phlegmons summer, and septicimia resulted in as many deaths as cases of pulmonary infarct; by the fall of 1944, these were the three lead- 82 Cadaverland vitamin deficiencies, and (in German) of “Kollaps” of German) (in and deficiencies, vitamin winter,the by severe death; turberculosis, of causes cases ing more even both drawn from Richet’s work; namely, the pathology of hunger, and the hunger,and of namely,pathology work; the Richet’s from drawn both starvation ing, general in deportee the of pathology the of wrote Rosenscher while Thus, 9). 1946, (Rosenscher view” of point medical “the on specifically more focus disserta- to attempted Lemordant’s tion, unlike but Dachau, at spent Rosenscher months eight upon based was it déporté,” du Faculty pathologie “La Entitled the Medicine. of at nutrition of problems in chair a with hospital, Pitié the working at time that at Richet, Charles Professor by supervised was Paris, to makebetterknowntheconditionsandmiseryofmycomrades” (78). medication andstimulationoftheheart(47–49). intensive available, when despite, recuperation, no was there which from reflexes. Eventually the patients slipped into a nomore between state coma and death, were there finally and anaesthesic; became skin the slowly; more ever beat pulse the with as circulation respiratory; itself then problems, ocular manifest to appeared Kollaps the of progression overall The reached the infirmary were either comatose or had lapsed into indifference. powder wasavailable. for the cases of turberculosis; sometimes he could treat diarrhea if charcoal suppurations. And the prisoner-doctor was helpless, and could do nothing of a variety of internal disorders, such as dysentery, appendicitis, and other symptoms its in formed doubt themostmiserableofallprisoners”(76). a “without Jews, mainly were who suicides, and accidents, severe more tis, to mention growing numbers of cases of nephritis, endocarditis, myocardi- condition physical adequate seemingly a in and ages all of prisoners er Rsnce’ dseain as fo 14 ad h Uiest of University the and 1946 from also disseration, Rosenscher’s Henri order in . . . testimony a is “thesis this concluded, Lemordant all, Above they time the by and cold, winter the with appeared cases “Kollaps” The de- ”) spéciale pathologie (“une pathology generalized a was results What isms incapableofdefendingthemselves.(29) organ- agents, infectious to deliver and effects their accumulated filth and parasites increasing overcrowding, rest, of lack cold, the vitamins, factors different the as complex, more and more becomes beginning, the at simple camp, the of pathology The — he focused more specifically on two sub-pathologies, two on specifically more focused he — — hunger, fatigue, cold, ill-treatment, overcrowd- ill-treatment, cold, fatigue, hunger, for example, “bloody diarrhea” could be a sign a be could diarrhea” “bloody example, for — overwork, denutrition, lack of lack denutrition, overwork, — the sudden death of death sudden the — not Condensation 83

27 gure 2 Figure lead him to some interesting — the reduction of the body to a walk- a to body the of reduction the — up to 80 percent of all cases — For the pathology of overcrowding, Rosenscher also referred to the work the to referred also Rosenscher overcrowding, of pathology the For among diarrhea and inflammation, skin œdema, of rates higher even The The pathology of hunger manifested itself in three phases. According Since the heart is a muscle, a second consequence was of cardiac insuf- The third and final stage was “Allgemeine Korperschwache” (aks or findings on the disruption of metabolic functions due to weight loss and starvation. He reports on the correlation between decreased glucose levels in blood and spinal fluid and the resulting increase in a range of psychic disturbances: from idiocy and mental to delibility, hallucinations and persecution delirium (43). Hunger and the hyperatrophy of the muscles also lead to further psychic disturbances, notably sexual dysfunction, as well as anesthesia of the skin and the inability of skin to scar from cuts. Past 50 percent of initial body weight, weight loss became irreversible, and irreversible, loss became weight, weight initial body 50 percent of Past au- an of reports Rosenscher dead. dropped suddenly just Musselmann the liver pale very a heart, shriveled tiny, “a revealed that case such one on topsy paper” (33). and intestines the thickness of cigarette of Richet on hygienic breakdown, resulting in Buchenwald (where Richet made his observations) in one prisoner block alone of monthly mortality Over- percent. 10 or 1,350 to 1945 April by rising percent, 3.4 or 525 of rates crowding led to the proliferation of a variety of skin infections, dyptheria, death account, Rosenscher’s in where typhus, exanthemic of especially and 1945, March to January from percent; 40 as high as reached Dachau at rates 11,000 deaths out of 30,000 prisoners (54–57). prisoners ing skeleton of mummified skin, weighing about 30 kilos (66 pounds). pathology pathology of overcrowding. He also mentioned in passing “the psychosis spirit” (65). of the German (45) and “the pathology of hunger” to Richet’s calculations, a deportee expended some 3,000 calories a a calories 1,050 was ration prisoner’s The cold. the day from and work through physical the input, and output caloric between discrepancy a such With day. consequences were dramatic. First, came rapid weight loss, then the skin became loose, the stomach hollowed out, the orbits of the eyes also; the to last the being gluteals the quads, (deltoids, away melted literally muscles the loss of all physical strength. go). With this came ficiency:breathlessness, slowing of the pulse, joint pain, and increasing of any physical movement. slowness and clumsiness general body failure), the official name for what was otherwise termed in Musselmänner” “the language camp 84 Cadaverland etain ’ucwt-iknu” uevsd y Champy. by supervised d’Auschwitz-Birkenau,” centration con- de camp du “Aspectspathologiques Hafner’s Joseph 1946, from also tocivillife. fears aboutreadaptation to related often irritability, and instability,memory, of deterioration tion, concentra- in difficulties included problems psychic reported Frequently significantly lowered blood count were all still observable six months later. and epilepsy,paralysis, hysteria, few,neuro-amnesia, were disorders vous ner- specific of number the If fatigue. extreme and fragility pulmonary ing eration. The most of important these cases, he noted, consisted of continu- Lib- after months ten health” of state altered “an in still were whom of 306 deportees, repatriated of files medical 1,000 consulted Rosenscher (68). ill former of percent 7.5 and workers former of percent 7.7 return, their upon Seine, la de Département the in repatriateds 210,549 total some of example, For one of the first studies to concern itself with following up repatriated cases. understood as the loss of the will to live. to will the of loss the as understood diseases werediscovered. pathology particular a of evidence no was accompanied by a pathology. At the same time, he wrote that there was camps the in life of aspect every almost that suggested he word, a In (51). camp” women’s the of pathology pathology,”“the “medical also (36), and pathology” “traumatic (34), pathology” “surgical (26), pathology” “camp listed Hafner dissertations: other the in than longer was dissertation the in discussed pathologies of list the well, As 10). 1946, (Hafner camps eral sev- compare would that pathology comparative a for argued Hafner hand, Finally, a few comments can be made about a third medical dissertation, is his that is strikingly most innovates Rosenscher where perhaps But Not to get especially technical, but “cathexia” generally speaking can be can speaking generally “cathexia” but technical, especially get to Not three weeks[atmost].(12,emphasis added) two– days, several in individual an of death the in results acute that deficiency of syndrome complete a was however] [Here . . . deprivation of periods long very of result a as appeared have normally might cathexias These centuries. in observe to opportunity the had not has world medical the that of cathexias serious tension, nervous of conditions extreme and effort physical superhuman of means by and housing, food, of lack produce in several days by a complex of abnormal conditions of hygiene, But our principal medical surprise . . . was to observe that it is possible to s were considered ill, but of the deportees 65 percent were percent 65 deportees the of but ill, considered were pows , in the sense that no new no that sense the in general, in 29 If, for the sake of argument, of sake the for If, 28 n h one the On an intensity an Condensation 85

30 31 ac- gure 2 Figure Robert’s general diagnostic categories were asthenia (unresponsiveness); asthenia were categories diagnostic general Robert’s For a more concrete example: Doctor Jules Robert, a general practitioner, practitioner, general a Robert, Jules Doctor example: concrete more a For Little by little, dissertation by dissertation, through growing numbers of articles in the scientific medical journals, a central concept of pathology, yet to be fully defined as it covered everything from the appearance“normal” illness to a much ofbroader range of phenomena, was takena up by increasing numbers of medical doctors: neurologists, endocrinologists, epidemiologists, psychiatrists, but next to no psychoanalysts. One young however, visionary, yet to make his mark although in the next decades he would shake French psychoanalysis to its roots, was terribly impressed by Medical Field in Search of Itself, 1945–1953 of Itself, in Search Field A Medical If one of Robert’s pages contained information on six prisoners, he per- entry one example, for So, outside. the on cases hundred six at looked haps reads: 60639 Barry, Francis, F[rench], d.o.b 7/7/17; diagnosis: “in fairly good shape”; transferred out 5/IV/45. extreme thinness; abcess; rheumatism, and so on, and especially (in his spelling) “Kachexie.” This was by far the single most-common diagnostic notation in the notebook, often accompanied by the remark “deceased.” His observations in the field, as it were, appeared dramatically to ability camp’s concentration the at amazement Hafner’s therefore confirm to celerate the onset of cathexia. Freud Freud was right that human life is a losing battle between the life instinct and the death instinct, cathexia might be seen as the sudden release of the in rapid death. resulting former, was deported to Buchenwald from 1943 until the liberation of the camp, staying on afterward to help the surviving deportees. There he kept a notebook on a pad of the thin stationery that prisoners used home twice a to month. Each sheet write of camp stationery had letters room for two let- In this space, Robert ters, in roughly a 5-by-4-inch space, on one side only. wrote each prisoner’s serial number, name, date of birth, and nationality, date of death if death had occurred. He had enough room for a two-line diagnosis of the prisoner’s condition. His notebook is about one hundred pages long, and followed the serial numbers 60578–69493, 81189–81527, 85098 and various numbers not in sequence, for a total of under 10,000 prisoner numbers, assuming they were which all is accounted not for, very gaps. numbering with but sequential roughly is page typical a since likely 86 Cadaverland Dreyfus, and Targowla and Dreyfus, of thepost–ww1politicalandmedicalbattlesforveteranpensionreform. veteran a himself was and Worldveterans, Waramong I symptoms logical psycho- late-appearing long-term, on 1930s the in work significant done had Targowla Targowla. René Dr. as such luminaries neurological with 1950s, the title of the 1956 textbook on the subject co-authored by Richet, by co-authored subject the on textbook 1956 the of title the 1950s, eventually came to be known as “the by pathology the of mid- deportation” what pioneered They circumstances. the to according go and come would doctors oner immediate purposes is that he was part of a group of former deported pris- our for important More chapter). next the in discuss we’ll work scientific whose (and training medical his by endocrinologist an Fichez, Louis Dr. to unknown locations, if they still exist at all. The then-head of the clinic was told, was I as years, the over longer,“disappeared” any having exist period they are. For instance, none of the patient files from the immediate postwar newspaper, houses on its upper floors the building same The clinic. medical other any like all to open but members federation to restricted longer no day, this to exists clinic Leroux rue The Jean Moulin would be established in the late 1940s on the outskirts of Paris. center for rest and readaption hero named and after martryr the Resistance a Later, members. federation for “arrondissement” sixteenth bourgeois resis- patriot and hadveryquicklysetupamedicaldispensaryontherueLerouxin tants, internees, deportees, of federations national munist The could. it however proceeded health of state upon itbyademoralizedcountry”(1947). “incumbent tasks the face to had felt, he particular, in psychiatry French power.Postwar of abuse the of forms new to lead would surely this Lacan, wrote increase,” only will psyche the upon acting of means the of opment of reintegration civil the as well as troops British of demobilization the in psychoanalysts of deployment sive ing of commando units and disturbanceamongcivilpopulations,incombattrain- the extentofmental minimizing in psychiatry British of uses wartime the noted Lacan Jacques effects of war. Returned in the fall of 1945 from a five-week stay in England, the potential applications of psychiatry and psychoanalysis in reversing the In their scientific work, “the gang offour” gang “the work, scientific their In Meanwhile, the work of description and observation of the returnees’ the of observation and description of work the Meanwhile, , as well as the federation archives, such as such archives, federation the as well as , Résistant Patriote Le — Charles Richet, Gilbert-Dreyfus, and Michel Uzan Michel and Gilbert-Dreyfus, Richet, Charles — were the principal figures; the other associates other the figures; principal the were raf pilots, not to mention the equally impres- fndirp editorial offices of its long-running s. “In a century in which the devel- the which in century a “In pows. — , one of the Com- the of one fndirp, ihz Rce, Gilbert- Richet, Fichez, — along Condensation 87 gure 2 Figure he also liked — his exact dates are untrace- — an oscillation was set up between physiological between up set was oscillation an — and the next chapter will focus upon these devel- — La presse médicale, 6 June, 1959, Fonds Marianne Hamburger, He looked back upon this period as well as his attempts at being at attempts his as well as period this upon back looked He 32 with a Master’s student in recalled history, the group’s battles with — One of the key French postwar debates where many of these issues came came issues these of many where debates postwar French key the of One Similarly, a parallel oscillation occurred between doing medical research medical doing between occurred oscillation parallel a Similarly, As for the group’s politics, Fichez was very likely a life-long Communist a writer as the follies of youth when he acceded to the chair of clinical medi- clinical of chair the to acceded he when youth of follies the as writer a cine at the University of Paris Medical Faculty in 1959 (see his inaugural discourse in Alliance Israëlite Universelle Archives). statuslegal the from deriving implications pension the concerned together of what it meant in law to be a deportee, a debate that dragged on well into the early 1950s. As of May 1945, when repatriation got seriously underway, the status of deportee was fixed by decree and, as we have seen,deportees, political (pows, indiscriminately together lumped deportees of types all stos, not to mention Jews). All returnees received a small sum of money opments in greater detail greater in opments longer much lasted both but consequences, psychological their and effects they would. than had been assumed and doing politics, initially within the medical profession for its conservatism, and more broadly as concerned pension issues pertaining to the classification of non-military former deportees. Fichez, in what was likely one of his last interviews in the mid-1990s able the National Academy of Medicine, and the ignorance of their medical colleagues regarding the effects of famine and malnutrition, although they were all too personally and professionally familiar with obesity (quoted in 1996,76-77). Vernant institu- bloc Soviet with connections certainlymaintainedprofessional and he but not; was Richet 1980s. the in career working his of end the until tions medical and state of reform the to career prestigious his of much devote did work. scientific his of implications social the grasp to inability institutions’ Gilbert-Dreyfus was a Communist for a while after the war Fichez, Fichez, and Albert Mans. In 1945, though, what to call it was still in flux: had published on “psychic aesthenia,” Targowla a Janetian term used for a while afterward, but, as we saw in the dissertations, Richet, for example, wavered for several years as to whether the object of study concerned the long-term effects of malnutrition, famine, or what he also called as late as 1959 “states of physiological distress” misère (“ psychologique ”; see Targowla 1945). In other words fast cars. fast 88 Cadaverland seemed to care much, in the end Nobody political? a Waschild meaningless: Jewish was the or Jew aged the politicals as internees and deportees all Fi- designating that (155). notes she nally, deportation” the than Resistance internal] the of [history the about more much is “it discussion: the from evacuated simply is universe concentrationary War,the Cold and the about fact in is debate second this writes, Wieviorka As 1947. and 1945 between popularity in peak electoral the Communists who had been allies of Nazi Germany until the latter attacked French the about do to what over debate violent a to led internees political medals, and honors (150, 156). privileges, Second, the other category of deportees transport and public lifetime card, identity special a with sistants Re- of class prestigious especially an created legislature, the of chambers both by adopted unanimously Resistance, the of internees and deportees we’ll just mention her main points here. First, that the first new category of so 143–57), (1992, Wieviorka by analysis detailed of pages fifteen given République, is la de Conseil the in June until on went and March in began which debate, The internees.” political and “deportees and Resistance,” This newdebateproposedtwodefinitions:“deporteesandinterneesofthe witness. expert an was Richet Assembly,where National the in place took that debate a deportee, a was who define to 1948 in attempts renewed saw excluded the majority of deported refugee Jews. The vagueness of the ruling thereby which citizen, French a be to was condition one the enemy; the by term the cials. At the same time, Article 9 of the decree gave a very broad definition to No distinction was among established deportees between politicals and ra- suit. new a and francs French 3,000 extra an received deportees Political of case the in renewable time, vacation some and work of the commission saw an opportunity for the first applied research applied first the for opportunity an saw commission the of work The internees. and deportees of pensions the review to commission a ated cre- 1951 January 5 of law a Finally hospitals. Assistance Public at portees de- former among up showed turberculosis late-appearing of cases 1951, through 1949 From camps.” the of pathology particular very “the called article Security,1951 cial a in Fichez what of manifestations continuing the So- and Health of ministries the in authorities the of attention the to draw to trying kept notably Richet and Fichez of work the as so, particularly and Jewish institutions. Still, this debate did not clarify the pension status of many deportees, many of status pension the clarify not did debate this Still, ussr, even if they afterward became and resistants had experienced an — pretty much anyone transferred out of France and incarcerated and France of out transferred anyone much pretty — not even the representatives of the major ad deportees. and pows Condensation 89 gure 2 Figure Le Patriote résistant of the resistant and political deportees. If — La pathologie des ). déportés It also proposed and only for — fndirp entitled This episode in which the new medical research field, through political period; also the undated collection of documents published later in 1953 or 1954 by the on concentrationary pathology. The commission itself included Fichez and and Fichez included itself commission The pathology. concentrationary on Richet, among the four doctors representing deportee recognized decree new associations, a 1953, May and In rapporteur. Commission as Targowla totalof methods “the cir- that pathological unforeseen created had . . . war cumstances” not taken into account by the barometers previously used to determine pensions for war victims. It called instead for “a differential diagnosis” as proposed by Targowla as a means of establishing pension at- tribution according to a new “special barometer” barème (“ spécial ”; see Ver- nant 1996, 80–82, who draws heavily on issues of a claimant could show that his or her condition had not been present prior to deportation, following the usual investigation by the police, certificates, and the like, the claim would be medical granted by presumption (“par présomption”), even in the absence of definitive proof that the illness had been contracted during deportation, if the political or resistant deportee could show the identity card that certified him or her as such (quoted in fndirp document collection, n.d., 252). The list of now pensionable illnesses included varieties of arthritis, gastrointenstinal and cardiological the of genitaldisorders female of range a asthenia, denutritional disorders, vulva, vagina, and uterus, as well as assorted chronic lesions and tumors (fndirp document collection, 246–50). justifications the into findings its introduce to beginning was associations, for state decisions, was hardly the end of the matter. On the the contrary, politics of scientific debate about the consequences of deportation were in France and elsewhere. merely getting under way, upward revisions of pension allocation percentages for a whole range of ill- of range whole a for percentages allocation pension of revisions upward ness presentation for fi gure Displacement 3 The process by which energy (cathexis) is transferred from one mental image to another. . . . More generally, the process by which the individual shifts interests from one object or activity to another in such a way that the latter becomes an equivalent or substitute for the other. rycroft, A Critical Dictionary of Psychoanalysis, 1968, 35

The Pathology of Catastrophe

In the previous chapter, we saw how the figure of the concentration camp survivor eventually came to center upon one particular idea; namely, that the survivor was the physical and psychical incarnation of the pathological — the abnormal — as a result of having been made by the Nazis into the unwilling subject of a drastic experimental intensification of external forces. The camps were sites of the deliberate acceleration of “normal” biology: hunger, starvation, cold, overwork, and fear, all combining to rapidly bring about the end point of physical processes prematurely. Ageing, wasting away, Kollaps, the reduction of physical movement, and the loss of the will to live, as far as the physical body went; asthenia and premature senescence for the neurological systems; and this was only the beginning of the medical findings. As Leo Eitinger, the doyen of the first generation of survivor researchers, put it in the late 1990s:

The newly released prisoners had no one left, there was nowhere for them to go, they were completely through with their own lives, and they hadn’t the faintest idea what to do with the new life so unexpectedly granted them. [For the new international organizations that looked after them] . . . the individual person was, as yet, of very little importance. . . . Indeed, the individual had no right to decide for himself, to determine his own 90 Displacement 91 most gure 3 Figure — were by and large and by were — and these were far fewer than the many the than fewer far were these and — the overarching term that I use to group them to- was the first name given to what subsequently was subsequently what to given name first the was — — Ch’urban — pathology of deportation, also derived from the medical training kz Syndrome Eitinger added that at the time two possible actions might help Jewish That the unprecedented set of circumstances confronting survivors fate. . . . [The Jewish] ex-prisoners . . . themselves were not capable of understanding their new circumstances, so different from the world of 769) had dreamed. (1998, which they more who simply were abandoned to their own devices own their to abandoned were simply who more all viewed as manifestations of the pathological or the psychopathological. While various diagnostic labels would emerge for these states called the Holocaust and later the Shoah. In part also, it is in contexts of range because broader the covered later, catastrophe,”seen be will as “the which the survivor will in turn experience displacement. survivors in One particular. was that they could somehow make it to Israel and start new lives there. The second, and another form of displacement, was that “scientific studies,” as he himself would were Norway, “needed to describe life shortlyin the concentration camps and undertake the in Here, (769). survival” camp concentration to reactions long-term and short remove one at provide might effects camp concentration of studies medical disorientationa replacement for the of the former prisoners. same the at were they if even doctors, medical some to fascinating be would time personally appalled by what the survivors had been through, is not surprising. The physicians were the ones with the appropriate training to around concept central the Further, deterioration. physical understand best which their observations would crystallize in the French context particularly, the of the neuropsychiatrists involved; it was an integral part of the dogmatic underpinnings of their profession. And yet, as shall be seen in the was there pres- survivor, the over condensation figurative given even chapter, ent fun- involving approached, be would this which by ways different for room displace- such is It practice. medical of ethics the over differences damental ments that we focus upon here. As will those also survivors be seen below, attention medical receive did who gether is “the pathology of catastrophe,” following Marc Dworzecki (see below). In part, this is because the Hebrew and Yiddish word for “the catastrophe” notably 92 Cadaverland The Somatologists, 1945–1948 . Notably, in the case of women deportees, these included: “sequelae included: these deportees, women Notably,of logical. case the in all were presentations pensionable of list revised the 1950s, early sion reform and illness eligibility reclassification led by the astimepassed. a separationbecameeverhardertomaintain and so on) than they were with the psychological. But, as we shall see, such dysfunction, glandular system, digestive the heart, (the systems bodily for incarceration camp concentration of consequences the with preoccupied primary concernofmedicalscienceiscrisesthebodily. boundaries will return again and again in various forms, in part because the of problem this either.So sleep during ceases activity physical if as not it’s so, even but, life, psychic into turns life somatic which at point precise the one instance, could say that the phenomenon of sleep (and so dreaming) is For two. the separate clearly to matter simple a not is it seen, just have we as However, psyche.” “the of that namely soma, the of that than concept inner “affective experience.” But this in turn calls for a different organizing ample, postulates that such reactions may be constitutive of an individual’s ex- for Psychology, complex? or simple reactions such are “reactions,” of origins of points be may body the of systems receptor or sensory the that agree generally sciences medical If here. diverge also sciences medical ous vari- The which? so, if and, “emotions” of carriers system muscular and the nervous system “feel” and if so, in what sense? Similarly, are the organs ways, but where the differences between the two have become blurred. Does many in split mind-body the of revival a effect, in complicated: more come receptors orareconduitsforthesensory. nerve have organs, generative the and system nervous autonomic the ing pancreas, and other glands. All of these organs and bodily systems, includ- liver, ducts, and bladders kidney, intestines, stomach, canal, alimentary muscles, organs, and tissues the individual: mortal a up make that body body the of cells the all to refers soma the thought, medical modern In plant.) Hindu mythological a from derived tablet ecstasy-producing an figure to World, novel 1932 his in word the of use Huxley’s Aldous with do to ing The word As noted at the end of the previous chapter, with the campaign for pen- for campaign the chapter,with previous the of end the at noted As more be to tended somatologists the terms chapter this whom Those be- matters systems sensory bodily of content the of question the With soma in classical Greek means the body, or bodily. (This has noth- — with the exception of germ cells germ of exception the with — and all those parts of the of parts those all and fndirp in the Brave New Brave somato- Displacement 93

psas absence gure 3 Figure minimize problems, and an most likely because such people could not have sur- — no cases of hemiplegias, Parkinson’s, multiple sclerosis, brain — More generally, what Targowla now termed what Targowla “post-concentrationary More aes- generally, Targowla, Targowla, in his dual capacity as Commission rapporteur and neuro- In so doing, he was struck by the rarity of grand neurological syn- vived long in camp conditions. Other than some belated head sequelae wounds, nerve damage, migraines, and four cases from of facial paralysis, most Targowla’s striking observation was that nearly all cases of nephritis (renal illness) and polynephritis, initially widespread, had regressed with- with major psychopathic syndromes, out apparent consequence. Similarly, he noted very few cases of chronic depressive delirium, schizophrenia, psychosis or among manic- concentration camp survivors. Some sixty [lasting [lasting consequences] from traumatic lesions and mechanical troubles at the level of the female genital apparatus”; chronic infectious functional troubles lesions; (e.g., dysmenorrhea, endocrinal problems); benign or malignant neoformations (polyps, fibroids, tumors); sequelae from surgical ablation (ovarectomies, hysterectomies); and obstetric complications des déportés n.d., 249–51). Archives,La pathologie (fndirp thenic syndrome” (pcas) was not to be confused with neuraesthenia, nor neuro-psychaesthenic states, nor psychoses, nor hysteria. Rather, presented as specificaetiological and pathological factors,of previous the absence psycho- or neuro-pathic factors, and a clinical marked by presentation a tendency to dissimulate or of diffuse complaints, compared to the theatricality and egocentrism of classical hysteria. Where hysteria was an illness of extroversion, deportee Targowla as neurasthenia,” “involutive or introversion, of one was asthenia put it (1954a, 62). psychiatric expert, made some remarks that are useful in further definition of what he termed “neuro-psychic post-concentrationary pathology.” For one, he indicated that concentrationary pathology was a branch of the pathology of war, but surpassing combat pathology in importance. The “originality” of what deportees experienced stemmed not just from mass concentration, but also from having been part of a deliberate process of “produktiv ,” Vernichtung (productive annihilation), the ated destruction massive, of “human elements” (177). Having personally examined acceler- resistants, them of majority the 1946, since deportees hundred twelve some Targowla sketched out the state of sequelae (lasting consequences). the study of the neuro-psychiatric dromes tumors, or the like 94 Cadaverland sponded exactly to psychomotor asthaenia. psychomotor to exactly sponded corre- that activity intellectual of failures into translated here tension, cal of generalizedmuscularfatiguewasadiminishmentauditorycapacity. aspects the of One headaches. and tibia, the in pain knees, the at felt tions and marked by chest pain, breathlessness, heaviness of the limbs, constric- day,the throughout effort physical to due exhaustion as also but morning, the in especially lassitude, general a as themselves manifested symptoms muscular or motor The symptoms. neuro-vegetative and mental, motor, deportees (178). This was a three-dimensional form of neurasthaenia, with common residual symptom of the camps”: namely, the asthaenia of former “the Targowlatermed presentation, its of constancy of the and frequency because its that, ensemble morbid a was survivors deportation political and sion andanxiousmelancholythatrarelyrecurred. confu- mental transitory of instances few a by marked was however, self, it- Repatriation observed. were cyclothemia or psychosis periodic of cases bone pain; back and knee pain; dizziness; fear of falling; inability to sleep to inability falling; of fear dizziness; pain; knee and back pain; bone but atthesametimehealsofeared thatpainfulmemorieswouldresurge. preferred solitude.Hismalaise diminishedwhenwithhiscampcomrades, he out; him wore society him; oppressed crowd the noise; stand couldn’t sive irascibility which explodes for pointless reasons.” The former deportee impul- [and] irritability, with allied emotivity, excessive and abnormal of excessively dwelt upon. The subject was “morose and worried, pessimistic, pulsions.” Ordinary daily activities were experienced painfully, and worries nution of activity. Desire weakened, as did sexual interest and “sentimental with psycho-motoradynamism,formaclinicalcomplex”(180). which, . . . paresthesia anxiety,instability, emotional depression, “moral affected: also were sensibility and affectivity symptomatology, functional such to addition In eyes. and forehead the in pain and ety,powerlessness, anxi- produced performance poor evident increasingly subject’s the which in on, so and association, ideas, memory,attention, of tests of range a in was derived from morose rumination. Such pleasure psychic fatigue certain appeared clearly a time, same the at incomplete; perception vague, ideas addresses, phone numbers. Attention was diminished, thoughts distracted, most frequently: the inability to take in new information; forgetting names, sci atana o wa Jnt a cle a oeig f psychologi- of lowering a called had Janet what or asthaenia, Psychic of examination clinical methodical the of finding” “capital The Deportees suffered neuro-vegetative sensory troubles as well: head and head well: as troubles sensory neuro-vegetative suffered Deportees As Targowla noted, affective depression was equivalent to a dimi- a to equivalent was Targowladepression As affective noted, 1 Memory troubles were noted were troubles Memory resistants resistants Displacement 95 hys- eight gure 3 Figure -rays of the skull, encephalograms, and lumbar punctures did not X Finally, Finally, Targowla described two characteristic “functional visceral syn- If such was Targowla’s clinical description of the asthaenia of deportees, of asthaenia the of description clinical Targowla’s was such If How then did Targowla situate post-concentrationary asthaenic syn- progres- diagnostic historical the through went then Targowla said, That neurasthae- later and hysteria of origins the on work Nineteenth-century at night; nightmares; anguished wakening with heavy sweating; nightly and daily incontinence. dromes”: heart and digestive problems, separately or in combination. The heart troubles were “essentially subjective,” that is, independent of clinical lesional symptomatology observable through radiology or electric- any ity (182). Digestive problems were also neurotonic. Laboratory examinations, reveal consistent abnormalities. perhaps one of its most striking traits was its latency phase (183). An initial period of convalescence was followed by a period of apparent health, but this only lasted several weeks, even at times up to two years. Targowla mentioned several patients in whom the affectation appeared in 1953, years after their return. drome within the larger neuro-psychiatric context? perhaps, Surprisingly, he described it as “a neurosis in the classical sense of the term,” or what crises.” without “hysteria called have would time his of others and Charcot of refinements subsequent and century, nineteenth the of end the from sion the definition of neurasthenia, from very broad to increasingly precise. He concluded that there were two categories of neurasthaenia: primitive and symptomatic, with post-concentrationary syndrome taking either form in any case. added Targowla that what “the ancient authors” had termed teria major developed on a particular terrain unknown to them at the time; fundamental asthaenia (186). neuro-psychic namely, nia (hysteria without crises) had attributed its violent emotional states to under- conditions, slum sleep, insufficient overwork, as such factors social alcohol- tuberculosis, and infections with along poverty, and nourishment, ism, and chronic rheumatisms. Some of these causes could be attributed to hereditary predispositions, but also could be acquired without any predisposition. To be sure, some deportees showed hereditary constitutional elements that could translate into the clinical profile (paranoidcies, obsessions, tenden- etc.). But, for the most part, the condition of deportees had been, so to speak, created under experimental conditions “colossally amplified” by the torturers. The study of concentrationary illness and its 96 Cadaverland consequences of deportation. “Targowla syndrome” was in effect a later a effect in was syndrome” “Targowla deportation. of consequences the over war the after circles medical in discussions emerging the in did, Not all doctors have a medical syndrome named after them; René Targowla rené targowla (1894–1973) gowla himself. Tar-with beginning somatologists, the call I men these about more thing beginning toformatthistime. scientific emerging an identified Targowla Gilbert-Dreyfus, and Richet colleagues his of work the to specifically references various his by Third, categories. diagnostic these of exactitude the refined process the in and neurasthenia, themselves. patients of and public, the doctors, of minds the in symptomology jective sub- its and neurasthaenia with associated prejudices the against struggle and(2)to constitutional conditionindependentofexternalcircumstances, a as neurasthaenia of conception erroneous the counter to (1) aim: dual a had thus asthaenia,” “deportee term the of Adoption syndrome. asthenic geny of “neurasthenia” and Alfred Gilbert-Dreyfus now made it Richet possible to identify precisely the patho- Charles of work the in presented as physiology pathological field research larger own his addressed also Targowla though, this, than More actions. state change to attempt the upon findings scientific new bear to illness often coincidedwiththeattemptedreturntonormaldailyactivities. phase latency the of end The developed. asthaenia of symptoms first the tions. This had produced a terrain of neuro-psychic depression upon which not occurred under “the most favorable” psychological and practical condi- had life civil to readaptation returnees’ the that fact the factor: final one by triggered cases many in were deportees, of asthaenia late-presenting the according tothemostrecenthypotheses,inhypothalamus. life, vegetative of regulators central the of disequilibrium a survivors, in changes anatomical Before returning to this theme, however, it may be useful to learn some- learn to useful however,be theme, may this it to returning Before In the context of the commission for pension reform, Targowlareform, pension for commission brought the of context the In an not was survivors camp to common syndrome residual the Finally, with along distress,” “physiological substratum its and misery” “Moral — specific to former deportees; but a well-known neuropsychiatry , whose development in France and beyond was beyond and France in development whose network, discourse 2 , was evident and tended to be located, be to tended and evident was affectivity, including — — namely, despite the reversibility of functional and n h hsoy f t dbts vr ytra and hysteria over debates its of history the in — if involuted — neur- Displacement 97 gure 3 Figure Targowla’s Targowla’s thinking was formed by his experience in the mid-1930s of The cases examined by Targowla and colleagues Maurice Pignède and had In been the associated 1920s, with Targowla the pioneering work of name name for what Targowla termed, as we have just seen, deportee asthenia not was latter the however, saw, also we As 1987). Abalan 1962; (Dworzecki in the end a condition entirely specific to concentration camp detention as condition. of a neurasthaenic inward displacement much as the I veterans still troubled War by symptoms examining up World to eighteen years after their wartime According injury. to the work of independent researcher Gregory Thomas, after evaluating eighty-nine cases where trou- their that concluded “Targowla period, latency long a after reappeared bles physical the to sequels lingering fact in not were symptoms post-traumatic trauma, but rather ‘banal,’ subjective troubles which appeared in conjunc- tion with arteriosclerosis” (Thomas 2003, 37; see also It Targowla was 1936). the patient, according to Targowla, who incorrectly attributed his symptoms to the wartime based injury, on an association between present suffered originally. symptoms and those Paul Abély (1930) revealed scores of men who continued to suffer from illnesses with psychological components years after their wartime injuries. As Thomas notes, these veterans had not succeeded in reintegrating into af- with and war of memories recurrent with plagued were They life. normal Their wounds. physical of effects lingering the as well as symptoms, fective On pensions. inadequate to due financial, as well as “moral” were problems they mentally alienated, as classified been not had they as side, “bright” the had at least avoided the fate of their more traumatized comrades, locked unable to see their families. away in asylums, often for many years and a prominent Edouard psychiatrist Toulouse, (and socialist and freemason) who in 1922 established the first “open” psychiatric service at Sainte-Anne Hospital in Paris. The Service libre de prophylaxie mentale was more an outpatient clinic for mildly psychopathic cases, and supported by laboratory facilities and a Although dispensary. it did possess wards, these were very different from the main hospital’s locked wards. As an open facility, Toulouse’s Service could circumvent the strict legal requirements for vol- untaryinvoluntaryestablishedof and asylums law to the admissions under 1838. Indeed, among other things, work Toulouse’s was a grim commentary on the wretched state of French public asylums (a further unsuccessful reform of the latter upon Liberation will be discussed in the next chapter). Patients requiring psychotherapy at the service were seen by Eugène 98 Cadaverland without alengthymedico-political struggletobringaboutchange. neglect social of margins the into pushed result, a as and, events the after long war of dimensions many the by traumatized patients of recuperation the to nor reform, social to averse not was field this that deportees, while still firmly grounded in classical neuropsychiatry, showed Targowla’s work in pension reform with former branchesofasylum psychiatry. ofthemoreestablished highly contestatory significantly, these Most new thereafter.currents of thinking decades about and for treating mental illness last were would that psychoanalysts and of the first institutional confrontations among psychiatrists, psychologists, period important an in milieu had been treated at Henri-Rousselle at treated been had Rambon,adoublemurderer,alone. Onenewspaperreportedthatacertain Paris in cases mental thousand hundred a cure could he that claim posed sup- and “megalomania” his mocked opponents His there. be not should mass” “an of important patients currently was sequestered in asylums who book, 1896 his in argued had but certain, very not was himself Toulouse service. “open” an by treated be could patients tal men- of numbers still what and kind what were concerned issue central The doctors called. illness mental as “alienists,” among particularly and profession medical the in debates bitter triggered creation, its supported politically who senator the after Henri-Rousselle Hôpital the renamed was Ohayon 1999,26–36). we also encounter later in this chapter (on Toulouse, see Thomas 2004; also Minkowski, a highly significant figure in French interwar psychiatry whom like Minkowski. psychiatrists phenomenological and Lagache, Daniel like and Lacan psychoanalysts Jacques influential subsequently with together worked ogy psychol- experimental of supporters where experimentation, social and research for center a became rapidly Henri-Rousselle profession, medical the of jealousies and uproar the Despite research. psychological applied of laboratories first the of one of Henri-Rousselle at existence the of because largely treatment, in than research in interested more was Toulouse that ers were on the loose there (see Ohayon 1999, 34). Other opponents claimed From this brief overview, we can see that Targowla came out of a medical As Annick Ohayon points out (1999), Toulouse’s Service, which in 1926 in which Toulouse’sService, (1999), out points Ohayon Annick As 3 Henri-RoussellewasabsorbedbySainte-Anne in1941. — one of intellectual ferment, and especially and ferment, intellectual of one — effectively suggesting that murder- that suggesting effectively pows, and ultimately with , that folie, la de causes Les — although not although Displacement 99 and, — gure 3 Figure fils focused on Treatise Treatise of Medico- fils followed the family path into père was also a man of varied other he was a pilot during World War I — His also father, Charles (Robert) Richet, was a 4 fils’ medical studies took place during the War First World (1923). It was gently received by current lead- current by received gently was It (1923). Métapsychique de Traité During the interwar period, the scientific work of Richet charles richet (1882–1967) richet charles deportation, of pathology the of study the in colleague principal Targowla’s Charles Richet, in many ways continued where the former’s work left off, dis- a from came Richet endocrinology. of field medical different the in but tinguished medical family. His grandfather, Professor Alfred Richet, who teaching his capped Paris, in hospital Hôtel-Dieu the at surgery taught long with a celebrated Treatise of Medico-Surgical Anatomy, considered at the time “an original effort” to bring to both medicine and surgery the latest developments in anatomy. world-renowned physiologist (France’s first Nobel winner in physiology in physiology in winner Nobel first (France’s physiologist world-renowned 1913), and the originator of the attempt to bring together physiology and psychology, publishing late in his career, following academic custom, a massive ing psychologists such as Janet. Richet interests, especially aviation early in the twentieth century, helped Breguet develop brothers. He the was equally fascinated helicopter by psychic with phenomena and, the during the First World War, developed a plan mental energy for (C. R. Richet 1916). Richet rockets propelled by assis- or pressure no with obituaries, his of one to according but, medicine tance from his father. The two would together publish a Surgical Physiology where they aligned clinical medicine and physiological thought. Richet and focused on infectious diseases. In 1917, at Marseille, he was one of the first doctors to detect the cholera infection. He fought in the Dardanelles him impressed deeply which order, first the of disaster military a campaign, with the suffering and death of troops in miserable conditions, camped on the beaches under heavy shelling. problems of nutrition and the physiology of nutrition, the study of the pathologies of nutrition, such as famine, as well as the published endocrinal he collaborators, basis several with of 1931, In problems. neuro-muscular France’s in alimentarythe populations on indigenous book of a conditions agronomist, an doctor, a by carefully examined was territory Each colonies. at the lives, health, and The book also looked and a colonial administrator. work habits of native populations in relation to agricultural development de- in interested very was He supplies. food of production adequate the and 100 Cadaverland but also as the “normal” condition of life among the popular classes of classes popular the among life of condition “normal” the as also but campaigns; among what we today term the homeless and battered women; colonial and life military in whether concerns, Richet’s of many of center key figuresofthesomatologicalapproach. all Fichez, Louis and Uzan, Henri Gilbert-Dreyfus, Alfred with co-written topic, this on paper 1948 short a at look we Here distress.” “physiological gion ofHonoralongwiththeGermanCross. Le- French the of Cross Grand the mentioned: be should these of two only of many national and international honors, Richet stipulated in his will that recipient The (fir). Résistants des Internationale Fédération the war,and of times in doctors of neutrality the for movements peace with associated was Richet speech), of him deprive would eventually that throat the of cer insufficiency, andthepathologyofsocialmisery. cal furthering the understanding of this pathology in both scientific and politi- (Richet 1962 by editions three leading scholars by the mid-1950s, his textbook on the topic going through the study of “the pathology of deportation,” in which he was one of France’s later scientific and humanitarian efforts were entwined predominantly with his But him. for especially created Medicine, of Faculty Paris of University the at problems alimentary in chair university a given later was and 1940; in Medicine of Academy National the to admitted been had He Children. 1966). (Debré experience” the by marked forever remain would soul “His it, put the in obituary 1966 his As 1945. April 14 on liberated was Richet Charles 1945). Richet and Richet, (Richet, experiences their about book a wrote jointly and survived three All Bergen-Belsen. then and Dora wald; his wife Jacqueline, to Ravensbrück; and their son Olivier was sent to oned at Fresnes on 20 May. On 21 January 1944, he was deported to Buchen- by France’scollapsebeforetheWehrmacht inJune1940. la France et sa natalité.” Six months later, the “Phony War” began, followed particularly in France, publishing in 1939 an article entitled “La Destinée de development, national on impact their and rates, birth trends, mographic ) a a the at was physiologique ”) (“misère distress physiological of notion The of idea the is work Richet’s all through running themes key the of One can- (despite congresses numerous at topics these on speak to Invited Sick for Hospital the to appointed was Richet Paris, to return his After impris- and 1943 spring in activities Resistance for arrested was Richet milieux, as well as publishing on the related topics of famine, alimentary 1958). He devoted the rest of his life to life his of rest the devoted He 1958). fils Presse Médicale Presse Displacement 101 gure 3 Figure weight loss to as authors. “For between between “For authors. four fatigue was an even more constant observation after the return to normal life. They went on to identify major The central illustration of physiological distress is that of concentration They began by remarking on the high numbers of camp comrades who some, which in forms, reversible the were scale the of end opposite the At In some women, however, the four (Richet, Gilbert-Dreyfus, Uzan, and Physical and intellectual many poor countries, particularly in the Far East. However, up to this time, this to up However, East. Far the in particularly countries, poor many less even and distress, physiological on done been had work scientific little so on its sequelae. all by experienced deportation,personally camp categories of the symptoms of physiological distress: first, one to four years, subjects dwelled in fear or rather anxiety, simultaneously anxiety, rather or fear in dwelled subjects years, four to one victims of both material promiscuity and familial, gender and moral isola- narrow in packed overworked, sleep, of deprived unheated, underfed, tion, 1948, al. et (Richet infections” intestinal and skin with afflicted and rooms, 649). As all four authors had had occasion since Liberation to observe “a large number of deportees,” the observations reported in the paper were felt to be generalizable to other varieties of the aetiology of physiological distress. died within days of Liberation, many as a result of fatal diarrhea provoked by sudden excessive food intake; others, having depleted all their physical reserves, “went out like lamps that had run out of oil”; whereas still others survived for several weeks before they rapidly succumbed, affected by the “irreversible” forms of physiological distress. regained remarkably, their health or at least the appearance of it. Between these two extremes were a large number of “slowly reversible” forms and Richet forty-five. over those among especially of alimentaryinsufficiency, his colleagues made passing reference to the striking fact of the late presentation of pulmonary or other forms of tuberculosis whose symptoms appear only low as 40 kilos that, three years had after, only risen to 60 kilos. The cause was not skeletal,both body fat and muscle. but due to the loss of Fichez) observed “curious oscillations” of this pattern: weight gains of up attrib- obesity, water-retention considerable by followed month a kilos 5 to many in but transitory, utable sometimes shock, affective and emotional to cases permanent. than weight loss, coming with any kind of exertion. In its discrete form, physical fatigue presented as a painful sensation in the legs. More acutely, the patient had to sit down, or often required prolonged periods of bed- 102 Cadaverland hr cnldd ht t a “luoy t tik ht ujcs ol, after could, subjects that think to “illusory” was it that concluded thors au- four the Overall, states. civilian comparable to proportion of out not although anemia, nutritional or caloric of frequency relative the and mia, hypoglyce- of cases of number large very a noting than other sequelae, tify returned totheirnormalperiodicity. able frequency. But, in most cases, except for women over forty, the menses consider- of was periods) of (absence Amenorrhea premature. was pause meno- women older in and delayed, often was puberty deportees, former female young Among asthenia. general of aspect an original, emotional an of was impotence that assumed they find stigmata, to endocrinal of unable evidence were authors to the As proportional premature. and also normal both were aging, but distress, physiological of characteristic be attributedtovasomotordifficulties. could manifestations nervous frequent the of most However, socialize. to asthaenia turned into what the authors called “social apraxia,” the inability gowla) or “affective anaesthesia” (Minkowski). Numerous cases of psycho- (Tar-asthenia” “affective of speak could one that point the to affective, the of realm the in observed be could manifestations minor Many eliminated. inthefaeces. starch of levels high of persistence the and juices digestive of lack to tributable at- absorption, food of problems to related were often troubles Digestive colitis. and diarrhea recurring with perturbed, remained functions tinal Gastrointes- unaffected. appeared also functions Hepatic disequilibrium. civilian years,mightnotayearof“physiologicaldistress”countforfour? two to body the on toll its in equivalent was campaigning military of year of state general a be may latter the that hypothesized senility.or,premature thologies of rather,onset then the They represented were these whether of question important the raised authors The instability. vasomotor to due thermophobia with associated seemed that hypothermia to subject was core bodily central day.The the in persomnia hy- or night at insomnia with often difficult, was Sleep exaggerated. often less irreversible muscular atrophy. Although appetite was conserved, it was or more by part, in caused, be to appeared fatigue to resistance in crease rest At the glandular level, the picture was not clear enough for them to iden- were men, in semi-impotence or impotence including problems, Genital Psychic troubles were frequent, even when post-infectious factors had been cardiovascular lasting of evidence little found they time, in point this At — in one case, for thirty-seven months following Liberation. The de- The Liberation. following months thirty-seven for case, one in . If a If aging. accelerated pa- really Displacement 103 gure 3 Figure never used his firstname, perhaps This 1948 then, paper, quite clearly laid out the somatological terrain in In France, endocrinology was initially experimental and physiological, Born 17 August 1902 in Raincy to the east of Paris, Gilbert-Dreyfus’ was he that eulogy obituary Gilbert-Dreyfus’ in speculated Bricaire Henri [alfred] gilbert-dreyfus (1902–1989) [alfred] gilbert-dreyfus For reasons unknown, Gilbert-Dreyfus years of physiological misery, years be of brought physiological back misery, to their previous condition. “The best one can hope for is to slow down the advance of lesions” (653). equiva- were sequelae long-term that was study the of theme dominant The or totallylent to partially troubles. irreversible which these men would work for the next decade and sometimes longer, refining their findings, and in many instances reversing them where initially they had observed few anomalies. The main change overall would be the move from general physiological distress to the specific forms of the pathology of deportation. because it was too closely associated with that of his famous (or infamous) relative, Captain Alfred Dreyfus of the celebrated that “Affair” rocked late antisem- lingering a revived violently core, its to France nineteenth-century itism, and, in reaction to which, gave rise to Zionism. It was always “Gilbert,” just the first name that he used even when writing pseudonymously, as he did with several books Mauthausen and Ebensee. right after the war and his return from following the work of Claude Bernard. It did not take the present-day form of clinical endocrinology as an individualized medical specialty within the the 1930s. domains of internal medicine until after branch of the Dreyfus family came originally from Dunkirk. His father was of previously closed professions to part of the post–Dreyfus Affair opening Jews; a polytechnician (engineer) who became a high-level state function- woman who spoke several languages. His mother was a gifted ary. in follow to desire the all, of first reasons: two for studies medical to drawn the steps of his elder brother, killed at the Somme in 1916 (Bricaire 1990). The second reason says a lot about the philosophical aspects medicine. of One could French be a doctor by day, and by night a logician, or psychologist, a teacher Gilbert-Dreyfus writer,” or wrote, a “cannot “A writer. treat a sick patient, but a doctor can write as much as he wishes.” And indeed, postwar, he himself aspired to the role of “man of letters,” inspired perhaps by his close friendship with his fellow doctor and camp comrade, 104 Cadaverland were prisoner-doctors. Wetterwald and he where Ebensee, sub-camp its then and Mauthausen to in November 1943, under the pseudonym of Gestapo Gilbert Debrise, he was deported the by Arrested Resistance. the of Zone Southern the of tion organiza- medical the heading underground, went Gilbert-Dreyfus zone, non-occupied the over took Germans the when 1943, In Brigade). Moors’ (the Maures des Brigade la as known group Resistance the established he 1941, In Resistance. the joined and zone, non-occupied the for Paris left he France, of fall the With 1930s. late the in problems health severe of sult more biologicalapproachandfurtheringresearchinbioclinicalsynthesis. tals. At Cochin, he founded his own “school,” bringing to clinical practice a at the Beaujon and then at with the a Cochin consultancy hospi- Hôpitaux” head as well as head of clinic in 1930. In 1934, he was named “Médecin des laboratory became he 1924, in residency) a (roughly, Paris” de Hôpitaux lished poet. François Wetterwald who, in addition to practicing surgery, was also a pub- the importance of passing on his experience and the experience of others of experience the and experience his on passing of importance the stressed He camps. the in on went what know to want not did still people of sketches written between 1945 and several years after, he wrote that some particular by leading university specialists. In by only not medicine, of perversion the of denunciation his in unsparing was Dachau, and Ebensee, Mauthausen, about 1947 and backtowork,justforanextraration ofsoup. who couldbarelystand patients sending in prisoner-doctors other of servility the on commented also He former. the as nationality same the of was comrade or patient the the or kapo the to it denounced promptly nurses the discipline, of infraction minor a For approach. medical their to chine” (141–42). He also expressed his astonishment at the lack of converts ma- war German the sabotage means, limited our within to, as so workers [sick] of number smallest the work to [back] send to try to second, and, possible; as lives human many as help to try to first, was, idea “The tors. prisoner-doc- as Gilbert and himself by adopted duty French medical of concept” “the called he what explained Wetterwald There, (141). Gilbert” me “for Gilbert-Dreyfus Doctor to chapter The outbreak of the war saw him refused entry into the army the into entry refused him saw war the of outbreak The Gilbert-Dreyfus’s medical career was a brilliant one; named “Interne des Gilbert-Dreyfus, in the two books he wrote as Gilbert Debrise in 1945 in Debrise Gilbert as wrote he books two the in Gilbert-Dreyfus, 1946 his In Uees ets, etrad eiae a dedicated Wetterwald Deaths), (Useless inutiles Morts Les 5 personnel on duty,on personnel ss when even — Weekend à Dachau , a collection n mn others many and doctors, but in but doctors, ss — — forever the re- the Displacement 105 gure 3 Figure became became — and this with all La Presse médicale on — the histologist from Ham- — Late in May 1945, he returned 6 perhaps a reference to his former Com- former his to reference a perhaps — Fundamentally, Fundamentally, Gilbert-Dreyfus was a clinician. After he became pro- “from camps the at back looked he address, professorial inaugural his In After Liberation, Dreyfus stayed on for several weeks to take care of the . . . vivisectionists who amused themselves by tearing out the kidneys and livers from living bodies, [who] became deliverers of cadavers industry, to suppliers of bodies to the gas chambers 1947, (Gilbert-Dreyfus toads. torture to like who boys of indifference the 95) burg, the oculist from Bremen, or the internist from Jena the most famous German medical doctors munist infatuation. He also learned there that a doctor could effect cures with no medicine beyond his own energy and ideals. Gilbert-Dreyfus then asked his audience to observe a minute of silence “in memory of my exterminated comrades: over 200,000 out of 230,000 deported” and, before his surviving comrades from Mauthausen and Ebensee present for the occa- France that so there died who those forget never “to oath an swore he sion, could live” (address given 4 May 1959 and published in 6 June 1959). to Paris and soon thereafter was appointed to the Pitié he Hospital,would spend where the remainder of his career as a within unit doctor, endocrinological an establishedresearcher, Gilbert-Dreyfus and There, teacher. the internal medicine service and later an Institute of Endocrinology and metabolic international reputation. diseases that soon gained an fessor of clinical endocrinology in 1959, he gathered around him the most preferring far by abroad, from doctors many as well as students, specialized the intimacy of contact with patients and students in the clinical context to the amphitheater lecturing of traditional academic medical teaching. With almost seven hundred scientific publications to his credit, Gilbert-Dreyfus ,” a big boss, of endocrinology. was what the French call “un grand patron which no one was meant to return” and where “we lived lives whose unreality is beyond the limits of the intelligible.” this Yet was where Gilbert- Dreyfus also learned that “courage, loyalty and solidarity are worth more subtlety” dialectical a many than remaining deportees and to supplement scant medical resources that otherwise would have left them without care. of the camps, not out of morbid but curiosity, to show to what abjection a especially how an entire people. And could reduce political regime 106 Cadaverland quotient of camp returnees, it nevertheless seemed clear, both from post- from both clear, seemed nevertheless it returnees, camp of quotient groups inFrance(asalsothroughout muchofEurope). Resistance organized of politics postwar the to as well as training medical only acknowledging and on focused that network a formed somatologists the words, other In “Aryan”(11). the deportees for than available less even was medication where facilities own their in population, camp the of rest 1947 article noted simply that “the Israelite sick” were treated Wetterwald’sJewish. himself was Gilbert-Dreyfus that fact the despite ees, resistant deportees; indeed, there is no mention and political former predominantly were subjects research their however, Interestingly,systems. bodily upon impact their and deportation of effects somatic the understand to seeking specializations medical within network of the (fir). International FederationofResistants congresses scientific the of secretary organizing as contribution the (Wetterwald 1947). We will return below to Dr. Louis Fichez (whose work at internees fellow their helping in disposed) so were who those least (at tors “medical” practices with the (understandably) limited role of prisoner-doc- contrasting and descriptive mainly was it camps; concentration the in in article an published Wetterwald (see resistants and the theme of asthaenia and premature senescence among former deportees Third the at address opening the gave he sor, profes- medical a now by 1961, March in 1949; April in camps portation of issue special a edited Desoille instance, For their names tended to appear mainly as collaborators on articles and books. above) or Antoine Mans, little is known about their careers, in part because the into pathology the of mid-1950s, deportation such as Uzan (mentioned of misery. states physiological understanding to contribution endocrinological Gilbert-Dreyfus’s of something others and Richet with co-authored article 1948 the in above saw Wetterwald,we and Desoille, Henri Richet, Charles If the “somatologists” blithely ignored that there might be a “Jewish” a be might there that ignored blithely “somatologists” the If The work of the somatologists to the late 1940s demonstrated a growing on worked who group somatological the of members remaining the Of While this address made only passing mention of his postwar work with clinic was mentioned in the previous chapter) and his major his and chapter) previous the in mentioned was clinic fndirp archives, conference proceedings). In 1947, In proceedings). conference archives, fndirp . This was due to their to due was This deportees. of categories certain a ws junl o medicine on journal, Swiss a Praxis, on the de- the on français Médecin Le whatsoever of Jewish deport- Medical Congress on Congress Medical fir deportation effects deportation certain apart from the ss

Displacement 107 editor gure 3 Figure — 7 and indeed sole — in this case, in the context of the — there is as a Berthomé tendency, remarks, to “confer to — However, However, the somatologists were not the only medical practitioners in- As we have seen repeatedly in France, the Jewishness of the deported and deported the of Jewishness the France, in repeatedly seen have we As In terms of French medical thought of the society’s journal from 1948 to 1985; his thesis supervisor Maxime Laignel-Lavastine, professor of the history of Faculty medicine of the University at of Paris; Drs. Eugène the Minkowski, L. Fildemann, Medical States United the including countries, of number a from others and Pérel, L. (Harry Friedenwald) and from Palestine (Professor Reichertz); as well as at Charenton. Henri Baruk, head of the National Asylum Dr. The “Halakhists,” 1936–1948 “Halakhists,” The Those I term here “the halakhists” were a group of Jewish scholars from a variety of medical disciplines who formed a scientific society in 1936 devoted to the history of Jewish medicine. Among the society’s board members were Dr. Isidore Simon, the long-serving an ensemble of subjective sufferings a unified form together with a univo- cal signification” (1997, 263–64). In this sense, to be fair to the somatologists, the very idea that there could be something “Jewish” about a tableau of symptoms was utterly absurd. terested in surviving victims of the concentration camps. Another group in France would pose a considerable challenge to the somatological ap proach. war accounts by surviving Jews and from captured Nazi about documentationthe Final Solution to the Jewish Question that the largest single sta- then, Inevitably, Jews. were camps the in murdered those of category tistical this rather significant aspect,sooner or later, would become theobject of attention. exterminated was for decades (doubly) obscured by the romanticized mythology of the Resistance, as well as within shamed silences about the national humiliation of the 1940 defeat and Occupation, and the subsequent struggle for the liberation of France from both the Nazi Occupier and the Jew- of numbers tiny the this, of all In Vichy. at government collaborationist their to left ignore, to easy were camps the from returned who deportees ish own fate and resources: subsumed at by best, or, readily absorbed into Re- sistance and post-Resistance internal political rivalries. clinic of trauma 108 Cadaverland which literally died with him on 17 September 1985. During this remark- this During 1985. September 17 on him with died literally which the editing was lifework Simon’s isidore simon(1906–1985) practitioners. medical Jewish affected survival Holocaust how of example indispensable an study,provide this they of context the in But perspective. Jewish a from and ethics, and history,training, medical revolutionize, say to not reform, to wanted they furthermore, And France. in training academic or medical part, East European Jews, having received Talmudic educations before their most the for and, Jews just were they all, After Charenton. at psychiatrist head as it to closest the was Baruk although establishment, medical the of part not definitely were halakhists The it. of part much very still were they establishment, medical the of fringes the on politically were former the if Even equivalent. not are halakhists the and somatologists the that noting in the slow transition toward psychoanalysis. Generally, though, it is worth psychiatry existential to neuropsychiatry from shift the in position sitional because of some of its differing emphases, but also because his was a tran- separately,discussed be will work Minkowski’s although tagonists, part in somatologists, it will be sufficient to provide somethe background on the principal pro- with done was as now, For below. contents its to return I perspective, “halakhist” the of elaboration the for site principal the be will (hereafter hébraïque médecine la de the d’histoire of Revue issue first the out brought Simon 1948, June in and Baruk, Henri a psychiatrist. as himself established and Paris to returned He 1945. July until service cal derground) in the region, Cantal and then as part of the Repatriation medi- (un- “maquis” the in served zone, non-occupied southern the to moved He was mobilized and then demobilized in July 1940, after France’s surrender. The perspectives; Maimonides and medicine; Spinoza and medicine; and so on. rabbinical and Talmudic, biblical, in illness mental and nervous schools; medical French of founding the in doctors Jewish of role the decades: the of themes consistent be would what on on the occasion of Freud’s eightieth birthday. Other papers were presented (shmh), Minkowski gave a paper on Freud, “médicin juif,” his life and work n ue 97 the 1947, June In At the first conference of the Société d’histoire de la médecine hébraïque shmh pursued its activities until the declaration of war in 1939. Simon eue is ciiy ne te rsdny of presidency the under activity its resumed shmh eu dhsor d l mdcn hébraïque, médecine la de d’histoire Revue ’s subsequent journal over journal subsequent shmh’s rhmh). 8 Since the Since rhmh

Displacement 109 9 gure 3 Figure doctor and astrologer — Vilna on the ). Seine Simon under- — medicine, a concept that Freuden- rhmh, Simon taught under the auspices of As we saw with the somatologists in the 1920s and thereafter, Simon In addition to editing the and the other “halakhists” were at the center of a parallel, but specifically Jewish, intellectual ferment in the mid- to late 1940s, which gained institutional density with the founding of the State of Israel’s emerging medical and educational institutions. Here, too, new fields of knowledge and further study of history of medicine emerged, along with new possibilities for knowledge exchange among Jewish doctors. Over all this, however, hung the great dark shadow of the “catastrophe” of the extermination of Euro- pean Jews. able editorship, Simon’s tireless energy enabled him to native his from researchers maintain with and links world the around from recruit authors Romania and elsewhere, as well as faithfully reflecting the Renaissance of Jewish thought in many fields that emerged with thefounding of the State in arrived Simon 1906, November 5 on Transylvania, Bala, in Born Israel. of a with equipped already twenty, of age the at studies medical pursue to Paris Eastern Nazis, the of arrival the until that Recall education. Jewish classical Europe contained numerous major centers of Jewish culture of formidable intellectual richness (see, for example, Judith Friedlander’s discussion of this generally and in particular of the influence of Lithuanian Judaism on contemporary French thought, in her 1990 took his medical dissertation under the supervision of Professor Laignel- Lavastine (1875–1953) on “Assaph ha-Yehudi of the Middle Ages, with a study on medical thought in the Bible and the As a Talmud.” young medical Simon practitioner, thereafter continued his of concept the of development the in especially and history medical in work “Hebraic” — in other words, Jewish thal and Kottek claim that he invented (2003, xii), a remark that calls for more elaboration than I can provide. Laignel-Lavastine’s chair in the history of medicine, supervising over one hundred medical theses. He also taught at the University Centre for Jewish Studies, then at the Centre Paul Broca in Paris, one of a number of such in- history Jewish in research and teaching for founded subsequently stitutions and culture. He was a founder and the first secretary-general of the Mogen David Adom, the Israeli equivalent of the Red Cross. Simon was also involved in the creation of Jewish sport associations and secretary-general of University in Jerusalem. the French section of the Friends of Hebrew 110 Cadaverland faculty members because he was not an accredited historian. This situation former deportees in the new State of Israel former deportees in the new State among after active Equally thereafter. Paris to got somehow he Estonia, in camps concentration various as well as ghetto Vilna the Surviving Vilna. from degree medical a held already he Jew, Lithuanian a likely Most phy. biogra- earlier his about known is else much not and a figure, consistently pioneering was he field which in Holocaust, the understanding with he hadmovedthereintheinterim. Palestine; of Association Medical Jewish the of member a as him described a newmedicalethic(“unemoralemédicale”).Hisone-linebiowiththearticle ” (62), and so he called for the creation of opus divinum into an opus satanium the transformed had doctors Hitlerite “the clear: was thing one But (61). countries” occupied other and Russia, White Ukraine, the Estonia, Latvia, Poland nor the innumerable ghettos and extermination camps of Lithuania, in camps concentration 1,000 than more the in happened what know not science” (1948, 60–63). Nazi There, Dworzecki wrote criminal presciently that “the world against still does “anathema for call three-page rousing a with contributors, long-standing most and first its of one was Dworzecki the of issue first the time the by Paris, in title the under 1950 in published 178), (1976, autobiography his in recalled Baruk as sis,” the- Sorbonne brilliant “a for circles medical in reputation a gained idly rap- war.He the after soon study to Paris in arrived he when group rhmh the of attention the to came longest) lasted have to seems that version (the Third Israeli Knesset in the 1950s. However one the spells for his name, ran Dworzecki he when Meir to name first his changed while a for but glish, En or French in publications his in name first Mark or Marc the kept self be could name Dworzecki’s spelled any number of ways; the French spelled it Marc Dvorjetski; he him- transliteration, of vicissitudes the to Due mark dworzecki(1908–1975) grants were camp survivors camp were grants 1953. in VashemYad of creation the after until start slow a than more to off get not did Warand the Independence, of of upheavals the of because claimed some time, the at minimal was universities Israeli in research Holocaust of state the However, Holocaust. the during People Jewish the of History the of Research for Institute an establish to proposal a with University Hebrew wrek’ pswr ie em t hv be cmltl entwined completely been have to seems life postwar Dworzecki’s 10 Moreover, Dworzecki’s 1949 proposal was viewed with suspicion by . Active among former deportees while studying while deportees former among Active l’Est. à Ghetto — as early as 1949 Dworzecki approached the approached Dworzecki 1949 as early as — came out in June 1948, June in out came rhmh where one in four new immi- Displacement 111 gure 3 Figure stunning rates stunning in the world, but as of the first day in the ghetto; the in day first the of as ss were terrified of epidemics, and aks (Allgemeine Korporschwach or not only the first such chair — Dworzecki Dworzecki himself was tireless in his efforts to establish a research Dworzecki’s scientific work on the pathologyof famine in the ghettos doc- Jewish 120 the mentioned Dworzecki ghetto, Vilna the discussing In in Israel did not change much until the 1960s, despite important efforts by other researchers. chair, meanwhile teaching Holocaust studies temporarily at Tel-Aviv and Bar-Ilan, and social studies at Hebrew ment of Bar-Ilan University in 1955, Dworzecki lobbied University. extensively among With the establish- po- professorial a for figures public other and heads, university politicians, him for established Bar-Ilan year, academic 1959–1960 the in Finally, sition. a Chair in Holocaust Studies likely the only one ever funded by survivor organizations. As Professor Boaz Professor As organizations. survivor by funded ever one only the likely in research and teaching Holocaust of survey twenty-year a in writes Cohen Israel from 1947 to 1967, for Dworzecki, “Holocaust research was a sacred mission and a calling” (B. Cohen 2004). As long as Holocaust survivors were alive, Dworzecki asserted, research of the Jewish history of the Holo- caust era was fundamental to current Jewish life. (1956), sequelae pathological and deportation of pathology the on or (1954) for instance, is not without resemblance to the findings of the somatologists, although he is specifically reporting on the effects of famine among ghetto Jews. In general, Dworzecki argued that both the method of con- straint and the health conditions of the Eastern ghettos were simply dress- rehearsals for similar methods and pathologies that would reappear in the concentration camps. For instance, the “use” of uncontrolled illness and epidemics to exterminate ghetto populations (although not necessarily a deliberate tactic in the camps, as the many quicker methods to exterminate Jews were available in the camps); the appearance within the ghettos of general bodily breakdown), prolonged severe malnutrition resulting in the barely living who had crossed over into walking death (those who in the Muslims); so-called the Musselmänner, termed were camps women among percent 80 to up of amenorrhea of joints, feet, hands, the of inflammation or oedemas lice; by caused sickness or struma, infantile tuberculosis; problems; intestinal and urinary face; and hyperatrophy of the thyroid affecting over 75 percent of children. tors there, of whom he was one, and “their training as intellectuals raised in the traditions of social medicine,” their acceptance that they would die in the common tragedy, as well as their consistently high scientific levels 112 Cadaverland in both body both in cal responsesofpatients,their biologicalandpsychiccapacityforresistance immunologi- the noting of practice doctors’ Vilna the about point key the made Dworzecki preserved.) similarly and Theresienstadt, at found also were records (Similar itself. war the during above seen was as established time the at Warsaw) to Amsterdam (from Europe throughout established ters cen- documentation Jewish various the in placed were these of Copies end. ditions of the ghetto and its liquidation and other essays summarizing the findings were–amazingly, given the con- os eih otr kp vr crfl records careful very kept doctors Jewish to’s Europe of all Jews by deporting them to the death camps. The Warsaw ghet- Eastern “cleanse” to eagerness Nazi for been not it had case, any in period strated clearly that the population would have died of famine within a short analysis of the Warsaw ghetto’s shrinking caloric components that demon- his in competence this displayed himself He 260). (1954, competence of these. combat to means practical seek to and conditions ghetto under presenting pathology new any of manifestations Jewish discuss to ghetto’s weekly met Vilna who doctors, the of practices medical the in catastrophe the of or, asheputit,of“thepathology oftheepochcatastrophe.” and camps, “a new science” had been created: the pathology of deportation ghettos to deportation of toll psychic the and suffering, famine, war, the of because that agreed below. Dworzecki see shall we as circles, scientific of by pathology that of time deportation, widely accepted among European provided he word, a In move: interesting very a made there Dworzecki time-frame, present our of ahead little a us the in published and 1955 in Haifa in tation and its sequelae, given at the Third World Congress of Jewish Doctors published afterthewarinPolishandFrench(seeApfelbaum1946). from the ghetto in 1943. The book was later found in the ghetto’s ruins and deported was Maleikovski 1942.” in doctor Jewish a of symphony finished by Dr. Israel Maleikovski, who described the work in its preface as “the un- as collected were records These famine. of result a as hospital Jewish one the to admitted patients examinations hematological and biological, chemical, histological, Dworzecki situated the scientific origins of the study of the pathology the of study the of origins scientific the situated Dworzecki Here I want to turn to a paper of Dworzecki’s on the pathology of depor- — 11 Transcripts of these meetings, statistical data, conference papers, conference data, statistical meetings, these of Transcripts n i te rnh otmoay eih ouetto Center, Documentation Jewish Contemporary French the in and , adding that this practice was approached on a far a on approached was practice this that adding soul, and ) edited Famine) la de Maladie (La Famine of Illness The in March 1956. While it takes takes it While 1956. March in rhmh — of the concept the of genealogy different a found in the ghetto ruins at war’s — f lncl pathological, clinical, of — of Displacement 113 12 — “we gure 3 Figure “Separated from each — or so the “halakhists” argued. key distinctions between the soma- — in what some might see as medical or more likely speak to, as they are less are they as to, speak likely more or — — Henri Baruk was either one of the most impor- — reached conclusions that “the medical world medical “the that conclusions reached Famine la de Maladie La and it is an entire research program he was presenting here — Dworzecki’s paper sharply definedthe More bluntly, Dworzecki wrote henri baruk (1897–1998) read you whom upon Depending willing to say so in print other by thousands of kilometers, but everywhere [throughout the ghetto and camp system], it was Jewish doctors who began the [first] research on ‘the pathology of the concentrationary universe’” (33). While Dworzecki recognized that it was not only Jewish former deportee doctors (especially developed had who Denmark) and Belgium, Holland, in also but France, in perspectives on the pathology of deportation, he added: “For us Jews, the notion of pathology of the years of the catastrophe is that much of larger the than pathology of deportation, in the same sense that the book Jewish of suffering is also much larger” (33). Dworzecki further remarked that them- manifested that phenomena pathological the all here include to want selves among deportees, whether in the ghettos, in the Nazi concentration camps, in non-Nazi labor camps, among those who fled into the forests and became partisans, as well as those who managed to live [through the population” (33). war] under false identities among the Aryan tological approach and that of the “halakhists”: If the science was largely similar, the approach to medicine was significantly different in that drawing from the Jewish tradition provided a much broader timeline, included interventionist, than preventative more was soul, and body both scope its in and finally reflected a medical ethic that not only applied to the Holocaust lacking sorely was that also but experimentation), medical Nazi of terms (in in “Gentile” medicine, to put it this way chutzpah, but is rather a stark illustration of the various, rarely contiguous, cultural-linguistic poles in Holocaust research greater greater scale than usual medical observation (Dworzecki 1956, 32, emphases added). He also ghetto observed medical that records the pub- Warsaw as lished there famine, general the despite that, instance, for surprising”: find would doctors Vilna avitaminosis.the classical because of was signs This no were had observed the lack of iron and vitamins B and D in the rations and had somehow managed, often at great risk, to procure illegal supplies, but ap- make a difference. parently enough to 114 Cadaverland another quarter-century thereafter. quarter-century another for activity ceaseless his continued he and neuropsychiatrist, practicing a as retired had he after 1976 in autobiography an as well as vulgarization, scientific of works classic short, to treatises massive from ranging books, certainly indefatigable. Baruk lived to be one hundred, and published many r sc a Pnl 14–86, u epcal Eqio (1772–1840) Esquirol especially but (1745–1826), Pinel as such try in the work of the great figures of early nineteenth-century French psychia- steeped thoroughly was Baruk 1998). Biéder (see list short the just is this ethics” medical in training professional and pedagogy psychiatry, forensic therapeutics, aetiological prognostics, diagnostics, iopathology, psychophys- observation, clinical prolonged deepened “he psychologiques, the in published hundred one at career and life Baruk’s of celebrations the to according adults, of psychiatry the In gerontology). ric psychiat- in services first the of one 1955 in pioneer,Charenton at opening cantly involved, from infantile psychiatry to gerontology (in which he was a signifi- not was Baruk which in psychiatry of domain a not was there that record the for note to important is it But Israel. of State the of institutions the with involvement his of period postwar the to here myself confine will I psychiatry, French tieth-century a phenomenon. Suus Cafad ad Klippel). and Chauffard, Pierre (Souques, of work neuropsychiatry in the teachers other his and admired Clérambault, de Maurice Baruk Janet, century, twentieth the In hysteria. of aspects on worked had he whom under Charcot, Jean-Martin century, below) (see Bible the of reading careful begin to Baruk inspired devotion religious and life whose student favorite nel’s yeshiva teacher who had moved to Paris. Baruk wrote that he wanted to learn wanted Hebrew because of its correspondences he “with my therapeutic method that wrote Baruk Paris. to moved had who teacher yeshiva “Mr Kontoryski,” a former Ukrainian texts, learning Hebrew with a certain psychiatry asaprofessorattheUniversityofParis. neuro teaching with 1940s, late the from there, work clinical and istrative admin- his combining 1968, until remained he where Asylum, Charenton the at psychiatrist head named was Baruk Sainte-Anneat Hospital, terning in- after 1931, In philosopher. and physiologist, psychiatrist, generalist, a not very serious if tireless dabbler in far too many matters. crank, a of something or century twentieth the of psychiatrists French tant To the extent that his life and career was coterminous with that of twen- of that with coterminous was career and life his Tothat extent the In the late 1930s, Baruk began reading the Talmud and related rabbinical 14 and the burgeoning psychiatric burgeoning the and rhmh 15 However you look at it, the man was man the it, at look you However ie hm l, au ws clinician, was Baruk all, them Like — and, of course, later in the in later course, of and, 13 Annales médico- Annales The man was — — and Pi- Displacement 115

— — gure 3 Figure rhmh, the psychic con- , and the one takenone the and rhmh, Evolution , psychiatrique the journal Rather like the reverse of the case of the Dresden the irony is that he was not Jewish himself, although although himself, Jewish not was he that is irony the 16 — rhmh entitled “Hygiene and Hebraic medicine in Pales- was tied to the existence of a “Jewish people” that had man- — As we’ll shortly look at Baruk’s political interventions at the growing net- growing the at interventions political Baruk’s at look shortly we’ll As the obsessed that questions central the of One Baruk went on to observe that the question of “Jewish” medicine Given Baruk’s extensive involvement with the I find the term “Hebraic” medicine so awkward and archaic that I won’t use won’t I that archaic and awkward so medicine “Hebraic” term the find I it further aged (in spite of recent events) to maintain itself in various countries, and to sustain a Jewish philosophy that now in particular needed to achieve a greater awareness of itself. The “resurrection” (Baruk’s word) of Palestine and the return to the Holy Land of an important Jewish population posed philologist and wartime diarist Viktor Klemperer, whose marriage to an Aryan saved him from deportation, Baruk’s unclear Jewish status probably helped save his wife from persecution. As he once said of Esquirol, Baruk the Just.” too can perhaps be considered “one of works of medical congresses that, from the late 1940s, turned increasingly to the pathology of deportation, I’ll conclude this biographical overview of the leading halakhists with a discussion of one of Baruk’s reports from the first issue of the tine” (1948). up here by Baruk, was “Does a Hebraic medicine médecine exist?” hébraïque?”). (“Existe-t-il The question une opened what was really a travel report on kibbutzim and early psychiatric facilities. Baruk noted that “certain of our colleagues, even Jews . . . especially Jews, have asked us this question medi- that effect in say They certainapprehension. a and doubt of lot a with cine is one and that it is regrettable to make such particular distinctions” (42–43). his wife Suzanne was. founded founded on [the ideas] of peace, justice, and certain Psalms” (1976, 171). He would also write in a 1939 article in founded in the mid-1920s by Minkowski and others, that “the study of the biblical traditions are the best preface to understanding human nature, its Biéder 1998, 127). (quoted in passions and weaknesses” aspirations, dition of former deportees that would continue to preoccupy him at least until the 1967 Six Day War, his many trips to Israel, and his apply attempts to Talmudic and Kabbalistic notably, his so-called concepts “Tsedek test” (1947), measuring a person’s capacity to psychological testing snickering of plenty least at scorn, not if Baruk earned that actions, just for profession the from 116 Cadaverland of a good part of the Jewish tradition as well. as tradition Jewish the of part good a of seemingly and tradition, medical Western the of rewriting a than less ing ambitious more even perhaps was Baruk’s although catastrophe, the of pathology the of conception broader a to respect with Dworzecki by complex (Adler).Morepointedly, Barukwrotethat inferiority the and here); given is name person’s (no Gestaltpsychologie (Goldstein); psychosynthetics (Freud); unconscious the (Erlich); sexuality (Hayem); blood the of circulation recent: and past doctors, Jewish to able logical was still a very recent domain of scientific knowledge. scientific of domain recent very a still was logical psycho- the medicine modern in the although psychological, between the separation and bodily of lack the was medicine, humoral matter that traditions. of the living kernel of Jewish civilization, part of which included its medical forging equivalent the with reconstitution, people’s Jewish the of issue the up by Freud. by up these long ignored by medical thought, and only recently (if partially) taken of all life, sexual the even inspiration, creative subconscious, the dreams, regarding ideas psychological key introduced had claimed, Baruk himself, Jacob Neusner’s formulation, the halakah (or Halakhah) stands for “the for stands Halakhah) (or halakah the formulation, Neusner’s Jacob In added). emphases 163, 1904, (Jacobs Scriptures” the in authority no is there extending also to all the usages, customs, ordinances, and decrees and literature rabbinical of law ritual and law civil whole the thus prising com- Haggadah, the to contradistinction in tradition, Jewish of part legal vide only the briefest discussion. For one, it “stands themeaningofterm“halakah.” understands In its own way, this was as much a research program as that presented that as program research a much as was way,this own its In [utterly] characteristicofsuchtrends.(47) is psychology of development The person. human the of understanding synthetic progress the and notions technical psychological to rebalance attention renewed to through resurges now subconscious, the in preserved tradition, medical Jewish old the dimensions, human its ting forget- risks and technology pure by driven more and more is medicine or ethical questions will now be the object of new studies. While modern moral properly that probable is it and medicine Jewish of traditions the in one developed highly very a been always has theme psychological the Baruk wrote that what was striking about Jewish social hygiene, or for or hygiene, social Jewish about striking was what that wrote Baruk Needless to say, the term is a highly complex one to which I can pro- can I which to one complex highly a is term the say, to Needless 18 Baruk then went on to list a number of discoveries attribut- discoveries of number a list to on went then Baruk 19 This idea turns on how one how on turns idea This sometimes for the whole 17 — for which Moses noth- Displacement 117 gure 3 Figure beginnings of was the mission — impossible for doc- for impossible 20 — ideally on new research on the on research new on rhmh — however hesitantly and unevenly — rhmh drew upon many collaborators, these are too nu- set for itself during its almost forty-year history. As no doubt no As history. forty-year almost its during itself for set rhmh Because the Thus, one can understand more readily the “halakah” as a total ethic of that the that merous to mention, as we did with the somatologists under the rubric of lesser collaborators. However, one might point to the work of Dr. Louis Copelman, like Isidore Simon, a Romanian native and psychiatrist alternated who between teaching at the University of Bucharest and the in to articles various contributed Copelman Paris. pathology of deportation (see, 1950; and 1962, a special issue on concen- stagebroader the to turn now scientific international of We life). trationary congresses in which the halakhists and somatologists would not so much Baruk did too in his even longer life, although it is not certain, despite his voluminous writings, whether he ever succeeded in producing a total psy- whether “the chology experimen- of the human person. Or for that matter, tal moral psychology” that he began writing about in the mid-1940s was in remark Biéder did nothing for Not field. psychiatric the within possible fact that Baruk, with his love for the work of Spinoza, opted for “a conception of man” (1998, 127) in his philosophical monistic work. In other words, spiri- inextricably an as person human the understands thought Jewish that the Hebrew word for the body According to Biéder, tual if embodied entity. (gouf) does not even appear in the Talmud. tors ever again to be participants in the kinds of experimentation on human on experimentation of kinds the in participants be to again ever tors beings that took place in the Nazi camps. Making at least the the norms of conduct entailed in being a Jew and so, if one is a doctor, of an of doctor, a is one if so, and Jew a being in entailed conduct of norms the an wanted here us concern who “halakhists” The practice. medical of ethics both permit would that sense wider a to halakhic the of meaning expanded a re-view of the history of medicine in which the importance of the Jewish contribution was far more present than previously acknowledged, as well it make would that ethics medical new a as such a contribution normative law” of the Oral Torah as the principal medium by which the rab- the which by medium principal the as Torah Oral the of law” normative binic sages set forth their message (2002, 74). As Neusner further notes, the halakah “takes place in a timeless world, establishing patterns of con- It circumstance(viii). transcend locality” that and behavior public and duct social into conviction theological of translation the for means the “as serves policy” (10). Given the recognition of a world ruled by gentile power (but not gentile hegemony), this at the same time is a formidable statement of make choices in ordinary life (12). Israel’s freedom to 118 Cadaverland came into contact withdifferentmedicalcultures. came intocontact parative contexts that French Holocaust survivalresearch encountered as it com- the of sense a provide to is so doing for reason key The semination. clash as hold parallel conversations, often in different sites of scientific dis- own “existential” psychology, it clearly also illustrated some of the power- the of some illustrated also psychology,clearly “existential” it own Minkowski’s of reflective was paper 1946 the While 82–98). (1948, itself reached its “ultimate degree,” but this was also the utter degradation of life death of degradation the had only not context, such in that article later a in added Minkowski (296). cadavers” only more, any dead no are “there less: meaning- become also had camps, concentration the in witnessed as cially espe- “intimacy.”Death, inner or personal of notions empty now and life, collective of aspects many to world, contemporary the to idea this tended Bleuler’s notionof“affectiveanesthesia,”anumbingthe personandex- Eugen teacher his on drew Minkowski Here, either. true hold to appeared longer no connectedness emotional and social his/her and individual the zation” suffered an extraordinary moral abasement, but related ideas about extravagant that we are left dumb before it” (1948, 283). Not only had “civili- speak of the resulting “trauma,” this was a new form of traumatization “so perhaps could one while that noted Minkowski example, For humankind. of anthropology an to caused irreversibly have may these damage the and hatred, racial of rationalization” unlimited “the on based destruction” of “systems Nazi the included These existence. psychological post-Holocaust by psychiatry and psychopathology were adequate to grasp the new facts of provided conceptions existing the whether pondered Minkowski frontiers, of breakdown related the to frontiers of breakdown graphical geo- the from Moving sites. European various from deportees the of turn re- the as well as Europe, over all camps from prisoners of repatriation the so-called the peoples, of dispersion the war, the from resulted that upheavals geographic catastrophic the upon menting titled “general aspects of the problem,” Minkowski’s report began by com- Society,Psychiatric Swiss the of Basel in Sub- 1948. until published not but meeting 1946 the at Minkowski Eugène by presented topic that on report a in was likely most France of outside place take to Nazism and war the of consequences psychological and psychological the of discussion first The D International Congresses onthePathology of eportation andR eportation elated Issues, 1946–1952

s (displaced persons), (displaced dps psychological Displacement 119 The gure 3 Figure Other than brief men- brief than Other 21 Revue d’histoire de la médecine hébraïque 7 (1950), Baruk, as vice-president of the World Medical Congress, invited four In World1947, Medicalthe Congressfirst was held in Paris, and in 1948 non-German psychiatrists were looking for an apology of collective respon- collective of apology an for looking were psychiatrists non-German sibility from their German colleagues, probably not realizing the very limited extent to which German psychiatry had been purged of former Nazis, nor indeed the tremendous conflicts brewingbetween opposing factions of psychiatrists within the soon-to-be Federal Republic. One instance, as Association’s Psychoanalytic International first the at occurred 1985, as late conference to be held on German soil since 1933, when the American psychiatrist and former German Jewish refugee, G. W. Niederland, declared that a majority of medical evaluators involved in reparations payments to victims of Nazism were “former Nazis” (quoted in Pross 1998, 107). We’ll with correspondence extensive had Baruk chapter. next the in this to return (Phil.) (Med.) Professor G. Dr. Dr. Mall University at prior Tübingen to the 1950 conference, negotiating the wording of a weak apology by German Copenha- in Congress International an at presented be to societies medical 1950d, 13-21 plus appendices). gen scheduled for the year after (see Baruk hundred attendees and notables to Charenton on 24 September. There he spoke about Charenton’s “glorious history” and in particular of the development of the “Esquirol School that opened the way to scientific and phil- anthropic going psychiatry,” so far as to call Charenton “the Jerusalem of psychiatry” (Baruk, 1950d). tion of both congresses in few details were given, and the site Paris, in of Psychiatry, of Congress World First 1950 the the However, mentioned. 1948 Congress was also not Ger- on paper a presented Baruk because one, for coverage: more much got man doctors and criminal medical experimentation; for another, this was participate, would psychiatrists German which in congress postwar first the let- open an drafted participants Some trepidation. of deal great a arousing ter to German psychiatrists reminding them “that for the first time [in his- this that and animals” experimental as used were beings human living] tory his- in drama greatest “the by stunned world the left had crime unspeakable tory” that took place in Germany (see full text in Baruk 1950d, 10–11). ful emotional aftershocks of “the catastrophe,” still resonating strongly, here among a gathering of psychiatrists. At the same time and speculatively however so, Minkowski’s paper offered an early instance of the pos- the catastrophe. extent of sible, unprecedented Pathology. Comparative and General of Congress a 120 Cadaverland and biologicalwarfare(seerhmh 9–15,1951–1952). psychological chemical, in doctors of participation future the forbidding convention international an frame to attempted documents, Nuremberg on themselves basing and, medicine, experimental on essay 1865 famous Bernard’s Claude in expressed as history,notably medical in humans and medical ethic, debated the question of medical experimentation on animals new a of principles the define to sought They 1951. May–June in Sorbonne the at conference a at example, for tradition, Jewish the of aspects rensic fo- and juridical, criminological, examining been had others and Simon, and Baruk one, Jerusalem 1952 the and conference Paris 1950 the Between 1936. in Palestine British-mandated in place taken had congress such previous The Jerusalem. in held Doctors, Jewish of Congress World 1952 the to attention draw to significant more conferencestookplacetherein1954. des Résistants the Internationale in Fédération the of first the Certainly sources. other this or rhmh of confirmation any find cannot I least, At not. or place took 1951 in Copenhagen for planned conference the whether clear not is ity,it approach topsychiatry.) from a psychiatrist. (Baruk personally respected Mall for his nondoctrinaire only hasaNazi-likeemphasisontheact(“derTatnot ”), butisalsooddcoming that statement a deeds,” by but words by not effaced be must epoch [Nazi] “the that and declarations solemn for not was he that wrote Mall best. at lukewarm, was response the Mall, with correspondence Baruk’s in but mentioned, not was responded audience the How persecution. Nazi of victims the to aid active and crimes”; these of traces the of Germany fying solemnly condemningthesecrimes;areligiousorsecularceremony“puri- religions.” BarukaskedGermanpsychiatristsforthreethings:amanifesto the Jewish people among the victims, and also “the millions of others of all d’histoire de la médecine hébraïque ing responsibility,collective of statement a for desire the expressed He appeal- experiments.” medical criminal Nazi with collaborated had “who doctors be might there participants the among that unease,” veritable a say to not malaise, certain “a expressed Baruk events, terrible its and war the since For the halakhists and their parallel network of conferences, it is no doubt Perhaps because of these contentious questions of collective responsibil- contact first the in participants German of presence the Acknowledging — to the Germans as both a psychiatrist and as president of the Société the of president as and psychiatrist a both as Germans the to — to acknowledge the primary place of collaborators Dworzecki, collaborators rhmh Displacement 121 gure 3 Figure An undated An 23 namely, namely, the surprising ap- only, “sacrifice[d] . . . tosci- reiterated reiterated the distinction that — In the long account that Simon Here we see another instance of 22 sole purpose of saving life. The halakhists subse- in German) was an international federation of national politi- national of federation international an was German) in ifw Baruk himself headed an impressive French delegation to the Congress Delegates Delegates at the Jerusalem conference passed a series of resolutions wrote about the Congress (1952), he expressed the emotion, real and symbolic, felt by all those present at being in the Holy Land for the firstdwell not did time panels conference the While exile. of years thousand two after mili- Israeli with dealt papers of number a Holocaust, the upon specifically tary medicine in the recent “War of Liberation”; and one specifically with the psychiatric problems of Israeli soldiers pearance of “shell shock” (see Müller 1952). and was appointed president of the France-Israel Medical Committee, affiliated with the French Association pour le développement des relations médicales (adrm) established in 1920. the important role in medical knowledge especially transfer, in psychiatry, that the French halakhists brought to the new state. Indeed, the influence of the halakhists was decidedly greater upon nascent Israeli medical and psychiatric institutions than that of the somatologists, who were a more visible presence at the fir conferences. Medical and Scientific Conferences, 1951–1981 Conferences, and Scientific FIR Medical The As its name suggests, the International Federation of Resistants (fir in French; cal former Resistance fighters. Based in Vienna, it was viewed, particularly banned later which Germany, of Republic Federal the of government the by infiltrated.” “Communist least very the at or Communist as it, quently often referred to the “Jerusalem Declaration” in an unsuccessful attempt to make new international law. summarizing these discussions and calling for a new international conven- international new a for calling and discussions these summarizing tion. The so-called “Jerusalem Declaration” Baruk had presented to the French National Order of Doctors: that is, between “biological experimentation” (animals knowledge”) physiopathological and aetiological understand better to ence and “therapeutic attempts” (“l’essai thérapeutique”) involving interventions on human subjects for the seventy-page booklet published by the Federation in the 1980s looks back on the thirty years of conferences devoted to “medicine and social practices” that it sponsored. The booklet explains in German that “the initia- 122 Cadaverland Many of the conference proceedings were published under the imprimatur the under published were proceedings conference the of Many tion. (As far as I can tell, Baruk never participated, for reasons not known.) deporta- of pathology the of aspects psychosomatic on conference Liège Copelman Louis and deportation; and internment of sequelae late the on conference Hague the at paper a gave instance, for Dworzecki, halakhists, the Among Targowla). and Fichez, (Richet, “somatologists” French the to addition in perspectives of variety a to open was and tries, tology, and social readaptation) representing deportees from a dozen coun- geron- neuropsychiatry, medicine, internal of branches various the (from practitioners medical hundred two about drew conference each average, and the Warsaw one with the fate of children in the Second deportation; World War.of sequelae the of therapy and psychogenesis the with dealt rehabilitation of former resistants and deportees; the Bucharest conference and restoration the of aspects functional and therapies at looked rology, gress, co-sponsored by a research group from the World Federation of Neu- Fmn Dsae n emn ocnrto Camps.” Concentration German in Disease “Famine on study 1952 al.’s et Thygesen French into translated Fichez third, 1970s; the to 1950s the through congresses many of secretary organizing as skills least 1979 if not longer, and discovered in himself tremendous “apparatchik” the on sat Fichez second, counterparts; Danish their and somatologists French the between encounter ternational in- first the was it First, reasons. of number a for significant was doctors 1960). (fir Thygesen” Dr.[Paul] with associated doctors Danish as well as Fichez Louis Dr. and Richet Charles Professor notably doctors French of group a from came conferences] medical the [for tive their overall themes were fairly consistent. 1981 in (DDR) Berlin in and 1979; in Warsaw in 1976; in Prague in in Liège in 1961; in the Hague in 1961; in Bucharest in 1964; in Paris in 1970; take placeoutsideEurope. erings werethefirstto University in Detroit; and another in New York in 1965. The American gath- organizations; three tance conferences from 1963 were held at Wayne State Health resis- different by held 1985, through Persecution-Induced others fifteen lists 219–21) Damage, on Conferences C: Appendix (1998, Pross anditssequelae. of deportation first The The congress was held in Copenhagen in June 1954 on the pathology the on 1954 June in Copenhagen in held was congress fir conferences were held in Moscow in 1957; in Brussels in 1958; in Brussels in 1957; in Moscow in held were conferences fir conferences were the first such conferences until about 1961. about until conferences such first the were conferences fir Medical Commission until at until Commission Medical fir 25 For the instance, Moscow con- 24 codnl, the Accordingly, This network of network This spoke at the at spoke — 26 and On Displacement 123

kl gure 3 Figure Congress Congress fir Richet’s concept of “psycho- — is pronounced “ka-tzet”), as did the Poles in kz fir conferences so far had established two principal Here, Targowla returned to his previously formulated idea, Non- fir conference proceedings were published in various 28 27 conference was an occasion to summarize continuing research continuing summarize to occasion an was conference fir fir. KonzentrationsLager; Meanwhile, the French somatologists hammered away with their find- Each A very different point of view was argued by Professor P. Kluyskens of the of Kluyskens P. Professor by argued was view of point different very A physiological distress.” That said, this did not mean that there was either unanimity or lack of vigorous discussions, dissension even (although the for example, at the halakhic perspective was almost negligable). Targowla, Hague congress, once again raised his doubts about the specificity of de- portationit Was not, pathology. he asked, just a modified form of “prison psychosis”? He also went on to suggest that most of the “psychopatholo- gies” probably would have organic origins that laboratory research would in time uncover. Targowla also remarked that the syndrome of premature al- survival, camp concentration of aspect an being than rather senescence, ready could be found in Kraepelin’s turn-of-the-century studies (Targowla 1950b, 228). the 1960s, although not pleased at having to use German nomenclature. In 1964, the Wayne State conferences began referring to “post traumatic Elie Cohen Dr. (whose At the 1976 congress symptomatology.” in Warsaw, work is discussed in the next section) used the term “post-concentration syndrome,” which he subtitled “a disaster syndrome.” The away moved next concept the as mutations, later chapter other and these at further looks from its initial relationship to the Nazi concentration camps to encompass far more general phenomena. Third the to speech opening his in instance, for Fichez, ings. asthaenia, progressive chronic of syndrome the (1) findings: somatological and (2) the early ageing of the organism in the form of premature senescence. The symptoms, he went on, were now known; the known; aetiology and there was was one common cause at Liège, stated that medical journals. on deportation pathology, its sequelae, and other aspects as discussed in the preceeding congress. Over time, the term “pathology of deportation,” while still widely used, split into new formulations: The Scandinavians in the 1950s preferred the concept of “kz Syndrome” (also sometimes for of the based on his work with World War I veterans, that these were “subjective syndromes,” but that could present “10–20 years later.” 124 Cadaverland periodization oftheworkdonesofar. a establish to Richet and Thygesen for amassed been had research of body sufficient a sequelae, late-presenting on Congress Hague the and 1960s [by this time] internationally accepted” as a medical condition. By the early was syndrome “kz that doubt no had he But this. believed longer no he gress, in a paper that looked back at twenty-three years of survival research, a view once favored by Thygesen, among others, although by the Fifth Con- was This hypothalamus. the of dysfunction a in located be could cause tive defini- the that opined had instance, for Congress, Copenhagen 1954 The body? the within identified be deportees former of lives the of bilization desta- prolonged continued, its of source the Could nature? subjective a of ence proceedings). of concentration camp incarceration” (from the period the and symptoms late-presenting between link causal a of titude explored domains of medicine. Kluyskens went on to express his own “cer- known to [medical] experts” (my emphasis) and, indeed, was one of the symptoms revealed pathology “post-concentrationary that suggested findings and studies various the Namely, Ghent. of University “psychic andpsychological” abnormalities. to researchers French and Norwegian by attention growing the on mented over half of former deportees showed neurological problems, he also com- fatigue; second, premature ageing; and, last, premature death. Noting that malade ” éternael “un was deportee years after our return.” Thus, for three principal reasons, the Richet stated, included 1955, post- phase, fourth The troubles. psychological emerging with psyche, the as well as system, circulatory the system, digestive the heart, the fected: where sequelae, early called Richet 1955, to 1947 from phase, third the of findings The denutrition. of effects lasting the and tuberculosis, late-presenting as well as civilians, among than ees deport- former among rates mortality higher continued found home, turn re- the of year the and Liberation on focused phase, second A famine. and tuberculosis, dysentery,typhus, by pneumonia, caused death of result a as percent, 75 to 50 of rates mortality cited prisoner-doctors, by observed as distin- ghettos) the of guished four that research phases. The first, from within the to camps themselves, identical was pathology camp that point Was the pathology of deportation in fact a pathology, or something else pathology,something a or fact in deportation of Waspathology the Richet, for instance, in his opening speech (and conceding Dworzecki’s conceding (and speech opening his in instance, for Richet, sequelae, “in which lesions appear up to 10 to up appear lesions which “in sequelae, late-presenting — forever ill: suffering, first, permanent first, suffering, ill: forever 29 oiy ytm wr af- were systems bodily all fndirp archives’ confer- rvosy un- previously least Displacement 125 third gure 3 Figure the manifestation — away from the neuropsychiatric, in While the research examined here 30 second generation, among children of Ho- within the body. esearch, 1952–1982 esearch, congresses, the attention given to the psychological and psy- and psychological the to given attention the congresses, fir In the remaining part of this chapter, we try to get a better grasp of the Increasingly, then, Increasingly, by the 1960s, even in the largely somatological con- never ventured into the still highly suspect realm of the psychoanalytical, by the 1970s, papers were presented on a new effect of psychological problems in the locaust survivors. The fundamental problem was that of the ever-receding thirty- years, twenty then years, ten sequelae: late-presenting of appearance five years, and trans-generationally. transformations going on within the field of psychiatry in Francesince the war through a brief discussion of the work of Minkowski, but also com- in Israel. paratively in Scandinavia, in Poland, and Eugène Minkowski (1885–1972) is no longer as well-known in France as he once was, although English-language sources consider him to be “one of the most original psychopathologists of the twentieth century” Polish-Jewish (Urfer venerable a from although Petersburg, St. in Born 279). 2001, he moved to France because of the Russian Revolution of 1905, and family, fought with distinction in the French army in 1915. Even so, he was never completely accepted within Parisian medical milieux: as a Russian, he was suspected of harboring Bolshevik sympathies; having studied in German- (a radical Jew). speaking Switzerland, he was seen by others as a Trotskyite Although he became a French citizen after the war and completed his medical doctorate in 1926, he was never able to establish himself within leading French medical institutions. As we saw above, in the 1920s, he was to there from consultanton psychoanalytic moving the Henri-Rousselle, at different hospitals, such as the Rothschild. Someone once called him “the scholar another importantly, More 2000). (Mahieu France” in intern oldest remarked that his work represented everything that French psychiatry had repressed (“le refoulé de la psychiatrie ”) française (Thierry Trémine, quoted in Mahieu 2000, 13). Minkowski: Psychopathology in Psychiatry R and Holocaust text of the of text chosomatic chosomatic aspects of deportation pathology became more preponderant. In other words, it is beginning to move part because of the latter’s inability after some twenty years to definitively locate the pathology 126 Cadaverland as clearly what was labeled “pathological” too often still contained a lot of lot a contained still often too “pathological” labeled was what clearly as mal” symptoms: Once again, he felt this was too tidy and also too abstract, cal” was based on a norm against which were established so-called “abnor- mean a lot when confronted with a case of delirium. Also, the “psychologi- didn’t judgment, of difficulties as such psychology, of categories “banal” the that clear becomes soon It 176). 1962, (Minkowski mechanisms” tal] [men- underlying “the were as another, from different very each cases, of range whole a covered words These schizophrenia. or mania, paranoia, as concepts such diagnostic to mention not difficulties, perceptual with variations more even and hallucinations, visual and auditory between ence differ- a was there that seen enough quickly had observation pathological all this, Minkowski remarked, and too neatly schematized. Clinical psycho- tidy,Too judgment. and perception, consciousness, of troubles troubles, memory psychiatry: of psychological by hypo-) recognized functions and “normal” (hyper- the dysfunctions various the at clinically looked ogy what isit,andwheredoesitfallwithintherealmofpsychiatry? term I’ve already used in this book, but without going into its meaning tion that discussed contemporary psychopathology. “Psychopathology” is a 1962 paper he gave in Jerusalem at a meeting of the Israeli medical associa- a on focus to going to I’m Therefore, here. dimensions develop to many thought Minkowski’s too are there obviously So, on. so and that, inside matryoshkas, in which you open one only to find another inside and another which begantopublishtherhmhin1948. adults. As we saw, Minkowski was among the 1936 founders of the many as well as children thousand two over protect to managing children, the especially organizations, ish Jew- various with involved closely were Both friend. a to thanks escaping almost arrested in 1943 when the Vichy police turned up at their apartment, often yellow hiding stars, out at the Sainte-Anne medical library. They were children matized Minkowska Françoise wife, his (Trockman) and he years, war the During phrenia. schizo- of understanding the deepening in were contributions major his psychiatry.1930s, French the of in books and articles state many the In ing of group rial ikwk cle i “scooys ite itr” n ht psychopathol- that in sister,” little “psychology’s it called Minkowski or dolls Russian those to work psychiatric Minkowski’s likens Mahieu edito- the with associated was Minkowski 1926, in foundation its From — , a journal that saw its role as advanc- as role its saw that journal a psychiatrique , Evolution also a psychiatrist of note, especially for her work with trau- — refused to leave Paris and both wore their obligatory their wore both and Paris leave to refused , whose mission was to save Jewish save to was mission whose ose, shmh, — so Displacement 127 or — where gure 3 Figure — to the outrage of their fel- — that is, an idea or interpreta- affective content as key to under- — as Freud’s 1885–1886 studies with — psychoses, madness, autism, or schizophre- — uncovered, in the representation (or idea), affective 31 — There was a third approach, but it came from outside the French tradi- The other approach to psychopathology came out of asylum psychiatry In the French psychiatric tradition, Minkowski stated, two paths led to low psychiatrists for whom these were “anti-university” (Minkowski 1962, and were, they Which ideas. “anti-intellectual” indeed and subversive 184), which caused Bleuler’s career great harm, although he stuck to his guns regarding the importance of nonintellectual factors like emotion and affectivity in the interpretations of life given by patients and thetic understanding their by (some) psychiatrists. sympa- Minkowski claimed that the human being, here always the tried doctor, to seek “the human,” whatever the phenomenon observed Charcot made clear had been repressed. and conflictual emotional factors that tion and derived from the early work of Jung and especially Eugen Bleuler at the Burghölzli clinic in Switzerland, where Minkowski studied in 1911 and 1912. There, Jung in a small book on premature dementia in 1907, and Bleuler in his 1911 Treatise, produced a veritable revolution in academic psychiatry by foregrounding the concept of standing both psychoses and schizophrenia tion of something by the patient. Extending this further led to the work of Babinski, Janet, and Freud. and focused on the equally grab-bag concept of “dementia praecox,” premature dementia, and its causes. the Roughly, difference between the two approaches was that where the latter concentrated on the mechanical, organic causes of madness, the former psychoneuroses as Minkowski put it more contemporaneously the former eventually gave up on a purely neurological explanation of the enormous varieties of hysteria, and concluded that the stead problem at the lay level of in- “the representation” the psychopathological. The first lay in Charcot’s work on hysteria “normal.” “normal.” Indeed, the very idea of normal was rife with abnormalities (see Margree 2002 on the work of Georges Canguilhem; as well as Canguilhem 1991). As a result, given the general unhelpfulness of psychological categories, psychopathology had moved further away and established its own concepts and notions, as it became an increasingly autonomous field. For instance, as Minkowski’s work had shown, the concept of “affective psy- “phenomeno- the termed he what by analyzed also be could chopathology” structural” approach. 128 Cadaverland well as well as conditions, medical camp of description detailed a by followed camps, of hisobservationsandreflections. particular own his took psychological explanation for the behavior of the camp prisoners, he in fact others). writer Jean Cayrol’s 1948 article on dreams in the concentration camps, and ski; the 1946 and later work of Dutch psychoanalyst Eddie De Wind; French psychological, medical, of psychoanalytic, and other sources (e.g., Freud; the 1946 article by Minkow variety a on drew references his choanalyst, able eyewitnesses,passingaway”(xx). irreplace- are [w]e . . . smaller and smaller “getting were numbers whose 1,052 survivor Dutch Jews who returned (of the some 60,000 deported), and the of one as time, same the At egoism.” “my was favored Cohen that tion explana- The xviii). 1988, Cohen (E. camps” concentration the survive to managed I why about explanations “many since years the over sought had he said also he but conscience, own his of price the at life, chosen having at guilt continued his express Cohen did only not edition, 1988 the to ace pref- his In since. times of number a republished and 1954, in London in Cape Jonathan by translation English in published was Camp Concentration not sosimplequestion:Whatdidyouexperiencethere? of wider, albeit causes important, to bother asking survivors the simple, yet fluid, measuring glucose levels, or campaigning and reforming in the name spinal drawing either busy too been had alike, halakhists and matologists vivors sur- had namely,how literature; medical the in nonexistent virtually been had 1950s the until that understanding survivor camp of dimension a to Nietzsche toBergson,andsoon. from philosophers “irrationalist” of influence sinister the still, others and of “existential philosophy” that too often confused content with processes; varieties the of thought medical into penetration the others, “humanism”; old-fashioned an seen have some psychiatry in perspective a such In nia. tration camp and Auschwitz before that. before Auschwitz and camp tration concen- Ebensee from return his after written thesis medical 1952 his in The first hundred pages of the book dealt with the organization of the of organization the with dealt book the of pages hundred first The While Cohen was apologetic that he was only a physician and not a psy- a not and physician a only was he that apologetic was Cohen While The main point here, however, is this: Minkowksi’s work opened the way The first to attempt to do so was the Dutch physician, Elie A. Cohen, A. Elie physician, Dutch the was so do to attempt to first The experienced what they had gone through? Everybody, so- Everybody, through? gone had they what experienced themselves medical experiments on prisoners. Chapter 3 dealt with the psy- the with dealt 3 Chapter prisoners. on experiments medical ss 34 And while Cohen claimed that his “real aim” (xxii) was to find a find to was (xxii) aim” “real his that claimed Cohen while And of Auschwitz as the starting point starting the as Auschwitz of experience affective 33 Cohen’s Human Behaviour in the in Behaviour Human 32 Displacement 129 driven gure 3 Figure — , “that only “that ss, 35 We’ll come We’ll back 38 strengthened the force regression to a debased , who appeared sim- appeared who ss, to survive at all costs — In other words, this is point in Cohen’s analysis turned on the role of 37 — was attended by a disturbance of the affective re- — or what Bettelheim termed “a subject-object split” — With his intellectual faculties unimpaired, Cohen felt he but unclear 36 — Or perhaps not so curiously in the sense that, for Cohen, the shock of Centrally, Cohen restated the Bettelheimian argument about the more or more the about argument restatedBettelheimian Cohen the Centrally, One key form of human life; a not number, a name; a digestive system in search of food. But this does not jibe with Cohen’s insistence on the virtual disappearance of sexual life in the camps; if one has become little more instinct, would not the than sexual instincts proliferate also? (E. Cohen 1988, 118) actions brought about by the repression of the emotions, allowing the paradoxically prisoner to find himself “in a more advantageousthan position another who was passing through phase” the (171). apathetic or the euphoric chology of the prisoners. The fourth and longest chapter, curiously for this for curiously chapter, longest and fourth The prisoners. the of chology of the ss. the psychology to 1954), discussed period (1952 prisoner arrival at the camp, almost from the first was day, so greatthat it produced, at least in some prisoners, what he called “acute depersonaliza- on views Wind’s De against discussion technical much is There (170). tion” fright reactions; because something more was involved for Cohen. Acute depersonalization shortly to this contentious point in discussing the work of Michael Pollak. shortly to this contentious point in discussing the with prisoners the of most of identification complete less ply incomprehensible. Further, it also let him make the even more crucial few escaped.” This identification allowed Cohen to explain why, among the of hatred no was there least, at deportees Dutch could assess the camp more precisely, draw accurate conclusions, learn to make himself inconspicuous, and observe the maltreatment of others “without compassion.” One might say today that such a “fortunate” pris- skepti- remained he that said himself Cohen sociopath. a become had oner cal about this; that acute depersonalization did not last more than several months, then disappeared, or became chronic. His skepticism was based on seeing affective displays between deportees if a long-lost friend arrived at the camp, as well as in the emotions always aroused in prisoners by the selections. “repression”: On the one hand, arrival at the camp of repression; but then, after enough time spent in the camps, repression seemed to be overridden, and behavior became determined mainly by instinct, and the life instinct in particular most of all by hunger (164). 130 Cadaverland their oppressors with assimilation complete achieve to attempt ultimate the (189): hatred” the with identification Jews’ the that point relieves persons of much existential worrying about their identity, although sense common experience, normal so-called In extreme. the of memories of nature the at looked also Pollack others. of that and self one’s both to upon impact their considered and centrationary experience within the larger context of “extreme experiences” zling workofmemorywithrespecttopastexperience. puz- the and accounts, testimonial such in silences the survivors, of mony testi- the of analysis the as such studies, Holocaust in developments later reflected also focus Pollak’s (1961). asylums and prisons as such stitutions in- “total” on Goffman Erving of work the sociology,especially American sociologist, and thus strongly influenced by the “symbolic interactionism” approach in a of work the all above is it identity,” social of maintenance the on “Essay an Subtitled 2000. in republished and 1982 in published first Pollak’s Michael experience. trationary concen- the of tonality affective the grasp of to trying extensions in work sense Minkowski’s this in were both And camps. concentration the of ish survivor.Andassuch,thefirstattempttodoso,evenunwittingly. analysis of “human behavior” in the camps than a an less reverse: the is with us leaves he point real the thought, previously sion stressed that the human capacity for adaptation was much greater than conclu- his in Cohen While id. just so and assimilation; at attempt failed the through superego no self; of loss through ego no terms, Freudian In of all psychological defence mechanisms for stripped an indeterminate period of time. been having and nothing, with left literally end, war’s at ees made result the fail, only could and failed, it If fail. only can assimilation complete attempted the father), totemic the the of case the cisely pre- was discussed later Cohen as which object, love a to ideal ego the of did prisoners the since psychology,that group Freud’s on based argue, to on went then Cohen as ish Question. Confirming and/or contradicting Cohen’s view, Pollak framed the con- the framed Pollak view, Cohen’s contradicting and/or Confirming experience subjective the explore to tried also study later a contrast, By especially subtle, very or pernicious either is argument of line a Such — would be shattering of the “survival” strategies of Jewish deport- Jewish of strategies “survival” the of shattering be would 39 — as it were, the with respect to their leaders, Hitler in particular as particular in Hitler leaders, their to respect with ss form a group in Freud’s sense (the surrender (the sense Freud’s in group a form not lived form of the Final Solution to the Jew- s self-image as identity — which is not a claim that Cohen that claim a not is which was concentrationnaire L’expérience was a version of “Jewish self- “Jewish of version a was ss psychopathology of the Jew- — ih respect with Displacement 131 how, bodily cannot that, to gure 3 Figure — immediately and subse- and immediately how survivor accounts are — single largest category of deportee survivor accounts. ss doctors were willing, usually to grudgingly, extend some dealt survivors How integrity. moral Pollak noted that the prisoner-doctors’ accounts tended to dwell to tended accounts prisoner-doctors’ the that noted Pollak consistent with a similar observation made by Cohen with this either/or and its lasting damage to both body and soul, its lasting damage to both body and with this either/or and 40 — — Pollak focused on three of twenty lengthy interviews that he conducted upon whatever humanitarian actions they were able to accomplish in the camps, as a way of deflecting attention away from their relative privilege. Further, according to Pollack, accounts by former prisoner-doctors and nurses made up the This observation speaks to both the relative ease of their living conditions and also to the fact that it was the “literate” survivors who wrote the first accounts of the concentration camp experience. In indirect contradiction of Cohen’s claim that sexual instinct virtually disappeared in the camps, social situations and differing social contexts (the large city, say) allow us to us allow say) city, large (the contexts social differing and situations social conceal or display to on, so and clothing, “masks,” using roles, various play emotions. Manipulating what Goffman called “the presentation of self in everyday life” is the social game played by all, and its rules are reasonably into plunged be to life ordinary from uprooting sudden the However, clear. an extreme situation such as the concentration camps involved a loss of “logic” or common sense. Moreover, not just the lack of social rules, but also the arbitrariness of existence under “rules” so completely outside the bounds of normal experience as to be utterly incomprehensible created for survivors a double problem of identity maintenance. The question of degree of professional respect to their fellow (“racially inferior”) doctors, speak- relatively camps, the in privileged the among were prisoner-doctors (184). ing after being torn and from social one’s context, ordinary to life, sur- family, vive such loss was often compounded in the new social context of the “absurd” concentrationary universe by the “impossible” choice between and integrity quently told; what they concentrate on; what they leave out; what survivors or will not speak about, and so on. (either by self- or external censorship) with survivors: three women survivors from Auschwitz camps in and Europe: Western “Margareta” from Vienna; “Ruth” then from Berlin; other and “Myriam” from Paris. Myriam was a which prisoner-doctor, let Pollak observe the extent the Pollak argued, was what made survivor accounts not just factual accounts (“this happened or that happened”) but valuable “instruments of identity reconstruction” (2000, 12). Yet, such identity reconstruction was also not without many problems that appear in analyzing 132 Cadaverland alone, as if before and after had no importance. no had after and before if as alone, experience camp the on content their of percent 100 to 80 for focused at For example, he noted that about three-quarters of the narratives he looked of his interviewees’ accounts focused more on evaluating proportionalities. ing to post-camp life. However, Pollak’s analysis of the narrative structures any means underplay the many hardships faced by his interviewees in adapt- by not did and (231), lives” “mutilated about write did Pollak 1990s. the in studies survivor in place took that “pathologization” against turn the flects are humanbeings,howeverotherwisedebased,thereissexuality. their and 1980s aspects oftheirlives(249). horrible most the about candidly speak to people) most matter,of that for psychoanalysts and wondered whether “the survivor syndrome” observed by many psychiatrists “the tation,” term the depor- of pathology “the of variant later used a was which syndrome,” “survivor Pollak reconstruction. identity on percent 80 and camps the on percent 20 inverse: the demonstrated case some in and vary, tions by the Nazis than male homosexuality (in the (in homosexuality male than Nazis the by about female homosexuality in recent scholarship is that it was less policed that is, considerable variation and degree of sexual activity. One suggestion other: each with deportees women deportees, women and guards female ficially as camp prostitutes, but of relations between male guards and boys, in Ruth’s account. We are not about talking those deportees who served of- notably considerable, appears ambiguity sexual of realm contrary,the the On believed. time) that of others (and Cohen than rampant more far was camps the in sexuality that clear it made interviewees female three Pollak’s perience of perience their more inclusive understanding of “deportation” as standing for the ex- say with certainty. As we have seen, the French term likely was prompted by to hard is deportation” of “pathology the termed French the what drome” Syn- “kz as nominated Norwegians) and (Danes Scandinavians the Why The Scandinavian ofKZSyndrome, School 1952–1980 caught). Unlike Cohen’s, Pollak’s study did not pathologize his subjects. This re- This subjects. his pathologize not did study Pollak’s Cohen’s, Unlike unwillingness to listen to unwillingness own 41 The larger (and perhaps obvious) point here is that where there where that is here point obvious) perhaps (and larger The — pows, was not, in fact, a projection by these medical professionals of kz Syndrome,” and related descriptors. More importantly, he s, and Resistants, under the loose category of “de- of category loose the under Resistants, and stos, — i rfrne ae o ok ulse i te 1970s the in published work to are references his — as well as the difficulty of survivors (or, survivors of difficulty the as well as punishable by death by punishable ss 42 Of course, these propor- these course, Of — if Displacement 133

fir gure 3 Figure the end the before twelve survived. up to twelve years — — Berthomé observed that observed Berthomé 43 what the former deportees and only occasionally to Jews. — where and but he provided no further data. Other Norwe- — ,” and moreover had no idea of the circum- the of idea no had moreover and corpses,” resurrected — “kazetniks” in concentration camps. concentration in “kazetniks” — unable to readapt to a normal life; and whose “breakdowns were — ) Konzentrationslager was precisely Eitinger’s paper reported on the first 131 former deportees. Of these, over these, Of deportees. former 131 first the on reported paper Eitinger’s Eitinger ascribed the lack of attention to symptoms in part to immediate Eitinger (1963) remarked that Norwegians were deported to Germany had been had portees” portees” that referred to all of the above For the lead Norwegian researcher, Leo Eitinger, an Auschwitz survivor, the the survivor, Auschwitz an Eitinger, Leo researcher, Norwegian lead the For kz ( becoming more frequent as time passed.” Furthermore, considerable diagnostic controversy existed among doctors that had affected the attribu- Professor by (headed team Norwegian a 1961, By pensions. disability of tion Axel Ström of the Neurological Department of the University Hospital in dataOslo) had examined 500 patients and published on them. 70 percent presented with more than seven of the ten symptoms of “neurastheniform concentration camp syndrome” as defined by Thygesen at al. (1952). This syndrome “appears in most cases to be the concentration result . . of . after organic originated have to seem that . . . brain the in changes The Norwegian resistants deported to Germany were released released were Germany to deported resistants Norwegian The of the war, brought back to Sweden, and returned to Norway after Libera- tion, where they were welcomed as heroes. This meant that, for the most part, they picked up their lives “almost as though nothing had happened” (60), and did not find in the immediate aftermath the adjustment difficulties and self-reproaches described among other Jewish ex-inmates (or not of sequelae). until the mid-1950s and the appearance postwar euphoria but, more importantly, to medical ignorance. “Doctors in our normal and well-organized society had never had the opportunity to examine and see stances of concentration camp existence (60, my emphasis). In 1957, the Norwegian Association of Disabled War Veterans asked a group of physicians to examine former deportees and veterans still later gians, considered less dangerous by the Occupier, were imprisoned in con- in imprisoned were Occupier, the by dangerous less considered gians, centration camps in Of Norway. the 1,200 Jews in Norway before the war, about 500 escaped to Sweden; the rest were deported conference in Copenhagen in 1954 (1997, 267–69), although he found very although he found 1954 (1997, 267–69), in Copenhagen in conference Danish work and Norwegian studies. little difference between mainly for printing secret newspapers, trying to join the Allies, or helping Jews escape to Sweden the first official medical usage of the term “kz Syndrome” was at the 134 Cadaverland work on “the concentration camp syndrome” since 1947 and 1948, when he real phenomena. cal and otherwise, that derived rely portrayals on of statistically supposedly medi- studies, all for implications has it Indeed, matter. minor a means 612). 1954b, (Targowla real” than mathematical “more end, the in not, was demonstrated study the what whether and precision, ing result- the about wondered He material. respondants’ questionnaire the from up worked tables and data statistical on emphasis ogy,heavy its with being conductedinthetwocountries. have emphasized further the “striking concordances” between the research would felt, he references, those of inclusion the pettiness; academic just work on the sequelae of deportation. However, this criticism was more than French current to references enough contain not did bibliography portant im- otherwise study’s the that complained He (1948). al. et Richet of work Danes’ “neurastheniform syndrome,” and he also got in a few plugs for the the to syndrome” hypermnesia paroxystic “emotional of concept own his preferred frankly Targowla up; cropped jealousies national and fessional pro- usual the And examinations. individual fifty-two mere a on based was discussion psychiatric the example, for clinical; sufficiently not was study form study 1952 sive mas- al.’s et Thygesen particularly researchers, Danish of work psychiatric experiencing personalitywhichseemstobethedecisivefactor.”(65). the than experiences war the more much thus is “It out). ruled (also ences experi- childhood disturbing on emphasis Freud’s out); (ruled psychoses” “endogenous Kraepelin’s out); (ruled war the before predisposition” ity psychiatry in causality of problem thorny always the to back Eitinger led This experiences. wartime their of fisherman andfarmers)whohadnotbeenabletoworkthroughthehorror individuals, (stable persons healthy psychiatrically otherwise in years teen since Liberation the psychiatricsymptomswasdepression ries as well as . . . by starvation and exhaustion” (Eitinger 1963, 63). Among camp internment as a multiple trauma caused by mechanical and toxic inju- Thygesen addressed this very question in a 1980 paper reviewing Danish reviewing paper 1980 a in question very this addressed Thygesen methodol- study’s Danish the of suspicious was Targowla all, Above (1954b) Targowla — while considering it “an important study.” In a word, the Danish the word, a In study.” important “an it considering while — — over 450 pages long in its original journal supplement journal original its in long pages 450 over as well as anxiety syndrome persisting for more than a sm cnen wt te sciti ad neuro- and psychiatric the with concerns some had — o isac, peobd personal- “premorbid instance, for — “total, existentialdepression” “total, This is by no by is This fif- Displacement 135 speci- gure 3 Figure conform to kz Syndrome often disabling in other words, — — different aspects of the Syndrome took place took Syndrome kz as we later discovered — ” after twenty-five years (224; (224; years twenty-five after finished” yet not is job the and — Most important of all, Thygesen remarked, in order to help the victims This was also to say that the work of identifying identifying of work the that say to also was This The discussion came up because, by the 1980s, some psychiatrists draw- psychiatrists some 1980s, the by because, up came discussion The Thygesen was quite open about how the characteristics of Now this is not to say that Thygesen and his colleagues made up their syndrome. It’s a lot like Minkowski’s Russian dolls. syndrome. It’s a lot like Minkowski’s Russian of the camps with compensation, the research findings had to my emphasis). and others began examining all surviving Danish former camp prisoners living in Copenhagen. ing from recent political events in Latin America and elsewhere where torture was widely used on opponents, real or imagined, had begun to speak of “a torture syndrome.” This gave Thygesen his opening; that namely, “a syndrome” was “a specific unified corpus of sequelae,” which is not the case with torture. However, it was the case with concentration camp syn- the where place(s) the with . . . and history for respect of “out part in drome, syndrome originated” (Thygesen 1980, 224). Even if concentration camp “recog- a as Organization Health World the by listed was then by syndrome that is made Thygesen that importantobservation more the disease,” nized describe to 15 another and syndrome the of establishexistence to the years 10 took “[i]t picture the of details within a context of social and other conditions that influenced bothfindings the and how these were categorized and treated. “We needed a fying term which would denote impera- the of One original). the in emphasis (224, health” of deterioration tive reasons for the creation of the term was not only to help rehabilitate victims’ health, but also as a concept for qualifying under compensation laws. also reflected the medical orientation used. In the early 1950s, those methods were primarily neurological and neuropsychiatric. The use of gastro- intestinal methods, he remarked, would have yielded “a different kind of psychoso- or “psychodynamic more a And syndrome.” camp concentration matic approach” would have drawn attention to still existing theories at the time about disability. The work had to meet both “the objectivity requirements of scientific method” (as then understood) and “the socalled medical basis for claimed disability” the kz Syndrome had to be shown to be “biological” (224). 136 Cadaverland findings. As he recalled, their very first examinations in the late1940s inthe cause biological a at “hinted firstexaminations very their he recalled, As findings. matologists far more than the halakhists. The Polish literature, while not while literature, Polish The halakhists. the than more far matologists so- the far, so encountered have we researchers the of work clearly the reflected literature German the certainly chapter, next the for approaches approach American Leaving 91). different 1988, (Pross studies” German fundamentally and American from a “took syndrome camp centration con- on studies medical Polish that commented have writers of number A Polish Perspectives onKZ Syndrome, 1945–1961 269). 2002, (Berthomé deportation” of rubric general the under here designated degradation. “In a word, that we are equal before the worst, the worst being factor causal objective truly only the to degree same the to succumb will organism, any rather or anyone, that namely, same: the were results the showed, deportees former Israeli and Norwegian on own. their to (1964a) foreign work comparative controversial) utterly (nonetheless Eitinger’s as Third, so state) Socialist National (the state a of practices social the from discourse medical Scandinavian the of distancing way further a also was hunger of consequences the by caused system nervous sick a of metaphor medically,the Second, point. ethical an is this But camps. concentration Nazi the of barbarity the in lay: evil the of source of origin the about doubt no was 268). 2002, (Berthomé findings overall its about “democratic” its histological tables, statistics, graphs, and so forth, there was something with been may it “scientistic” however that, observation interesting highly were findingthesameresultsamongconcentrationcampsurvivors. Scandinavia, and as we shall see, elsewhere, European medical researchers the additional burden of the replication of results, and clearly, in France, in requires Science appear? to made be it can persuasive how rather or it, is dence, whether in medicine, law, or another research domain: How “solid” evi- of problem whole the It’s shown. have authors other many as works, or “theevidencehintsatsucharesult.” perhaps,” say,“well, and board disability pension a before go doesn’t one emphasis). his (224; lacking” was which of knowledge exact but ial, n h Sadnva Sho, enMr Brhm mks the makes Berthomé Jean-Marc School, Scandinavian the on Finally, really science how of revealing more is here candor Thygesen’s fact, In — something which something ydoe n wee h ultimate the where and Syndrome kz was irreversible was perhaps — prolonged somatic prolonged First, there First, But then But Displacement 137 ferent” gure 3 Figure Przeglad Lekarski- fir in 1979, editor Since 1961, the journal has published an an- 44 although, he adds, “from a psychiatric point of view.” The ex- — Przeglad Lekarski (Medical Review) that first appeared in that city in 1862 Pross is among the strongest of non-Polish writers to stress what makes For his part, Klodinski importantly remarked that one of the crucial This picture of the Krakow School, however, appears less radically dif- prisoners were themselves aware that “their psyche is peculiarly dif nual supplement devoted to the experiences and consequences of the Nazi concentration camps. At the Warsaw Congress of the Dr. Josef Bogusz presented a paper on the work of Oswiecim the supplements since the 1960s; to date, twenty-six volumes six thousand pages). been published (over have the Krakow School unique in its approach. First, that survivors’ suffering could not be approached through conventional medical concepts. At the same time, the school also rejected psychiatric as well as psychoanalytical perspectives, preferring to focus on “the analysis of the subjective experiences and the statements of the individual patients” as Kepinski put it (quoted in Pross 1988, 91–92). For Kepinski, the usual kz approaches Syndrome to were based on an overly rigid separation of psychological and physical factors; on the contrary, they were “firmly linked,” so much so that if somatic phenomena produced psychological sequelae, this also worked the other with way, somatic damage resulting from psychological tensions. traits that distinguished Polish research was “that it is not linked to pen- sub- seen, just have we as and, results” the distort often which claims, sion ordinate the complexity of phenomena to statistical reductionism (quoted in Pross 1988, 92). ferent when approached from within the school itself; here the work Zdzislaw of Ryn, a member of the second generation of researchers. In his “Evolution of Mental Disturbances in the Concentration Camp Syndrome (kz-Syndrom),” he opened with the with former observation inmates of concentration that is . . “direct . a strange contact and unique rience” expe- and has published ever since, with some interruptions such as revolution, wars, and Nazi occupation. unaware of, say, Targowla, did constitute a unique corpus Targowla, of its own, unaware how- of, say, ever. The so-called Krakow School around Antoni Klodinski, and others, Kepinski, many of whom Stanislaw were former Auschwitz deportees, had set up a treatment and rehabilitation center for survivors after 1945. The members of the Krakow School published in the long-standing journal 138 Cadaverland sage of time.” He identified three of these lasting pas- the with “increased only have that difficulties numerous with plagued “inhuman habitsandstereotypesofbehavior”(25). world and emotional for ties the stamped rest of their lives with the camp’s the of view subsequent deportees’ former making writing, was Ryn when later years fifty some alive” remained [has] camp concentration the of ality deportees’ injuries and somatic complaints healed, “in their psyches the re- although all, Above (24–25). values and structure personality in changes deep and prostration; and breakdown complete as depression mental ity; the deportees: the resulting borderline blurring between reality and unreal- camp experience was “a shock unparalleled in the [the] previous experience” of of trauma the because complex, more are effects psychosomatic and disease itself“istodayundisputed.” ofthe fact the although “uniqueness,” classification) (diagnostic logical noso- its and factors etiological of variety the given really, was, term one No ideal. not was it disease, the of essence” “the to close was Targowla’s While term. better a with up come help to linguists to appealed Ryn Here used. commonly through one but expression” (Targowla)foreign-sounding “a Syndrome, gravis” kz progressiva “asthenia from years, the used over terminology various the and literature, clinical world the in dantly human beings.AsRynputit, of mystery the to as much as themselves, to puzzle a The remained prisoners noblemindedness.” and kindness “of acts of experience their or from debasement, and terror of circles endless its from either themselves, free not could they which from camps, the about talked they when vealed re- is “otherness” their that remark Kepinski’s quoted He 23). 1990, (Ryn Since the beginning, research on the medical consequences had been had consequences medical the on research beginning, the Since And while there was little question as to the biological effects, the psychic abun- reflected was effects camp post–concentration of complexity The of itsown.andissubjecttoevolution.(24) in time and extending beyond the individual life. . . . It displays a dynamic tion that suffered in the . . . camps and the war. It is . . . a process lasting second or even third generation. . . . It has become fixated in the popula- the to transferred been has camp concentration the of . . . stigma The spheres. psychic . . . and physical the in progressive, even or permanent something be to seems stresses camp experiencing by left stamp The — still unresolved — prob- Displacement 139 as- gure 3 Figure Third and finally, En- finally, and Third 45 Holocaust and Memory, reflected the turn

the basic problem: Should a causal relationship be causal causal relationship between illnesses suffered in the camps and esearch, 1948–1969 esearch, arly R arly A third researcher, Barbara Engelking of the Polish Academy of Sci- gelking observed that Polish research, as indeed Western research generally, had focused too much on the pathology of camp experiences and so only on the negative, dysfunctional aspects. And yes, it was “possible to be of the camps. happy” (258) even after the experience Leo Eitinger had remarked that it was “regrettable that . . . Israeli psychiatrists have been so preoccupied with . . . practical work that they have not had the opportunity to work through the large published” been have material surveys scattered and at reports case their only now Until disposal . . . . on concentration camp survival (1964a, 30–31). By “practical work,” meant setting up the infrastructure of hospitals, clinics, research facilities, he and other institutions in the medical field that came with the creation of the state, and, as with we which saw, technology transfer in psychiatry the The Israeli Holocaust Problem Problem Holocaust Israeli The and E lems: lems: (1) the present-day present-day states of health; (2) the influence of concentration camp disease on the etiology of subsequent diseases, such as sclerosis, premature aging, and mental disorders; and (3) what he termed “the greatest contro- the namely, versy,” absence of temporal continuity between trauma in the camp and the onset of a disease (25–26). Ryn went so far as to question what was ultimately sumed between late-appearing effects and incarceration? But, having raised assumption, an remained it so and further, it probe not did he question, the although “there is no doubt that the concentration camp disease will per- to come” (33). sist in the generations ence in in her Warsaw, 2001 book to the analysis of survivors’ personal narratives that we encountered with Pollak’s study. While recognizing “the enormous Krakow contribution” School (255), she had a number of of problems with their work. For the one, she questioned the representativity of their research sampling based on volunteers’ answers to questionnaires, as opposed to random surveys, social that considered she another, For groups. control of lack the as well as science research instead of medical research was perhaps a better method survival. Holocaust of problems the with dealing for 140 Cadaverland sciti nslgcl niis (ahn Etne, n Wni 1963). Winnik and Eitinger, (Nathan, entities” nosological psychiatric clinical syndrome “not amenable to classification according to the accepted a presented survivors camp concentration of German patients, illnesses hospitalized psychiatric common the to compared that, found survivors psychiatric pathology from a ten-year study (1952–1962) of several hundred The above. discussed have we findings the from different that all not was decade, that of end the and 1962 between contributor a also was Eitinger battle! (seeMüller1952;Palgi1963,1973;Dasberg1976). in breakdown mental from suffered soldiers Israeli that namely, survival; Holocaust than shocking more even ways some in surfaced phenomenon a 1970s, and 1960s the of wars the and (1948–1949) Independence of War uses of psychiatry military in the European context, was that, as early as the the from different significantly one not but irony, related A persecution. Nazi of effects psychopathological the to attention sustained serious, ing giv- also were psychiatrists earlier,Israeli occasionally not if decade, same the By Eichmann. Adolf of trial 1961 the by opinion public Israeli in tered under the carpet of the Holocaust problem was, of course, definitively shat- just shut up and somehow try to put your life together again. This sweeping had been through “over there” in the Diaspora. And so the best thing was to deportees the what about hear to want not did Israelis Most Jews. deportee to response French the from different that all not was baggage, chological general response to the The newcomers, who admittedly came with a use. lot of psy- civilian and military for soap low-quality create to Jews burned people” there were allthe macabre jokesaboutthe too, Here farmer-fighters. heroic as self-image own their with profoundly European from arrived that material” “human aged dam- The survivors. with problems of lot a had 1948, before Palestine in nationalities? other from different been irony incredible an possibly is it survivors, and elsewhere). psychiatric institute at Tel of the University of Tel-Aviv, Hashomer Hospital Baruk the instance, (for involved closely were especially halakhists French sensitivity; social maladjustment and withdrawal from everyday life. The life. everyday from withdrawal and maladjustment social sensitivity; hyper- and nervousness manifestations; anxiety depression; and fatigue The pathology was chronic, there were no psychotic symptoms; but instead In certain ways, the work of Israeli psychiatrists with survivors, to which In certain o te e cuty a ure o woe ouain ee Holocaust were population whose of quarter a country, new the For — n te ieped yh ht h Nzs a ue te a of fat the used had Nazis the that myth widespread the and — saponim — ht the that or not? Should Israelis have Israelis Should not? or — te es born Jews the sabras, Hebrew for “thesoap ap clashed camps dp 46

Displacement 141 experi- gure 3 Figure event and as an Winnik was born in Bukovina, studied in Vienna, Prague, Breslau, Like Richet, who tried to find in various larger fields and ultimately in ger- in ultimately and fields larger various in find to tried who Richet, Like entitled Winnik’s of paper 1969 a at briefly look to want I however, Here, Not being tied down as much as some of the Europeans to the organicist the to Europeans the of some as much as down tied being Not (1902– Winnik Zvi Heinrich of work the with case the especially was This Chemnitz, and Berlin, where he was senior physician of neurology at the Lankwitz Hospital until 1933. With the Nazi takeover, he fled1942, in Palestine to escaping Anschluss, to1938 the after Bucharest then and Vienna where his family also managed to join him. He was one of the first Israeli Nor- in Eitinger as such researchers other contactwith make to researchers in the United States in Holland, and later (see Hertz 1993). way, where exactly to ontology, locate his psychophysiology of distress, Winnik short- if new the of something make to trying 1979 to 1969 decade the spent lived science of invented victimology, in 1949 by the French psychoanalyst and applied psychology. B. Mendelsohn, as a domain in criminology “Second Thoughts about ‘Psychic Trauma.’” I mention this paper in part because of the importance that American research would give to the concept of trauma from the late 1950s on. Winnik’s main argument was that trauma, defined as an emotional shock that makes a lasting impression on the unconscious mind, had to be distinguished as an syndrome syndrome was independent of previous personality patterns, significantly related to the specific experience war,of but, unlike (113). of “organic etiology” was no evidence where, there studiesother else- aspects meant that Israeli psychiatrists turned to psychoanalytic explora- 1960s. by about the late sooner, tions much 1982), a pioneer of Israeli Holocaust research and a president of the Israeli So- Psychoanalytic Palestine the as 1933 in founded Society, Psychoanalytic ciety. ence. As an event, which was how the concept had been used historically, trauma was seen as an external factor, an injury or an accident, that provoked abrupt changes to which the organism could not adapt; basically a context the in is, (that however experience, an As stimulus. extreme of form so- from term the borrowed had who Freud was it disturbances), psychic of matic medicine and transposed it to psychic states, stressing that “Trauma cannot be assessed in terms of an external event alone” (quoted in Winnik 1969, 83). For Freud, one of the psychic planes of the ego consisted of “a or stimulus protective barrier,” shield strong enough to resist many excessive forms of stimuli, but “trauma” was a psychic force strong enough to break through the barrier. For example, in another writer’s usage, trauma 142 Cadaverland years later, and then skipping generations skipping then and later, years provide an answer to these questions. Later and later sequelae could writings Freud’s that believed Winnik experience”? traumatic ficult dif- most “the into abruptly turning years, many for healthy seemingly be currence ensues in the concentration camp syndrome when a patient could re- morbid a why understanding in significant especially were noted, nik Win- questions, The stimulus? the of occurrence initial the after years long this “stimulus barrier” consisted of. And why did it suddenly collapse, even exactly what ask to survivors camp concentration and neuroses war of sion discus- a in trauma of concept the used had 1950 in writing psychoanalyst British a importantly, More (84). instinct” death the of eruption “an was ment in that in ment re- survival search. We Holocaust can speak, then, to some extent, of a postwar phase of of displace- history unknown the to layer another yet adds however, here, work their recovering of importance The exceptions. still sion, with some exceptions in the Israeli context, and even there these were profes- medical the influence to struggle their lost speak, to so halakhists, The there. and here emphases differing various with training, medical to approach shared a of because also but reasons, (Resistance) political for part in so, successfully more far somatologists the countries; other in ers research- fellow with conferences international through up link to sought then Westernperspectives of Both history medicine. the of re-examination ethical Jewish minority a and emphasis somatological widespread a tween be- unevenly split approaches French saw, we as But, 34). (1962, interest the played much show to yet had world” Anglo-Saxon largely “the that adding role,” leading had School French “the , déportation la de Pathologie La France first, where as Richet remarked in the third edition of his and Mans’ In Europe. throughout deportation of pathology the around ideas of ment displace- and dissemination the been has above pages the in covered have Israeli later concern research. would too This experiences. traumatic” many “so overcome and endure to had that history history,a Israeli and Jewish with thermore, he remarked that the very concept was perhaps deeply entangled Fur- (82). country” our of security the to threat incessant the by ditioned con- be “may fact in and accident, no was trauma of concept the on focus concerns ofIsraeliHolocaustresearch. As we end the chapter with a brief look at early Israeli studies, what we what studies, Israeli early at look brief a with chapter the end we As Society’s Neuropsychiatric the that noted Winnik paper, his in on Early brought with it specific refinements, as well as well as refinements, specific it with brought Europeanization — would be one of the central the of one be would — up to forty Displacement 143 gure 3 Figure kz syndrome, as it were, skipped across the Medi- Why this latter move did not occur in France, as well as affecting the ways the affecting as well as France, in occur not did move latter this Why lasting questions, to the understanding of the sequelae of deportation. The of sequelae the understandingof the to questions, lasting Europeanization of the terranean to grow somewhat different roots in Israeli soil, such as a greater a as such soil, Israeli in roots different somewhat grow to terranean psychoanalytical approaches. reliance on in which U.S. Holocaust researchers turned the question of survival into a dimension of the larger problems of modernity, is the subject of the next chapter. fi gure Inversion 4 Inversion . . . is a genre [that] consists in the reversal or inverse of an arrangement of words, relative to the order in which ideas follow from one another in the analysis of thought. pierre fontanier, Les Figures du discours, 1827

The Failure of “Liberation Psychiatry,” 1944–1947

The French Resistance signified many things: a rallying point during the war for those who found the defeat of 1940 and the Nazi Occupation unten- able; the armed struggle against the Occupier; an internal political struggle between Gaullists and Communists; an opportunistic haven “after the Ger- mans had left,” as one writer put it bitterly, for those of, at best, ambiguous allegiance (Rajsfus 2005: 13); and a utopian aspiration that five years of war and sacrifice surely had to see translated into a better, fundamentally more equitable society, whose institutions incarnated the “pure spirit” of the Resistance. One of the key figures to articulate in print the utopianism of the Resistance was the writer and editor-in-chief of the leading Resistance newspaper Combat, Albert Camus.1 Less well known was the impact of the Resistance spirit upon French psychiatric circles in the project of “Liberation psychiatry.” As psychiatrists Georges Daumézon and Lucien Bonafé put it, Liberation psychiatry was nothing less than “a revolutionary transformation of the problems of psychiatry in France” (1946, 584). The core of the project was to “transcend the idea of the hospital and the asylum” and break forever the institutional separation of the mentally alienated from the surrounding world (588).

144 Inversion 145 gure 4 Figure Even, they added, the “horrible efficiency” 3 As well, the hardships endured by asylum medi- 2 But as the epigraph for this chapter suggests, one of the figural conse- As Daumézon and Bonafé indicated, the brutality of the war years had The resulting ferment among doctors and patients had created “abso- of certain collective actions upon human groups in the Fascist countries allowed one to envisage both the promise and the possibility of “more be- constitute might what out spell however, not, did They measures. neficent” such measures. quences was a profound turning inward upon itself by French psychiatry. subsequently latter (the Daumézon and Bonafé of enthusiasms the Despite the “big boss” at Sainte-Anne Hospital, with whom Michel Foucault stud- psychoana- and psychiatrists other of number a and 1950s), early the in ied lysts, it was clear by 1947 that the Resistance spirit of unity was beginning to rigidify and fracture: In the end, the Resistance spirit in psychiatry was merely “ephemeral” as the writer Jean Paulhan observed in 1952, although produced terrible suffering for asylum patients, with “over 25 establish- ments requisitioned [by the Germans], the expatriation of the sick, and around 40,000 patients left [abandoned], under-nourished and dying at a terrifying rate” (586). cal personnel not only had led to a heightened consciousness of their own responsibilities, but also allowed them to “experience” what tens of thousands of patients had long that felt: “the namely, defense of humanity was indivisible” (586). lutely revolutionary perspectives” for the future of French psychiatry (584). psychi- upon bear to brought were perspectives sociological thing, one For collec- the of problems social the and madness both understandingof atric “social of complexities the to blind view traditional the to opposed as tivity, facts.” More exactly, it was no longer sufficient to study theseindividuals simply as statistics but to approach them as dynamic phenomena. Second was the attempt to modify public attitudes towards madness by creating psychiatry since ”), psychiatrique besoin (“un needs” “psychiatric society-wide elements the “with population the educate to resources knowledge the had necessary for the individual understanding fur- made psychotherapy group in work American and British recent Third, of mental hygiene” (588). lecture a to referred Bonafé and Daumézon Here possible. hopes great ther (no date provided) at the Sorbonne, given by the chief medical consulting on effect tonic exceptionally “an had which Army, British the to psychiatrist all French psychiatrists” (587). 146 Cadaverland (by Melanie Klein, D.Klein, Melanie (by W. others). and Winnicott Freud and the revisions brought to it by the “grand controversies” in Britain increasing postwar turn toward psychotherapy and a the psychoanalysis more indebted to by and psychology; in developments especially America, the old edifice, challenged on all sides by new therapeutic approaches from crisesofFrenchpsychiatricculture. gering andlongstanding Biéder suggested that Liberation psychiatry simply further occulted the lin- Second, psychiatry). for agenda different somewhat own his of perspective Occupation the and Nazism by exacerbated one, false a be to analogy camp/asylum the modern psychiatry, this raised a two-fold problem for Biéder. First, he held in movement ideological an such favored and Liberation the followed that effervescence the or involved, those of sincerity the of doubt no was there While prisoners. its destroy to functioned asylum the camp, concentration the like that, premise the with particularly time, the at exploited” “widely was parallel This 351–52). 1975, (Biéder asylum the and camp centration a was captivity there that of effect, in war, deportation: the and of “lessons” the misreading of result the was the time at openness” of psychiatry a of policy “new attempted the that gued ar- particular.He in psychiatry Liberation and psychiatry” of history the in and RonaldLainginBritain. States, United the in Szasz Thomas France, in others and Foucault of work the with movement “antipsychiatry” 1960s’ the in resurged version later a French contextandinparticularthepost-Holocaustperiod. the recurring difficulties of the institutionalization of psychoanalysis in the 1940s increased its influence among psychiatrists? Here, we turn to some of even more openly political, as the growing attraction of Marxism by the late interventionist, socially more become it should urge, would factions other as or, argued; halakhists the as questions, ethical on focused more be try psychia- Should crisis: larger the of undercurrents the of some reflected also halakhists the and somatologists the chapter,between differences the For Biéder, the failure of Liberation psychiatry added to the fissures of fissures the to added psychiatry Liberation of failure the Biéder, For In 1975, historian of French psychiatry Jean Biéder looked back at “myths — s amzn a age a te ie atog fo the from (although time the at argued had Daumézon as between the con- the between parallel direct 4 As we saw in the previous the in saw we As Inversion 147 gure 4 Figure namely, namely, — the constitutive French, not “Jewish.” Surely such a descriptor ap- 5 is that, in France, the interest in interest the France, in that, is — difference of “French Freud,” in the in Freud,” “French of difference double spects of A cliché a of something now by and — the question of the “Jewish” origins of psychoanalysis is anxiety not only of psychoanalysis in general but also of French psycho- even roles, prominent such played have Jews where particular, in analysis determina- ongoing the by attenuated been often has prominence this as tion of French psychoanalysis to configure itself as (1997, 19; emphasis in original) It is not necessary to go back to the French Revolution’s contradic- Freud had remarked on the puzzling fact that “the introduction of psy- psychoanalysis came not from medicine, but from literary and cultural cir- broader something to clue a provides particular in latter The cles. the entanglement of the French reception of Freudian psychoanalysis with French antisemitism, or, rather, the French “Jewish Question”: a debate seldom openly acknowledged, but one that has haunted French analysis put it forcefully, like a bad conscience. As Elizabeth Bellamy tory position of welcoming French Jews into the fold of the Republic French citizens, but not their as “judéité,” as this particularism was incompat- plied with special force to the history of the institutionalization of psycho- French of conservatism deep the confront to had it where France, in analysis medicine, not to mention that of psychiatry as well. That psychoanalysis in France was somehow very different was also recognized in the 1970s by American academics interested in psychoanalysis, who, as a way of signal- ing that difference, called the French version of Freudian analysis “French Freud” (see Mehlman 1972). This naming was not only a comment on the various, contradictory, selective, and belated translations into French of the on also but writings, Freud’s context of postwar France itself, referring here as well to Jacques Lacan’s 1950s the entailedfrom that that troubles the all and Freud, of “re-reading” well into the 1980s. choanalysis into France was for so long If refractory.” this seemed on one level merely a reproduction of resistances “I have lived through before,” it had, he added, “peculiarities of its own” (1925). One of these “peculiarities” Freud had remarked that psychoanalysis was “an impossible profession” (the other two being politics and teaching). The Impossible Profession: French Psychoanalytic History, 1926–1980 History, Psychoanalytic French 148 Cadaverland a point, had seemingly resolved itself with the end of the war. the of end the with itself resolved seemingly had point, a to recognize to prepared was she which antisemitism, nasty that all part, tory,” because for Roudinesco, and despite much high-wire dancing on her “prehis- is here word operative The (xii). anti-Semitism” French of history “a history “a 1 volume in write to Roudinesco allowed this adds, he II, WarWorld after changed France in discourse of rules the because But xi). (1990, analysis” triumph a being . . . risks psychoanalysis of triumph “every Foreword”: “Translator’s perceptive his in observes (1983), France in tism of author the Mehlman, Jeffrey translator, English her but instead flipped into its inverse its into flipped instead but end, suddenly not did psychoanalysis in antisemitism French because also or Philosemitism(25). of the Reichsmarshal, and the chief of Nazi psychotherapy. Nazi of chief the and Reichsmarshal, the of Alsatian, and who had compromised himself with Matthias Göring, cousin tion of the sad figure of René Laforgue, who was both French and German- league militant similarly a into 1926) in (founded Paris de psychanalytique Société the turn to wanted who ism death of Edouard Pichon the with 1940s early specifically, the circles in psychoanalytic occurred this analysis. It is no coincidence that during the 1980s the during that coincidence no is It analysis. with the relative newness of attempts to write the history of French psycho- the problematic reception of Freud in France, in fact its corollary, has to do to related centrally and kaleidoscope, dizzying this of dimension third A added). emphasis 12–18; (1997, emphasizes repeatedly Bellamy as ny’s,” even Question’ ‘Jewish confronted scarcely own its of denegation and disavowal of “history postwar and wartime France’s again once stress to above, chapters the in seen have we as sufficient, quite is it here, purposes our For Revolution. the of universalism the with ible Instead, we look more closely at the preoccupation within French psychia- French within preoccupation the at closely more look we Instead, by others, particularly in the context of French postwar 1985. to 1885 from France in psychoanalysis of history general first the whose clinical work focused on child survivors, published in 1982 and 1986 psychiatrist postwar leading a of daughter and Marxist, former a analyst, its aftermath began to become unstuck historiographical problems we encountered earlier with the war-period and The flip-flops of French anti/philosemitism have been discussed widely discussed been have anti/philosemitism French of flip-flops The — or prehistory or 9 — — a sympathizer of 1930s of French psychoanalysis concomitant with a with concomitant psychoanalysis French of — “Sémitophilie,” as Bellamy termed it, termed Bellamy as “Sémitophilie,” — — and with the postwar marginaliza- postwar the with and Elisabeth Roudinesco, herself an than Germa- than complex more Action française–type rac- — philosophical debates. the period when the when period the Legacies of Antisemi- of Legacies 8 “Prehistory” psycho- over 7 In French In 6 As Inversion 149 rhmh) gure 4 Figure Nor, Nor, in what Litvak goyim (Dworzecki 1962). The Revue d’histoire de la médecine ( hébraïque rhmh was published in June 1948, editor Isidore distinguished between Jewish and non-Jewish survivors. non-Jewish and Jewish between distinguished sharply When the first issue of the “halakhists” and freud’s jewishness and the “halakhists” The “halakhists” around the try and psychoanalysis with the question of Freud’s Jewishness and how French “psy” culture. malaise within a more deep-seated this indicated were endlessly puzzled with the nature of Freud’s Jewishness. In 1936, one of of one 1936, In Jewishness. Freud’s of nature the with puzzled endlessly were méde- la de d’histoire Société the of conference first the at given papers the médecin “Freud, of topic the on Minkowski by was (shmh) hébraïque cine juif.” There is no question mark in the title and so, for Minkowksi, Freud’s the on who halakhists, other the for so Not unproblematic. was Jewishness also whole fur- but incommensurable utterly experience post-camp their was only Not thermore, as Dworzecki remarked, Jewish survivors were persistently disturbing to, and a source of “unease” for the halakhists also distinguished Jewish and non-Jewish doctors; indeed, the from medicine redefining of project journal’s the to central was distinction fit in? a Jewish perspective. But where did Freud Simon and others grappled with this specific Jewish question. In an essay on Maimonides’ (Rambam in the Jewish tradition) relevance to contemporary psychiatry, Dr. A. Litvak argued that Maimonides did not distinguish did, (hereditary)psychiatry constitutional states,contemporary between as but rather saw such states as qualitative (Litvak 1948). termed Maimonides’ discussion of the “phenomena of the subconscious,” did he subordinate them exclusively to the instincts, “as did Freud and his conceived Litvak, to according Freud, where strongly, More (38). students” of a perpetual struggle between the conscious and “the subconscious,” the ethical implications were considerable. For Freud, the supposedly, ethical but souls, our within roots no almost had morale”) conscience (“la conscience sensi- ethical the identified particular, in Rambam and tradition, Jewish the bility among the forces of the human soul, coexisting there harmoniously. Litvak went on to remark that neither Freud nor Rambam original: the former were harkened back to Schopenhauer entirely “and our kabbalists” (39), and the latter to Rabbi Saadia Gaon and Aristotle. “Freud and Ram- horizons particular upon draw that methods establisheddifferent bam two Christian- of principles [dualistic] the from draws former the thought]; [of not was this While (39). Prophets” the and Torah the from latter the and ity, 150 Cadaverland psychoanalysis was crucial to the post-Holocaust epoch. Roudinesco, in her A number of French analysts have claimed that Jacques Lacan’s approach to lacan’s “pauline” philosemitism of thelongLacanaffair. aspect central a became question The 1940. and 1900 between French into translated writings major Freud’s of appendix 1993 Roudinesco’s in listed perspective one’s theism belatedly,began, inquiry of line Freud’s This when dition? tra- Jewish the to relation equivalent the without but problem, same the to French when happened what tradition, Jewish the to relationship Freud’s of question slippery the on fix a get not could choses, Lebovici’sownresearchfield. important French analyst, wrote that Freud was a precursor rather of infantile psy- a Lebovici, Serge Kleinian! a of enough not was he that was Freud with problem the that complained Cennac) con- (Michel academic speaker One any ference. at find would one thing of sort usual the was it still, others For “patent.” were thought Jewish millennial to thinking Freud’s in links subterranean the that argued 24, II: Genesis in “libido” for word the of etymology Hebrew the of discussion subtle a in Fraenkel, Ernest point. cal, complexandambiguous”aspectsdifficulttodefine(Baruk1959a,32). alistic Christian spiritualism,” marked his work with its “hybrid, paradoxi- “individu- his and education his of materialism scientific the with conflict tion to“ourkabbalists.” saying that his thought was not, except for that little remark about his rela- was Freud that saying to equivalent quite of psychoanalysis” (Baruk 1959a, 29). 1959a, (Baruk psychoanalysis” of founder the of work the unconsciously,influenced or . consciously . tion, . toclarifytheextentwhichJewishtradi- daism; still,itwasimportant medical [tradition], Freud was not only a Jew, but moreover wrote about Ju- expressed. celebrations of Freud’s birth. Here, a variety of differing points of view were March–July 1959 double issue, a belated contribution to the 1956 centenary If a milieu of French of milieu a If view- opposite completely a expressed issue double the in writers Other For Henri Baruk, “while not, properly speaking, an author of [the] Jewish For the — and arguably either his strangest or greatest work, depending on depending work, greatest or strangest his either arguably and rhmh and its collaborators, the question got a wide airing in the — eventually was translated into French in 1948. It is not is It 1948. in French into translated was eventually 10 scholars, psychiatrists, and psychoanalysts and psychiatrists, scholars, Jewish 11 Freud’s “Jewish unconscious,” in unconscious,” “Jewish Freud’s Jewish, it was pretty close to close pretty was it Jewish, not turned their minds their turned non-Jews Moses and Mono- and Moses Inversion 151 gure 4 Figure more so than after Auschwitz had issue that caused the Société the caused that issue the But, for Stern, given those impossibilities, Lacan’s 12 Le savoir-déporté: camps, histoire, psychanalyse , on the imbrica- On one level, the problems involved here were closely parallel to the re- In Stern’s case, for instance, she returned from the camps deeply de- As is often the case, the personal and the politics of psychoanalysis are thinking at least provided a way into the heart of the problem, the work of any other analyst. In Stern’s words, psychoanalysis could as much help think (“penser”) through Auschwitz and after, as it could also Auschwitz, “‘Panser’ essay Stern’s (see ”) (“panser bandage a like up it cover in 2004, 189–96). par la psychanalyse?” training, psychoanalytic of question curring psychanalytique de Paris (spp) to fracture into rival analytical societies in psychoanalytic from “excommunication” Lacan’s to led question This 1953. training in 1963 as a member of the rival Société française de psychanalyse (sfp), to the founding of his own “school” in 1964, and to its subsequent his before year a 1980, in Lacan by dissolution eventual and splits numerous death (all recounted in immense, bewildering detail by Roudinesco 1986, oneself without psychoanalyst a become cannot one words, other In 1990). undergoing a lengthy personal analysis, followed by a further training or of another analyst. didactic analysis under the supervision became, she patient whose Lacan, with encounter Her suicidal. and pressed her saved literally training, analytic her undertook later she whom with and life. (Lacan, as many former students and patients have remarked, had an extraordinary and unforgettable ability to zero in upon a patient, if the patient’s problems interested him. He also could be notoriously lax with others, keeping them waiting for hours and then dismissing them after five minutes). very closely intertwined. Stern took up the task that Lacan inspired in her: to attempt namely, to think through the “after-Auschwitz” in the relations the of and camps the of question lingering the and psychoanalysis between history. European contemporary of context the in generally more Holocaust given seminar, annual long-running her of form the took interrogation This tions of psychoanalysis and the “after Auschwitz,” both equally impossible impossible equally both Auschwitz,” “after the and psychoanalysis of tions dilemmas in her view. repressed . . . the essence of the Freudian revolution” (12, emphasis added). emphasis (12, revolution” Freudian the of essence the . . . repressed Another analyst, Anne-Lise Stern, herself a survivor of Auschwitz, Bergen- in questions probing some raised Theresienstadt, and Buchenwald, Belsen, her 2004 book 1993 book on Lacan, wrote that he was “the founder of a system of thought thought of system a of founder “the was he that wrote Lacan, on book 1993 whose particularity was to show how the modern world 152 Cadaverland tracted everyonewhowasanybodyinParisiananalyticcircles. at- heyday its in which l’homme, de Sciences des Maison the at 1979 since for the past ten years at Sainte-Anne, notably. Sainte-Anne, at years ten past the for done had he as psychoanalysts, other teach to able longer no so and tician the Ecole Normale Supérieure, after being deprived of as his a status didac- at conference first his “L’excommunication”at talk 1964 January his self-identifications was Jewish Lacan’s of famous most the surely And ness. Jewish- Freud’s of question the and tradition Jewish the both to lationship textual evidence. slender upon rests implications its and Holocaust the specifically regarding part his on insight special some for case a making But idea. this of elaboration extensive an was seminars famous his in teaching oral the individual psyche. One could add that a great deal of his predominantly tury saw tremendous intensification of highly manipulative pressures upon cen- twentieth the that observation postwar general his beyond Holocaust, much say actually not did Lacan ments, years, Haddad remarked that there was another underlying reason for all for reason underlying another was there that remarked Haddad years, twenty-plus next the for Freudianism French of whole the affected which of shock-waves the analyst, teaching a as privileges Lacan’s withdraw to Psycho-AnalyticAssociation International the of decision the following sis cri- 1963 the Recalling approach. different a took book this Jew, covert a was Lacan that prove to determined seemed he where work, previous ad’s originel de la psychanalyse and subtitled titled book, best his arguably what In was 1981. published Haddad since 2007, books eight in been, has Haddad Gérard as choanalysis, psy- of Talmudicsources the as well generally,as Judaism mention to not Judaism, and Lacan between relationship the with fascinated as been has “interrogation ofpsychoanalyticpraxis”(1973,12). his own) excommunication implied a structural problem central to Lacan’s (and Spinoza’s that rather but games, numerological playing here insists, that 1656 is also two hundred years before Freud’s birth.) Lacan was not, he community.the into returning ever on ban or ” “chammata the by followed Amsterdam, in (community) synagogue the excommunication” from (kherem) “major 1656 July 27 Spinoza’s twenty-four-year-old the and sixty-three age at situation own his between parallel explicit the That said, there is a lot more evidence concerning Lacan’s complex re- complex Lacan’s concerning evidence more lot a is there said, That The other related problem was that, apart from a few gnomic pronounce- Probably no other former student (and before that, patient) of Lacan’s of patient) that, before (and student former other no Probably Lacan et la Question Juive. Unlike Hadd- — at least, not in print in not least, at 14 In this talk, Lacan made Lacan talk, this In 15 (He remarked (He 13 — about the about Le péché Le Inversion 153 the gure 4 Figure because — El Shaddai, the — 18 Moses and Monotheism The Original Sin of Psycho- of Sin Original The — Lacan thus proposed to bring in caused Freud to deflect the problem 17 — Haddad’s title Haddad’s 16 19 back into the equation, largely through extensive and that is that French Freudianism itself was devoured — came from a Lacanian remark on hysteria, and incidentally not a namely, namely, the replacement of the relationship of the Jewish God of — — Interestingly, Interestingly, given some of the discussion below on transgenerational If some analysts such as Françoise Dolto and Jesuit students of analysis Like St. Paul and his transformation of Judaism into Lacan Christianity, In “Excommunication,” Lacan had gone out of his way to distance the to pick up matters where Freud left them to pick up matters where. Jewish tradition to try analysis (1939), despite the radicalism of its attack on the Jewish tradition, never came to terms with the Jewish God. very Jewish idea at all (cited in Haddad 2007, 15). Lacan’s main argument, according to Haddad, was that Freud, particularly in the Law by the Christian God of Love and Grace. (Haddad here cited a long the Law by the Christian God of Love and 1961–1962, of Identification on IX Seminaire unpublished the from passage a distinction between the “compo- 33–34.) Lacan claimed that Freud made nent instincts” (that is, the connection between a psychic drive and a goal) and love. This distinction had locked psychoanalysis within “a Judaic en- closure” (“enclos judaïsant”) from which Lacan as a psychoanalyst wished to 37) 2007, (Haddad patients Jewish suffering numerous, his free One Whose Name Cannot Be Said onto the Oedipus myth and so to Greek mythology in order to avoid confronting his own history. aspects of the problems of survivorship, Haddad framed the Freud-Lacan debate within a “transgenerational neurosis” (26). This inversion masked a different move that Lacan explicitly connected to the tion” “Pauline revolu- it was a particular burden to “have to deal with the God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob” (Haddad quoted another unpublished seminar here). like Michel de Certeau had seen in Lacan’s project a “Christian reconquest of the Freudian field,” Haddad insisted they could not have been more used his extensive knowledge of the Jewish tradition as the means by which by means the as tradition Jewish the of knowledge extensive his used to seemingly Christianize psychoanalysis. As Haddad put it, “the explicit questioning of the Jewish tradition within psychoanalysis appears fundamental to Lacan for the future of psychoanalysis, if it is to have one” (17). For Lacan, Freud’s inability to confront the Jewish God “from within by a mysterious illness” (2007, 13). by a mysterious “from within quarrels within French analysis from those of religion. This was exactly what Haddad brought this commotion quotations from Lacan himself. Lacan quotationsfrom 154 Cadaverland “traditionalist” the between distinction a makes (1989) Arfouilloux Jean-Claude malaise, this analyze to attempt recent a In degree. medical a have to had analysts (1937), and countless technical papers. The issue turned on whether or not texts as such in involved deeply been had Freud which in one was analysts of ing train- the over battles these all throughout thread consistent The training. psychoanalytic of problems long-term the to part, in us, returns culture nated byLacanianapproaches.) domi- remains today psychoanalysis French which to extent the is irony de Paris, and with further splits and subsplits until well into the 1980s. (The Société française de psychanalyse from new the original Société the psychanalytique of split 1953 the from Freudianism French within fractiousness his ownfailure,Haddadclaimed(see38–39,133–38). of recognition of act an was 1980 in school own his of dissolution Lacan’s Maimonides. by presented as not particularly argued, Haddad Jews,” the of God “the understood really never tradition, Jewish the with familiarity considerable despite Lacan, failure. a was baggage” Jewish religious, “its from psychoanalysis unburden to attempt Lacan’s that was here gument ar- principal Haddad’s importantly, More denial.” of religion “a termed 45, emphasisinoriginal). thers and that is why you act together against me” (quoted in Haddad 2007, fa- your with problems have all You non-Jews. with done be to nothing is there there’s nothing to be done with doctors. . . . and doctors all nearly are you me: surprise not does attitude “Your trists: psychia- of group a to said he status, didactic his of loss the after instance, For audience. his of contemptuous extraordinarily often was Lacan wrong. of the collaboration years. The striking fact is that just as the leading French further, the observation raises once again the problem of the psychic effects this on insist not does Arfouilloux While (347). years Vichy and cupation the of “lethargy” the and period, II War also situated the roots of the French problem in the immediate post–World He (350–51). organization]” the [within responsibility of positions hold “incarnate[d] an innovative liberal current, open to non-doctors who could breakway The training. analytic of matters in tism n tep t epan hs esset aas wti Fec analytic French within malaise persistent this explain to attempt An unbelievable the over puzzled have commentators of number a Finally, he Nietzsche-like, which, Christianity, on harder even be could Lacan The Question of Lay Analysis (1926), ’s “medical orientation” and its consequent conserva- consequent its and orientation” “medical spp’s Analysis Terminable and Interminable just emerging from the Oc- the from emerging just spp Furthermore, you are not Jews, and , Arfouilloux writes, Arfouilloux sfp, Inversion 155 gure 4 Figure Psychanalyse Psychanalyse de la At the root of the crisis lay the 21

traumatization of French medical culture Revue Revue française de , psychanalyse published nothing émigré analysts, especially Americans, interested in develop- There, they returned to the psychic damage suffered by the 20 The issue obviously had wider ramifications regarding not only psycho- As noted in the previous chapter, during the time when the Fédération in- Fédération the when time the during chapter, previous the in noted As “traumatized nation” that Lacan had commented upon in 1946: in their words, “a France, bled out, emerging from four years of privation, of mass collective crimes and humiliations, followed by a [brief ] but widespread and cathartic ‘fiesta’ after which spectacle . . . everything just continued as (Matisson and Abribat 1991, 118). if nothing had happened” analytic training, but even more so the generally, as generally, we saw at the beginning of this chapter. The matter was fur- monies postwar considerable the by noted, Arfouilloux as complicated, ther available from is training analytic that was issue related A training. to approaches new ing does so and analysands, and analysts between affair personal a unavoidably repli- or formalized be could that knowledge of transmission a provide not cated within university settings, despite some attempts to do so. In effect, the problem has remained basically unresolved (to this day), subtending the postwar decades of crisis in French analysis as well as other domains of French thought, medical and otherwise. of Concentration Camp Syndrome, 1963–1988 Syndrome, Camp of Concentration For a different form of the figure of inversion in Holocaust survival research, research, survival Holocaust in inversion of figure the of form different a For we look next at the American context. It is worth re-emphasizing how Ho- in and contexts, national different within changed research survival locaust pecu- and particularities the out bringing further of effect the had doing so liarities of French survival research, the main focus of this study. Euro- dominant the still were conferences résistants(fir) des ternationale pean site for dissemination of the study of concentration camp syndrome, the first American workshops on camp survivorship were held atWayne iederland, Krystal, and the Transformation Transformation Krystal,Niederland, and the . Colloboration on the French Jewish Question in the 1930s and 1940s, the first attempt in analytical circles to consider the collaboration years from a psychoanalytic Maurice- analysts, Lacanian two when 1991, until occur not did perspective David Matisson and Jean-Paul Abribat, published their analytical analytical publication, the festering problems of the defeat of 1940, the years of occupation and col- in the Holocaust. laboration and, of course, the French participation 156 Cadaverland Organization, as well as the Leo Baeck Institute. Baeck Leo the as well as Organization, Restitution United the with also working consulate, German West the for consultant local the as Niederland claimants: restitution numerous of half evaluations psychiatric writing in involved deeply were men both Indeed, 1940s. late the York’sin New Hospital Sinai Mount at survivors camp “unfortunate” the treated and encountered first had self 233). (1961b, them called Niederland as souls,” tortured “these to unsympathetic were Niederland and Krystal that not was It matization. Trau- or Trauma Psychic Massive term would they that picture larger a in interested more already were researchers both that indicated inlan- that guage framed were findings the survivors, camp concentration among two keyAmericanHolocaustresearchersinthissection. these on focus Wewill Niederland. G. collaborator,William long-time his and there, Medicine of School the in professor a time the at Krystal, Henry State University in Detroit in 1963, 1964, and 1965. These were organized by ” (roughly, “medical acts of making good”) making of acts “medical (roughly, Wiedergutmachung” che man courtsystem,oftenfighting suchcasesforyears. Ger- the of levels all before cases test numerous launching and expertise, In its twenty-year history, the Africa. South in and South, and North Americas, the in as well as Europe, The 1919. of TreatyVersailles the by set precedents under Palestine,” of community Jewish “the and individuals by made be could claims Jewish collective and tion to enforce this. Although of the Israel state did not yet exist, individual sible to the deprived for the illegal confiscation. The Allies had the jurisdic- respon- was state the that and for, compensated be should property vate pri- confiscated nations, civilized of law common the in that example, for to deal with the expected question of reparations. Such legislation deemed, nizations in Palestine, Europe, and America, preparing drafts of legislation orga- and lawyers refugee Jewish individual by war the during begun work upon drew It 1948. in created body international an (uro), Organization victims individual to tution claims claims againstGermanybysurvivors. restitution surrounding problems psychiatric the with dealing articles ous Although the American workshops specifically examined late sequelae late examined specifically workshops American the Although So it wasn’t lack of empathy in any overt sense that informed Nieder- informed that sense overt any in empathy of lack wasn’t it So The work of non-German or German refugee experts in all facets of resti- , based in London and Frankfurt, had offices throughout offices had Frankfurt, and London in based uro, — in property matters as well as reparation and compensation — a imney epd y h Uie Restitution United the by helped immensely was uro played role a in vital advising, providing 22 Both published numer- published Both — the so-called “Artzlis- so-called the 23 — He him- He on be- on Inversion 157 distance gure 4 Figure the focus the widened 24 He was among the first -Agreement” (Silence Agreement) (Silence Schweige-Agreement” familiarity with concentration camp survi- not to discuss certain details of the latter’s (As we have seen, this was also a concern of the work the of concern a also was this seen, have we (As 25 Still, and this may be harsh on my part, as these two men were good Perhaps it was their intimate Niederland was the first to introduce the term “survivor syndrome” into American Jews, it’s more as if in their scientific work they wanted to wanted they work scientific their in if as more it’s Jews, American land’s land’s and Krystal’s wider focus. Besides, both men were Jewish and Krys- tal had survived Auschwitz. “Bill” (as Niederland was known by his classical a had had he youth col- a as rabbi; orthodox an of son the was leagues) Jewish education; and maintained a lifelong interest in matters. Talmudic He was well-versed, obviously in German and English, but also in Yiddish and some Polish. Krystal was born in Poland in 1925, where he ceived a also Jewish education; re- he was familiar with German, Hebrew, Polish, and Yiddish. In his scientific work, Krystal was one of the first to study the persecution. to survivors of Nazi reactions of psychiatrists themselves from the “Jewishness” of the Nazi Holocaust, and reframe it fields. larger within to grasp that the individual camp survivor’s symptoms were with the imbricated psychodynamics of survivor families; and he was among the first to draw attention to the impact of the parents’ “inability to verbalize their feelings” on their children: minimal “quality” time, punctuated by unpro- voked outbursts of anger (47). Niederland was also the first toobserve and “the called he what on comment between analysts and survivors camp experience (1961b). vors and their psychiatric sequelae that let Krystal and Niederland break wider the of some explore to begin and camps the of confines the from free ramifications of the traumatic nature of And modernity. although Jews, or some of us of a certain age group, generally still assume that the use of the in live also we camps, Nazi the of inmates former to refers “survivor” word a culture where this is less and less the case and today, where “survivors” now include women in remission from breast cancer, and cancer by children “survi- as molested sexually were who women and men generally; vors” away move the Accordingly, on. so and survivors,” “incest now are relative a syndrome survivor to syndrome camp concentration from of Charles Richet in France, who feared that the tiny number of survivor de- survivor of number tiny the that feared who France, in Richet Charles of problem the Thus field. research new a justify themselves in not did portees for example.) was better subsumed under gerontology, the professional literature in 1961 (Saxon 1993). to include a new range of psychological sequelae from a larger number of 158 Cadaverland tion camp experience concentra- the of Jewishness the to connection the same, the At accidents. industrial or actions human by caused and natural both events, disastrous o wtot t on scooil effects. psychosocial own its without not and 1963, of Crisis Missile Cuban the like crises brinkmanship by tuated punc- decades, for probability real very a nevertheless was this thinkable,” un- “the as Holocaust) the to applied words same the using (and described ever-present the it, with WarCold the of and, height the was on) 1960s the (from published Krystal in theprocess,which,asweshallseelater, hadspecificramifications. the American psychoanalytic literature was written “only for the purpose of Worldsince of Warthat most second, II and mid-1920s; the of as topic the observations: two first,important concerning Freud’s own ambivalence on made Rappaport 1918. in Budapest in Congress Psycho-analytical national Inter- Fifth the at neuroses war of psychoanalysis the of discussion the in introduced been had neurosis traumatic Indeed, 1968). (Rappaport day?” in 1960 who asked “who is not the victim of a author one cited Rappaport that point a such to this and 1960s; and 1950s, of traumatic neurosis in the American literature particularly as of the 1940s, Bettelheim was being held, had remarked on the weakening of the concept at the same time as Bruno Bettelheim, and one block over from that in which theseideas. worktobetterunderstand Krystal’s and Niederland at detail more in look will We neuroses.” “traumatic and had also long been situated within, variously, the clinical aspects of trauma war of effects psychic the on debates European influence, Freudian the of Because trauma. of concept the of psychiatry in acceptance and of uation under therubricofconcept“trauma.” final move that Niederland and Krystal made was to reframe all of the above the catastrophe, potential future and past of nature “massive” the on also survival. attack nuclear and survival Holocaust between dots obvious the connected had (hibakusha) “survivors” Hiroshima on (1967) Lifton Jay Robert as such tors its being used again more real. Not to mention that the work of scholar doc- of threat the made only which Hiroshima, and Nagasaki on dropped been eod i i vr priet ht h pro i wih idrad and Niederland which in period the that pertinent very is it Second, Chicago psychoanalyst Ernest A. Rappaport, incarcerated in Buchenwald Niederland and work Krystal’s was part of the postwar American re-eval- Third, in addition to their emphasis on survivorship more generally, and — and arguably cultural an one important of a nuclear conflagration. However often However conflagration. nuclear a of threat 26 h “ob hd undeniably had “bomb” The petit traumatic neurosis day by — was lost Inversion 159 gure 4 Figure kz syndrome Instead, and more posi- more and Instead, whether the sufferings of — beyond any human ” concept (720, em- strong program for research: to seek “the collective recognition” This is what one could call a that the regenerative powers of the ego are not limitless, that the human ‘beyond’ go can damage the that and repair, beyond broken be can spirit a traumatic neurosis. . . . The camp experience is so far outside normal experience and so far from the usual categories of thinking and feeling that it not only has no prototype as a derivative from childhood in the (730) also never be deleted from memory. unconscious; it can trauma after the trauma,” as Rappaport also called it, and it was this that Psy- Massive called they what as map to trying were KrystalNiederland and chic As Trauma. Krell and Sherman noted in their critical review of mainly American research on psychiatry and the Holocaust since 1945, one of the key differences in Niederland and Krystal’s work, compared, say, to Eit- inger’s early research, was that Niederland and Krystal “deliberately omit- ted mental symptoms due to organic responses or caused by beatings” cerebral (1997, 10). Instead, they “focused on the concussion responses of the psychic apparatus” in its various dimensions, notably the existence of a relatively symptom-free period after liberation and then followed by the emergence of new symptoms. Finally, as Berthomé remarked in his 2002 paper that compared French and Scandinavian studies on with American approaches to “survivor syndrome,” the striking feature of conceived entity an not “was it that was argued, he approach, American the in the light of the ends of the Jewish people, or of the French people under the Occupation, or the differences between Scandinavian social democracy and National-Socialist added). emphasis 273; 2002, (Berthomé barbarism tively, Berthomé observed that survivor syndrome research attempted “to take into account, through understanding the varieties of the suffering of each, the [more] complex reality of the persecution that also encompasses the indifference to, incomprehension of, and contempt encountered survivors” by (273). As Berthomé added, no amount of discoursing, of evo- cation of or memory, even forgetting, could ever “efface the causes of the denying” that there was such a thing (719). However, the precise character- precise the However, (719). thing a such was there that denying” istics of concentration camp traumata were that they constituted a psychic phenomenon “for which language has no words.” Rappaport’s assumption was “that these psychic traumata go beyond the concept of traumatic neurosis, and even more, that they go phasis added). In other words, Rappaport suggested In other words, phasis added). 160 Cadaverland with their Liberation (Krystal 1968). (Krystal Liberation their with lief that the sufferings of concentration camp survivors had ended abruptly be- held widely still yet erroneous the instance, for themes; these of some for decadesafterward. camps” concentration and ghettos’ ‘portable in live to continue “people as psyche, the in present be to continue may force pathogenic a cumstances; cir- less-threatening other, under persistence” “rigid to lead could survive and survive them” (emphasis added). However, the very ability to adapt and lect group of people who were is, bothindividualandsocial). (that approach” “dual their termed Krystal what up made also pathologies respond better to a direct approach to appeared individuals which in situation, therapeutic the of nature the by responses individual on focused book the in studies the of trauma of effect and handling the about more situations extreme . . . from learn to is aim mate ulti- “Our pathogenesis. social and psychological broader the grasp better to possible it made conditions, special these to exposed groups studying and destruction,” massive of aftereffects the are these that “certain was he shift of cathexes from people to indestructible “nature,” for example. Thus, death, with identification guilt, survivor disaster”: Hiroshima the of vivors sur- the by experienced those with identical “problems showed now tion mer persecutees.” for- of thousands “of examination psychiatric necessitated had that laws,” restitution German the of because who attention our to “came recalled, persecution, Krystal Nazi of survivors the included group such One (1–3). century” a “for lasted had that slavery American of aftereffects the ample, the people subjected to them and left them with life-long problems: for ex- changed that situations” social overwhelming and catastrophes sasters, traumatization of circumstances “extreme the encompassed scope work’s the that workshops, State Wayne three the upon drawing (1968), death” (275). causing [deliberately] of norm, any beyond is it since non-symbolizable, utterly is that intentionality namely,an repetition, of traumatic of rhythms Niederland, in his chapter on “the problem of the survivor,” repeated survivor,” the of problem “the on chapter his in Niederland, se- a is observing are we phenomenon “the point: further a stressed He situa- desperate a such of survivors Krystal, to according Furthermore, edited his of chapter first the in explained Krystal ” (2; emphasis added). While a number a While added). emphasis (2; life” everyday in able to adapt to extreme man-made situations — group dynamics and injurious social However, he also raised the point that point the raised However,also he Massive Psychic TraumaPsychic Massive — necessitated necessitated — di- Inversion 161 gure 4 Figure Massive Psychic , Trauma the first hundred- . . . for study with study for . . . encountered before never intensity Anlage-focus (hereditary disposition) current in To summarize To the contents of Krystal concludes that “we are dealing here [in these case studies] with the German indemnification laws had established “new problemsof great medical and social import,” especially regarding the psychiatric-forensic evaluation of symptoms in survivors of Nazi persecution. Much derland’s of chapter Nie- dealt with individual restitution cases and (his or persecutees’) battles with the German psychiatry, as German well psychiatry, as a literature review of the concept of trauma. Niederland argued here that the particularity of “massively individuals” traumatized is that they showed not one symptom (as the literature suggested), but “many symptoms and many kinds of disturbances” that were “psychia- with faced when especially diagnose, and evaluate to difficult very a single diagnosis in each case” (28). trists devoted to making plus pages (about a quarter of the book) deals with aspects of concentra- survivors, adolescent on persecution of effects symptomatology, camp tion delayed mourning, and permanent character changes as an aftereffect of persecution. The focus then widens to other contexts: for challenges of massively traumatized individuals for instance,“humane medicine”; a the case study of a compensation court case against General Motors involving a schizophrenic patient; Lifton’s comparison of Hiroshima survivors and survivors of Nazi persecution; and, thefinally, problems of psychotherapy with survivors, rehabilitation in trauma following illness, as well as physical and massive personality damage. and type a of traumatization modern psychiatric and psychoanalytic methods” (34; emphasis added). One of the consequences of “these very abnormal conditions” that so dramatically modified the clinical picture was that diagnostic classifications largely derived from the pre–World War I period (notably, Kraepelin and and longest the of products were who patients of “observations and Freud), most secure peace . . . in the history of Europe” were no longer applicable, and so needed to be rethought. If marked somewhat by the general postwar American optimism that there was no problem, individual or social, that could not be remedied by the sciences, medical as well as social, this that one also but levels, many on program research ambitious an surely was emerged entities clinical new had only Not risks. inherent certain with came through the perspectives of “survivor syndrome,” but also the “massifica- tion” of the concept of trauma, once it had slipped the bounds of medical, psychiatric, or psychoanalytical contexts, had opened the door to the ex- 162 Cadaverland conception of“identification” withtheNaziaggressor psychoanalytic initially the that writes she importantly, More guilt.” vival “sur- of conception Krystal’s and Niederland in inversion this of roots the locate to claims (2007) Leys Ruth purposes. different very for but research, do with concentration camp survival, although still at times drew upon that to anything had longer no that therapies alternative of range a to rise gave eventually that thinking based psychoanalytically of inversion and recation dep- growing a to door the opened paradoxically approach non-dogmatic over the training of psychoanalysts. Furthermore, Niederland and Krystal’s not in France, for instance, leading as we saw above to interminable debates In some countries, by law a psychoanalyst had to have a medical degree, but another (psychoanalysis) that was not a medical specialization everywhere: a from shift a was though, passed, encom- this What well. as field psychoanalytic the upon drawing to open was it psychiatric; narrowly not was work Krystal’s and Niederland saw, bankers inthe1990s,foranother. Swiss from gold Nazi their extorting or instance, one for Palestinians, the cians and American Jewish elites as a cover for Israeli/U.S. politics vis-à-vis politi- Israeli by Holocaust the of exploitation” “conscious the expose to Finkelstein’s Norman as such works to lead would also studies other these here, illustration one just give far as the negatives go, we’ll come back to them in due course. However, to called Post-Traumatic Self Disorders (Wilson, Harel, and Kahana 1988). As the Cambodian “autogenocide,” and a growing literature on what was then in trauma massive on studies other as well as patients, survivor and lysts doctors, Danieli’s work on “the conspiracy of silence” between psychoana- Nazi on work Lifton’s explored Vietnam to Holocaust the From Stress: Extreme to entitled studies of collection 1988 a instance, for Thus, theirs. as such studies further possible made it side, positive its On faced: Niederland double- was by traumatization extreme to adaptability focus human on Krystal and The (413). ‘holocaust’” a [event] frightful any call to fashionable become has “it that afterthought, an as almost remarked, Niederland discourse), public general in significantly more ever emerging ant. context, in which almost everybody was a “survivor” of something unpleas- pansion of survivorship that we mentioned above within the larger cultural There are wider and arguably more important issues here as well. As we As well. as here issues important more arguably and wider are There 27 Indeed, as early as a 1981 paper (when the topic of the Holocaust was 20) Ti aimed This (2000). Industry Holocaust The medical field (psychiatry) to (psychiatry) field medical universal Human Adaptation Adaptation Human Inversion 163 gure 4 Figure (2007, 92) 28 Holocaust survivor, survivor, Holocaust typical that is, to relatively small sample — . . . one will find answers which answers find will one . . . groups large fir congress, Charles Richet had noted sequelae last- Finally, by inverting concentration camp survival within the larger context larger the within survival camp concentration inverting by Finally, As we saw earlier, Dworzecki had been one of the first to call for a larger, larger, a for call to first the of one been had Dworzecki earlier, saw we As gave way to ideas about strategic imitation, and the notion of survivor guilt was revised and reinterpreted in such a way as to displace it. . . The . overall effect . . . was to establish a post-Freudian or neo-Freudian of notions psychoanalytic classical all which from survivor the of account had been purged. and mimesis the unconscious icissitudes of the Figure of the Survivor, 1976–2005 of the Survivor, icissitudes of the Figure of the catastrophes major industrial of accidents), modernity (nuclear war, Niederland and Krystal’s work helped create a further problem. If we ac- from the increasing subsequent move away cept Leys’ point about classical psychic the explain to then how unconscious, the of notions psychoanalytic dimensions of modernity itself ? As shall be seen in some the next chapter, issues these addressed that alternatives offer did trauma of analysts French with greater force. but rather a composite, multifaceted figure subject to, in one of Freud’s favorite words, vicissitudes. In particular here, through Israeli, American, and French studies, we follow the theme of the transformation of the Ho- in heroism of exemplar moral a to damaged indelibly from survivor locaust the age of mass death. more comprehensive approach to the pathology of the 1963, this catastrophe. perspective By was being echoed by Eitinger and others; Eitinger in literally repeated Dworzecki’s fact, research program, adding that “by comparing different groups with each other, by controlling adjustment in studying by period post-war the will bring our knowledge concerning the human mind . . . a step further” (1963, 66–67; emphasis in original). Accordingly, while studies throughout the 1960s still tended to be limited Already at the 1961 V and psychiatric passed, years further As Liberation. after years ten to up ing psychological studies in France, in the United States, and in emphasiz- again, Once later. and later sequelae of appearance the showing Israel kept ing the importance of comparative perspectives in the different influences of particular national contexts upon Holocaust survivor research is useful no was there which to extent the out bringing for 164 Cadaverland camps, these women had lived through the interbellum and war periods, war and interbellum the through lived had women these camps, the before even but, later,” century a of quarter a found maladaptation of horror of the camp “undoubtedly play a causative role in the greater degree the of immensity the did only Not 190). 1971, al. et (Antonovsky group trol vivors were, “as a group, more poorly adapted” than the women of the con- sur- camp the that showed consistently data The symptoms. psychic the in less so for somatic and psychosomatic symptoms; the differences appeared role satisfaction). and wellbeing, status, (health areas general three in adjustment of sures mea- fourteen and class, social and demographics included variables the detail, great into going Without general). in age middle of problems and der of the group on a variety of to variables menopause (such as adaptation remain- the to compared be could survivors 77 the which in distribution a ethnic groups, of whom 77 had been in concentration camps. This allowed drew upon a population of 287 women from five different Central European study al. et Antonovsky the noted, That files. medical in recorded not were therefore and treatment sought not had population general the in patients patients); second, that far larger numbers of psychiatrically ill hospitalized other from drawn not group comparison a is, (that group control priate appro- the of that first, problems: two raised definition, by maladaptive” However,“are settings. patients which in populations” “clinical at looking psychiatric in patients of numbers small with only dealt syndrome camp community atlarge”(187). survivors” (186). What was needed were “studies of total populations in the systematic study of the consequences of this most extreme situation for . . . by-now “voluminous” literature, scientists effectively had shied away “from a Despite 186). 1971, al. et (Antonovsky survivors on mark” indelible “an psychic and physical trauma of the concentration camp would not have left tial assumption was that it was “inconceivable” that the massive, prolonged all of Central European birth and now aged forty-five to fifty-four. Their ini- though their sample had increased to almost three hundred Israeli women, al- study, “limited” a as described they what published hospitals chiatric samples. so or hundred one of populations The two groups differed little in terms of demographic variables, and variables, demographic of terms in little differed groups two The concentration on literature psychiatric earlier exceptions, some With In 1971, four Israeli psychiatrists from four different universities and psy- — the trend thereafter was toward larger toward was thereafter trend the Inversion 165 gure 4 Figure immunized its survivors to strain, but merely , at least on some level” (190–91; empha- (190–91; level” some on least at , happy be to even but well-adapted” (90; emphasis added). Over 40 percent were rated as being What, then, explained the strength and ability of these women, “despite from was reverted authors the which to hypothesis interesting more The Even so, these differences were relative: particularly in the light of the Antonovsky et al. conclude their study with three tentative explanations Their study, then, was a milestone in Holocaust survivor research for a in excellent or quite good health for women of their age, while half again adequately. formation,” but were functioning showed “mild symptom their experience, to maintain what would seem to be the capacity not only well function to sis added)? The authors went through a number of possible objections to this surprising finding. For instance, the camp experience was always in the background, which under given circumstances can produce renewed breakdowns. Israeli psychiatrists had observed such triggering events during the Eichmann Trial and also the Six-Day War (as, coincidentally, had survey the with dealing objections Other time). same the at France in Baruk data were discussed as well. J. T. Shuval’s 1950 study of the persistence of traumatic immigrants effects recent among fiveconducted years study a camps, concentration the after to Israel living at the time in transit camps (see Shuval 1957). Shuval had come up with what she called “the hardening hypothesis”: in her words, “not . . . that the camp trauma “experiencing “experiencing late adolescent and young adulthood under circumstances (188). of disaster” study’s core concern with the regenerative powers of the ego, “of greater a that fact the is . . importance . scientific and human of . . . and fascination to found were survivors camp concentration of number not-inconsiderable be that it ‘hardened’ them” (quoted in Antonovsky et al. 1971, 191; emphasis in original). for the successful adaptation of a good number of the survivors: an initial opportunities provided that environment subsequent a strength; underlying to re-establish a satisfying and meaningful existence; and finally Shuval’s “hardening” process that allowed survivors to view current stresses with some degree of Aware equanimity. that they had “hardly begun to explain a mystery which has received so little attention,” Antonovsky et al. accordingly called for considerably more systematic research. sur- “happy” find to study such first the was it one, For reasons. of number 166 Cadaverland bsd hlrn ad itm o cie a wl a Hlcut survivors. Holocaust as well as crime, of victims and children, abused tims of political regimes, torture, and racial repression, and battered wives, vic- Warveterans, Vietnam veterans, combat WorldWarII comprised now social responsibility in the Western world toward victims of violence. These (Dasberg 1987) . Social change also had brought about a widening sense of matized” generation of Israelis who had fought in the War of Independence trau- highly “the affected had particular in and generational one, for were, that played an equally key role: namely, factors of phenomena “cultural” change. symptoms) pathological on focus somatological narrow the to (due disregarded previously but related, of range a out brought studied could reactivatethecampexperience. the fact that later Holocaust-related events or an external threat such as war ence and subsequent health problems. They also noted but did not dwell on experi- camp the between connection causal a of assumption the on work their based authors the time, same the At level). some on least (at vivors generation, now adolescent, and rebelling against the various conspiracies third the trauma; transgenerational of issue emergent the with survivors, of offspring second-generation middle-aged; now survivors child eration first-gen- over; and sixty-five aged now survivors, first-generation support: nored commented, Dasberg As (246). survival” for struggled itself which environment Israeli aggressive “an being these of least not reasons, various for and decades for remained had they which in silence the broke 1980s, the before not but finally,like the and videotapes, memoirs, of outpouring an in themselves, survivors that fact the was noted, others importantly,and Most Dasberg as survivors. among flashbacks causing trigger a as out singled also was ries) minise- fictional or newsreels (whether Holocaust the of coverage Media Finally, Antonovsky et al. signaled a fact that widening the populations the widening that fact a signaled al. et Finally,Antonovsky Ironically, all these contextual changes identified new identified changes contextual these all Ironically, changed. (252) have may times but years, many for continued has therapists frightened reticence of uneasy and bystanders the of resistance over-identifying and the denials, own survivors’ the between collusion show,the to tempted at- has studies] survivor of years forty-two [of review this As reasons. directed for too long, for understandable, if not justifiable, psychological The plight of the survivors has been misunderstood, misjudged and mis- — target target groups of special vulnerability needing further psychosocial — previously ig- previously 29 These 30

Inversion 167 gure 4 Figure The Survi- directly causative” a sure indicator that — This was Terrence Des Pres’ 31 reinvoke memories of war or other emotive other or war of memories reinvoke may Regarding the importance of factoring in the intervening cultural changes cultural intervening the in factoring of importance the Regarding “Every culture,” he added, “has its own reserves of psychological knowl- psychological of reserves own its “has added, he culture,” “Every events, but it “does not follow that these past events were of silence maintained by their parents and grandparents; the spouses of survivors who were not themselves survivors, “a sorely neglected group” (247); professionals working with survivors and their families who themselves need support specifically to deal with issues of resistance orversely con- over-identification. And, bystanders finally, who may not have suffered directly from the Holocaust, but who had lost families in Europe, or having takenfelt acute guilt at not a clearer standthe Holocaust. vis-à-vis since the end of Derek the Summerfield, Second aWar, World British psy- Tor- of Victims of Care the for Foundation Medical the of head and chiatrist ture in London, like Dasberg, placed a lot of emphasis on the importance fifty to up effects long-term of persistence seeming the in factors cultural of psy- a that argued Summerfield before, Targowla Like events. the after years episode physical or chiatric the des pres–bettelheim debate At about the same time that psychological and psychoanalytical of studies the pathologies of camp survivors were reaching their take-off in the scientific levels literature, the first book appeared to begin the pendulum swing in the opposite direction. (Summerfield 1996, 375; emphasis added). which of experience,” adverse to assign to attributions of range [and] edge, officially recognized forms of knowledge such as medicine only provide recognition to some of the players, but not all of them. If the question of how and why some victims became psychological casualties was properly speaking a clinical problem, “perhaps the overriding question is how and why the majority do not”? Wider sensibilities, he argued, were “necessary to comprehend war and its aftermath as a played complex out in tragedy public” (377). and Of course, drama health professionals had a role as fields, knowledge other of work the of what but researchers, and clinicians or poetry? Perhaps paying greater history, sociology, such as anthropology, attention to these would create “a more richly textured understanding” of war and atrocity across decades and generations than had previously been the case (377). vor: An Anatomy of Life in the Death Camps (1976) and something of a surprise best-seller. Des Pres was a professor of literature 168 Cadaverland den blinding awakening to life’s immanence. Unfortunately, Des Pres’ ul- Pres’ Unfortunately,Des immanence. life’s to awakening blinding den of becoming more becoming of process a involves humanly live to struggle extremity,their in women and ever encountered. “By virtue of the extraordinary demands made upon men able to maintain his or her “humanness” in the face of the utmost extremity (4). So, for Des Pres, the survivor became such a figure of heroism, in being time” our in ruin of sweep the with commensurate heroism a “Werequire courageously and individually achieve glory through grand gestures. Today, loss, it no longer made sense either to speak of “heroes” as individuals who this with and, death of dignity the of speak to longer any meaningless was it routinely, die thousands of hundreds which in disaster” of “landscape resulting the In (4). solution” usual the become has solution’ ‘final “the wrote, Pres Des as which, by 1948) in about written had Minkowksi (that of crisis rary contempo- the to linked reasons several for (53), type” moral a “as vivor sur- the present to wanted Pres Des camps. Nazi the of that from different quite ways, certain in is, literature this as argument, general Pres’ Des for important was survivorship of category the into Gulag the of camps the of experience Russian the of here inclusion The novels. Solzhenitsyn’s and Camus’ in particularly fiction, in survivor the of discussion a with book his opened Pres Des Accordingly, culture. general the of sphere the into over crossed had matter,but medical specialist, a longer no was “survivorship” “survive” will to by stand this knowledge.” It was through survivors’ unique ability to finement . . . but of the fundamental knowledge of good and evil, and of the Mundi; camps the of assault “excremental” the despite it, for recognition gain and dignity their preserve to determination self-conscious their witness; bear to will the in manifested dead the to debt special their time: the for perspectives despair. inthemidstoftotal existential exstasis something, so to speak, very “Russian” (or Dostoyevskian) in this image of is there because texts, Russian from drawn was evidence his of lot ingly,a surpris- Not original). in emphasis (21–22; worst” the to equal being of sense a soul, the fills exultation strange a state this In spring. of upsurge one with the thrust of life itself, a strength beyond hope, as stubborn as the their peculiar freedom becomes real and effective. . . . Their will to survive is e Pe’ uvvr fo te ai ap wr rpeetd n novel in represented were camps Nazi the from survivors Pres’ Des 32 the survivor’s experience of decline and then renewal then and decline of experience survivor’s the — — “to civilization. One was the banalization of death of banalization the was One civilization. post-Holocaust hc oe oih uvvr rt aot ne te title the under about wrote survivor Polish one which there” stay — essentially, firmly human. Not the humanness of re- of humanness the Not human. essentially,firmly — “in the balance of being and non-being that non-being and being of balance the “in — the sud- the Anus Inversion 169 gure 4 Figure Surviving and Other pathologization of pathologization persistent It flagged a counter-tendency that by that counter-tendency a flagged It 33 values and behavior, fell into an “anonymous mass” with mass” “anonymous an into fell behavior, and values ss Nonetheless, Nonetheless, an important theme in Des Pres’ work, and in some of the timate attempt to explain survivorship wandered into the somewhat murky murky somewhat the into wandered survivorship explain to attempt timate “sociobiology” popularized by Wilson’s Edward 1975 O. book by that title, by territoriality animal on time the of writings popular equally the as well as Lorenz. aggression by Konrad and on human Robert Ardrey survivor writings that he cited, was his attack on psychoanalytic studies of the camp experience, and in particular in the work of Bruno Bettelheim in The Informed Heart (1960), as well as the often-reprinted (1980; first published in 1952). Bettelheim, it will be recalled, was the was recalled, be will it Bettelheim, 1952). in published first (1980; Essays experi- camp concentration the on publish to analyst émigré American first ence, based on his year of detention at Buchenwald and Dachau in the late prisoners to did camps the what that argue to first the was He (1943). 1930s was to regress them back to infantile levels of pre-Oedipal behavior where they became “abnormally” preoccupied with food and excretory functions, with identified no social organization, and lost all “autonomy” or the capacity for self-assertion (Des Pres 1976, 60–61, 88–92, 185–92). While willing to recognize Des Pres found its methods that psychoanalysis offered “valuable insight,” too often led to wrong conclusions, because in the main psychoanalysis studied culture and “civilized” human beings (182). He was also bothered un- been had experience concentration the of study serious most far, so that, dertaken by psychoanalysts, and that Bettelheim in particular represented “a position which has never been challenged and which has influenced all subsequent study” (185). Des Pres was thus at pains to refute Bettelheim at every level. For one, Bettelheim’s views differed “sharply” from those of account Bettelheim’s another, For Rappaport. Ernest as such analysts other of Buchenwald was inconsistent with that of classics of camp was victim” as “man of view Bettelheim’s sociology third, And (1950). Kogon as such Er- as such sociologists contemporary eminent of work the by unsupported ving Goffman and anthropologists such as Mary Douglas, not to mention as well as civilization, Western of tendencies the of misreading a was it that Pres’ Des of importance the aside, exaggeration All itself. psychoanalysis of the against beacon lonely a was it that was study literature. medical the in survivor the the 1990s had become a veritable flood. 170 Cadaverland that former survivors had made of their lives. successes the of celebration outright the become had book) Pres’ Des in tively fewsequelae. large the why was question research emerging new a Moreover, be. to had they believe to reason researchers given had literature scientific the as damaged as quite not were survivors (some) why over puzzlement the and 1970s of the findings research clinical Israeli discussed we chapter, this in Earlier the “happy”survivor study . . . the elasticity of the limits of endurance, and the human need and need human the and endurance, of limits the of elasticity the . . . study . . . to opportunity unique a is “this survivors, of aging the of because well, As beings.” human of resilience incredible “the show to attempted book survivor.”Holocaust the describe accurately not “did literature his Instead, the from getting was he picture the that no; him told book this for search re- subsequent and experience His reading? was he professionals health mental the of pronouncements the to compared wrong somehow training own personally.Washis known had he survivors those to resemblance no bore about read he Those xi). (1995, became” I exasperated and founded dumb- more “the survivors, of adjustment psychological postwar the on to introduction the in had written an earlier book about the children of survivors. As he remarked at psychiatry of and University State California at entirely increasingly was being done in the humanities, in ethics, and work elsewhere; that is, in newer although field, psychological-psychiatric the from Aftermath: Living with the Holocaust. 1995 Hass’s Aaron was these of One others. to door the opened 1993, in Award Book National a won which book, Helmreich’s of success spread wide- The (1992). America in Made They Lives Successful the and Survivors locaust of Sociology and Jewish Studies William B. Helmreich’s Archive, andmanyotherequivalentsuchsitesthroughouttheWest. Spielberg Washington,the in Museum Holocaust U.S. the Yale, at Archive Fortunoff the at testimony of collections growing in videotape on ticular par- in forms, many in stories their telling their of proliferation resulting the and decades, for with lived had they silence the broken had themselves survivors that was possible work such made that points turning main the By the 1990s, the transformation of the survivor as a new moral type (noted In the United States, no doubt, the breakthrough book here was Professor majority of survivors had managed to come out of the camps with rela- fields of research. of fields nonmedical , the more he read of “the vast literature” vast “the of read he more the Aftermath, 36 Hass, a professor of clinical psychology 35 It is important to recall that one of one that recall to important is It 34 Some of this work still came Medical School, Medical ucla Against All Odds: Ho- The Inversion 171 incred- gure 4 Figure — He also claimed then. No one asks survivors 38 The Triumph of Wounded Souls, the Fresh Wounds: Early Narratives of Holocaust Survival. Holocaust of Narratives Early Wounds: Fresh “The very skewed picture” also may have resulted 37 of circumstances and experiences, as well as the differ- the as well as experiences, and circumstances of variety that “almost all the mental health professionals” involved conducted conducted involved professionals” health mental the all “almost that — The resulting continued celebration of from data collected so soon after their ordeal. ibly erroneous its for “notorious” viewpoint” psychoanalytic a “from work their psychopathology. While he observed that he still found evidence of “this dark view of survivors” as late as the 1989 work of Israeli scholars, Hass’s origi- survivors, 58 with interviews from derived survivors of view differing nally from 11 countries, all presently living in the United States. He noted that one-third of those he approached to be interviewed turned him down, for various reasons; some because they already had recorded their testimonies elsewhere. In a nutshell, he claimed that the literature had tended to view survivors “as a unitary phenomenon” (1995, 1); what he wanted to the was show ing, specific details interviewees. of these among his title of Boston University ethicist Bernice Lerner’s 2004 contribution Among aspects. negative and positive both had work, of body growing this to the positives, it’s not as if those whose stories recounted here marked, often were deeply, by not their camp ordeals; survivors weep and despair as one would expect of people who had been through truly devastating experiences. Another positive was the republication of very early interviews with survivors, such as the work of the late psychologist David Broder, P. in still were they while 1946 in survivors Jewish mainly 109 interviewed who dp camps. Thirty-six of Broder’s interviews were published under the editorship of historian Donald L. Niewyk by the University of North Carolina title the with 1998 in Press sur- the of image the modified also interviews early these of rediscovery The vivor away from the pathological to one where survivors, not surprisingly, were embittered by what they had been forced to endure (this was especially the case of a French survivor’s view of the French police’s role in the round-up of Parisian Jews). capacity capacity to reassert a vigorous life” (xi). But Hass added that his book was about individuals, not about a syndrome. This focus was to correct the fact that “No one ever asked survivors how they felt how they feel now [because] the mental health community, writers and art- and writers community, mentalhealth the [because] now feel they how Ho- the of inheritance pathological the on attention their focussed have ists the of . . . fear “the was claimed, he this, for reason the of Part (xv). locaust” denial of the to trauma’s emphasize severity,” the survivor’s pain so as not to minimize their loss. 172 Cadaverland and Régine Waintrater’sRégine and Shoah la de Guérir 2003 2005 Zadje’s Nathalie by provided are examples Twodifferently. if vivors, rise of“avictimculture”inAmericanculturegenerally(Novick1999,6,8). example, all the hyphenated new identities); the other aspect concerned the of an integrationist ethos” and its replacement by a particularistic ethos (for with the Holocaust was an identity-substitute given Jews “the decline in America American of preoccupation the first, dual: was argument the Here, 1999 his in Novick, Peter historian, another by up brought was question general more The 1702). 1993, (Lipstadt ence” in building a life a building in would interviewees] Helmreich’s [as qualities such possessing a review of Helmreich’s book. “It is, of course, hard to imagine that anyone in directly question this raised had Lipstadt Deborah Historian life. of way American the of celebration of form a rather, or, survivorship about fact in were ones, American the particularly books, such whether of question and Franceinthe1960s1970s. States United the in ethnopsychoanalysis and ethnopsychiatry on tensively Georges Devereux (1908–1985), an enigmatic character, who published ex- and of student a center.been the had families, of Nathan co-director become to on went with survivor ofthis applications practical first the began approach to “curing” Holocaust survivors and their families. In 1993, Zadje ethnopsychoanalytic an of underpinnings methodological and theoretical the with preoccupied Georges-Devereux, Centre the established had 1990s the of as that team research university a and Nathan was exception notable A 11). 2005, (Zadje them although in interested personally were questions,” “psy” French some these with dealt France in training psychological nor teaching “no 1988, in children their and survivors of psychology the on studies her began she when that noted She Nathan. Tobie choanalyst were stilldiseasesorpathologiesofgenerallygenocidalsocieties. since Lanzmann’s epic, nine-hour 1984 film by that title) were curable, they it calling to taken have French the as “Shoah” (or Holocaust the of eases” “dis- the if that, was now implied being was survivor,what the of gization note herewiththesetwotitlesthat,intheFrenchcontextofdepatholo- But therapist. family and psychoanalyst Waintratera psychologist; clinical The French literature also dealt with the cultural transformation of sur- of transformation cultural the with dealt also literature French The The “negative” aspects, if that is the right way to put it, turned on the on turned it, put to way right the is that if aspects, “negative” The lhuh h udryn tertcl nepnig ae ut interest- quite are underpinnings theoretical underlying the Although ethnopsy- published widely the to) married (and of student a was Zadje , despite the horrors of their previous experi- previous their of horrors the despite America, in The Holocaust in American Life. American in Holocaust The Sortir du genocide. du Sortir succeed not 39 Zadje is a is Zadje 40 Inversion 173 gure 4 Figure There was, however, precisely what had been effaced from French survivorship since — [little] indication of what might constitute a healthy, non-pathological response to the physical and psychological degradations, the profound alienation, dislocation and losses engendered by the Holocaust process also was “pathology” victim on focus The 1988). White Rosh Naomi (see victims’ the in resilience of form any in interest of absence an by marked Agamben notes that the term “to survive” contains “an ambiguity someone that or something to reference “the implying eliminated,” be cannot overcoming, facing, as survival of redefinition the (132), survived” is that ap- may This current. [fully] yet not was adversity outlasting, sometimes pear only a semantic distinction, but it is in fact a significant discursive one. The focus on victimhood and “pathology” meant that, for years more, discourse about surviving Jews remained many in essence stigma- tizing: whether or not in treatment, Jews were generally viewed as “psy- chologically disturbed, traumatized, and largely beyond any significant rehabilitation” (Marcus and Rosenberg 1989, 56). For her part, at one is level concerned Waintrater with the various geno- through went accordingly, survivorship, depathologizing of process The the war. cides before and after the European Holocaust (in Armenia, the Cambodia, former Yugoslavia, Rwanda), but in fact is centrally concerned the Shoah. More with she specifically, is concerned with the problem of “testi- gross “a suffered had articulation of form this that problem the and mony” inflation” in recent years (Waintrater 2003, 9). In effect, she proposed to redefine the social contract implied by the notion of testimony and resitu- ate it within the psychic “work” that psychoanalysis makes possible. That work included further thinking through of how testimony itself works and does not work; the re-establishment of all the intra-psychic links severed by massive trauma (empathy; affect; unblocking “frozen” mental images, often through the use of video replay of survivor testimony and its rhetori- or lack of it). Ultimately the aim, she writes, was to try to cal reha- delivery, bilitate place as part of life (232). death by returning it to its proper shown. As Schladow observes, several phases, as the present chapter has ing, what Zadje did in practice with her groups of survivor families was to bring back into the discussion large elements of Jewish culture (the Jewish calendar, holidays, rituals, Hebrew and Yiddish words, and so on). These rituals aimed to create a new focus of identification with French survivors as Jews 174 Cadaverland figuration ofsurvivors. take uphowthisoccurredinthenextchapter.We the of set new entirely an possible made environment cultural primarily a to medical a from Shifting culture. popular as also but sense thropological an- an in “culture,” by nourished all above was nonspecialist, and medical non- being latter, The universe. discursive nonmedical surrounding, the into ruptured it that overextended so became survivorship on discourse cal speak. Too to eager to maintain its so professional hold over survivors, opposite, the medi- dialectical its into flipped discourse further medical the and time, further in sequelae pathological of duration the extending By osdrd hsoyes” hi lvs n proaiis . apparently . shaped entirelybytheirHolocaustexperience.(2007,283–84) . . personalities and lives their “historyless,” considered were Jews Surviving adaptation. post-trauma their or survival of modes fi gure dilemma A statement of a problem followed by 5 particularization of the alternatives richard a. lanham, A Handlist of Rhetorical Terms, 2nd ed.

As we have just seen, the survivor was figured entirely through the perspective of the Holocaust. But except for its lasting psychic consequences, the Holocaust itself, and in the main the extermination of European Jewry, had ended. “It” had happened, and a new world emerged after 1945, in which as Zygmunt Bauman remarked, holocausts were no longer impossible, and future holocausts indeed possible (2000, 3). What were some of the implications, both at the time and subsequently, that derived from now living in a post-Holocaust world? Perhaps one of the best known implications was Theodor W. Adorno’s famed pronunciamento in 1949 that, after Auschwitz, writing poetry was “barbaric.”1 That the remark was often misunderstood, taken overly literally, and promptly expanded into a literal impossibility, along with other acts such as belief, thanks, or prayer, is beside the point. Some words, once released, take on a life of their own. The tendency of certain words to become inflated with other meanings is our dilemma in this chapter, through a discussion of four interconnected topics in the field of Holocaust affect — trauma; memory, re-membering (as in trying to put back together); commemoration (collective remembering); and, writing as always at the same time a form of rewriting, as a result of which that being written about is constantly also being transformed.

175 176 Cadaverland erally about the postwar future of psychiatry. For Bornsztayn, the overall the Bornsztayn, For psychiatry. of future postwar the about erally interrupted his clinical work, this gave him an occasion to think more gen- presented it at a French conference, remarking that, as the Occupation had by Mauryey a Bornsztayn, Polish Jewish psychiatrist, still alive in Lodz, who new perspectives (Charlin 1949). A good example of to such new perspectives was a 1946 paper open wide field French the leaving Anglo-Saxons,” the by “those were war 1945 to 1939 the of psychoses the on studies only the practically 2), chapter (see Cazeneuve Jean of work the from apart that, emphasized Charlin by One period. postwar immediate the in presented papers scientific two from emerged also interpretation This whole. a as society postwar French affecting anxiety collective general more a fested mani- forth so and manias, anxiety,psychoses, tension, nervous of states Trauma and Traumato-Culture, 1945–1990 mass prisoner repatriation. prisoner mass the and France of Liberation the followed that states psychic reactive the of former among psychosis” “barbed-wire two, only mention to instance, for “captivity”: of states mental the classify to attempting in creativity considerable strated demon- psychiatrists French Various 1948). (Minkowski passivity and ity irritabil- of manifestations to given and tired was collectively that society a returning the of difficulties adaptation the to added further only conditions, war or Occupation under whole a as finesse with remarked Minkowski Eugène captivity,” of sequelae mental workers employed in Germany. In the discussion following a paper on “the of states psychiatric different years. Other scientific papers from a comparative perspective examined Occupation the the characterized that civilians of denunciation the of levels high the to related especially here betrayal,” of psychopathology “the on papers of number a notably specificities, conjunctural certain by marked was period 1949 to 1946 the of literature psychiatric military French France. The demoralized and traumatized a of recovery psychic the for offer to seemed they what in Lacan Jacques thirty-year-old the impressed also had that lessons II, WarWorld during psychiatry military by learned sons les- the to of applications consultant civilian postwar useful chiefpsychiatric saw who Army, Rees, British the R. John of work the by “tonified” been had psychiatry French chapter,postwar previous that the from Recall — ”) as part as retour”) du (“manie return” the of “mania and pows, that sequelae, because they could extend to the to extend could they because sequelae, that 2 Above all, the attempts to classify the varied the classify to attempts the all, Above s, political deportees, and “voluntary” “voluntary” and deportees, political pows, or deportee, coming back to back coming deportee, or pow — population s usual as Dilemma 177

— was — gure 5 Figure “the scientific and ) of the Ameri- the of dsm) — but not until the 1970s when — Ultimately The Traumatic . Neuroses Kardiner’s The of “grim, Traumatic War al- “Kardiner would prove the most influential writer on the — Diagnostic and Statisticaland Diagnostic Mentalof Manual Disorders ( As in the American context but as early as the mid-1920s, the notion of We We saw in the previous chapter that Niederland, Krystal, and other American medicine was faced with the epidemic of mentalof epidemic the the with of faced disorders was medicine American Vietnam War war neuroses,” his book becoming “a bible, almost the only thing the psychiatrist could turn to” (Shephard 2001, 157) until the famed third edition the of can Psychiatric Association (1980). trauma had also vanished from the French clinical context and remained invisible for about two decades! It is no surprise, as Alain Ksensée (1997) tendency of scientific work in general was toward broader and broader gen- broader and broader toward was general in work scientific of tendency eralizations. Comparison with other branches of science proved not very flattering for which psychiatry, up to now had contented itself with being Bornsztaynthe changed had argued, war, The science. descriptive a merely overall making climate it for now psychiatry, a kind of distorting mirror of the larger environment. That environment, however moral atmosphere of contemporary Europe” (Bornsztayn 1946, 208) 1946, (Bornsztayn Europe” contemporary of atmosphere moral one in which the former prevalence of materialistic and positivistic ideas had reversed itself in the form of he pointed greater to “irrationalism the examples in of Bergson science” and Freud in particular (209), as demonstrating the new emphasis upon the irrational. Even more strongly, the new irrationalism was “schizoidic” (“schizoïdie”) in that, “With the ef- anx- [more] of instead forms see classic now [the we of hysteria, facement ] iety neuroses and obsessions [along with] greater degrees of regression. The kingdom of schizophrenia’s domain is expanding more and did they Bornsztayn’spart, on observations more” speculative clearly While (209). postwar the in problematic and new be would what underscore nonetheless era that had arrived for psychiatry. of concept the of career checkered the on commented had writers American “trauma” in the American context, and its almost complete disappearance until the 1960s with its strong resurgence in Niederland and Krystal’s concept of “massive psychic trauma” (1961b). The most sophisticated Ameri- can work previously on the traumatic neuroses was that begun in the early 1920s by Abram (or Abraham) Kardiner and continued thereafter, eventually published in 1941 as damaged irreparably, even inevitably, war that argument determinist” most at hear to militarywished American the something not apparently was men the time (Shephard 2000, 156). 178 Cadaverland sné’ dvlpet f ari’ eak ht agwas eote ast- deportee Targowla’s that remark Barrois’ of development Ksensée’s scribed as“memoryrunning in reverse,”aswellitsobverse,amnesia. de- Barrois that repeat to compulsion namely,the neuroses; traumatic the other two pattern appearance-disappearance the to add also could One (87–113). rape of violence the and terrorism, of acts war, as such disasters man-made shipwrecks, disasters, natural to cident, ac- “banal” the luck, bad sheer from ranging as listed he which Tragic,” of death of presentiments are they that is not, times at and acknowledged times at are To greatly simplify, the “weirdness” of the traumatic neuroses and why they being inevitably engaged in a life process whose outcome can only be death. generally medicine psychiatry work, clinical its In existence. human of of knowledge” (80n1;hisemphasis). is traumatic the of charge take French scholars of the traumatic neuroses. contemporary leading the of one is Paris, in hospital Val-de-Grâce military the at psychiatry of head of former work Barrois, the Claude particular. in in and Targowla deportation, of pathology the of discussions the in occurred reappearance sudden its of moments key the of one that argues, event that event Greek the from a as neuroses traumatic the propriate ap- the stimulate to (3) and others, to account that transmit to (2) enon, three interlinked purposes: (1) to render an adequate account of a phenom- of nature the of theory a to pattern appearance-disappearance this linked He consequences. tragic often with times, various at misrecognized and recognized simultaneously been had neuroses traumatic the of notion the psychoanalysis, in so less slightly if troubles” (1988,121–22). psycho-traumatic of context the socio-historically,in rather “but term, cal medi- a as aetiologically taken been have to not ought concept, clinical a as asthaenia, deportee of conception Targowla’s traumatiques, névroses Les oee, h bg hoeia la drvn fo Bros wr was work Barrois’ from deriving leap theoretical big the However, scoruai tobe wr tu dul “h model “the doubly thus were troubles Psychotraumatic Barrois’ overall argument is that, throughout the history of psychiatry, of history the throughout that, is argument overall Barrois’ as an unfortunate accident or tragic encounter in the course the in encounter tragic or accident unfortunate an as symptoma — (Barrois 1988, 80; his emphasis). In this light, Barrois saw Barrois light, this In emphasis). his 80; 1988, (Barrois action or that is that or befalls that is to say, as Barrois entitled his chapter 6, “Figures of the of “Figures 6, chapter his entitled Barrois say,as to is that , means “something constituting an unfortunate an constituting “something means symptoma, — consists in the observation of, and care for,care and of, human observation a the in consists .” Accordingly, psychiatry’s inability “to inability psychiatry’s Accordingly, missing.” psychiatry. “Symptom” here, “Symptom” psychiatry. within symptom psychiatric from fallen has or missing is what , committed, he wrote, to wrote, he committed, writing, medical 3 For Barrois, in his major book, characteristics of characteristics typical — or, for that matter, that for or, a excellence” par Dilemma 179 and — gure 5 Figure is thus filled thus is — covered up the sexual manifestations and the general culture as well. As an earlier instance only implicit in contemporary as well as past psychiatric ptsd, by the end of the nineteenth century, the word “memory” the defining event of the twentieth century, “the management of the The proposition that Ksensée derived from this was that of the rising im- rising the of that was this from derived Ksensée that proposition The For Ksensée, in turn, what traumato-culture obscured was the debt to incidents subsequent few perhaps hypothesis, his in correct is Ksensée If The primary issue here, as Ksensée suggested, was the gap between programmed death of millions of human beings in extermination camps (Ksensée 1997, 51). such as Auschwitz” portance of external, traumatic socio-historical factors, but he noted that these were at best clinical observation. He emphasized the enormous knowledge-debt owed to psychoanalysis for “the discovery” of the traumatic neuroses (53–54). factors clinical and socio-historical these between gap resulting The haenia haenia belonged more properly to the socio-historical context of psychotraumatic disorders. Ksensée retraced this idea moments of through the history of One psychiatry. differing such moment was past the work of Charcot on hysteria at the turn of the century; another, the rise and fall of American “reactive” psychiatry from 1947 to 1954, especially in its “naïve” French version; and a third was the “Freudo-Marxism” of the 1960s that sure, be to Lastly, revolts. students’ 1968 near-worldwide the in culminated was with it, the further fuzziness resulting from psychiatric observation’s ten- makes he point a objectivity, medical over ideologies passing prefer to dency (51) Resistance the in psychiatrists French about specifically by what Ksensée termed “a traumato-culture” (50) that affected both psychiatric observation of this, he noted the subsumption of Charcot’s clinical work to neurology as the mark of “a hystero-culture” that of major hysterical crises (50). psychoanalysis. And, although he does not say one this implica- explicitly, tion is the extent to which psychoanalysis was seen for so long, especially by its detractors, as “Jewish.” and rise the as directly as this to speak thought psychiatric contemporary in fall of the diagnostic category of “post-traumatic stress disorder” (ptsd), the one mental illness, as an American wit once commented, that everybody wanted to have. At least for a time. the classification of mental disease and psychiatricTake, practices. for instance, the notion of memory in nineteenth-century medical literature. As “inven- the on book 1995 classic his in remarks Young Allan anthropologist tion” of 180 Cadaverland on observation of visible phenomena via careful comparison of case histo- case of comparison careful via phenomena visible of observation on based classification equivalent an produce to were steps first psychiatry’s medicine, in As Young95–102). (A. 1995, diseases physical with analogies by understood best were disorders mental whom for (1856–1926), pelin Krae- Emil psychiatric German the of nosology elaborate the on modeled nosologyinAmericanpsychiatry.such standardized tistical Disorders Manual or of Mental of edition third The original). in emphasis 94; 1995, Young(A. exclusion” and inclusion of principles Aristotelian and features criterial of lists on based classification of system a nosology, psychiatric ized “a was psychiatry American from missing was what words, other In 93). 1995, Young A. in (quoted tidily fit could these which” in chiatry psy- of province a find to hard is “it that was Kardiner by upon commented through amnesia. example for world, outside entire the obliterate to attempting by casionally oc- or paralysis), to (leading part body a into it “introjecting” by problem the obliterating reactions, infantile to regressing strategies: unsuccessful is various through mastery lost event its regain to struggle perpetual a traumatic into thrown a by produced ego” “new The 90). 1995, Young A. in quoted (Kardiner, systems” nervous autonomic and central the adjuncts, its and apparatus sensory-motor the of function every in “expressed zation organi- ego” “total affected that aggression, blow,as severe experienced a events thus created a level of that excitation the organism cannot master, as defenses that protect the ego from external stimuli. For Kardiner, traumatic point Freud’s argument that traumatic events were breaches in the starting his as took (89), 1920s Young the to in ing Freud by psychoanalyzed briefly accord- Kardiner, 29). 1995, Young (A. origin” its of moment the reliving perpetually presence, self-renewing a unassimilated, remains it creation, its “Yearsafter different. is secret pathogenic the fade, memories ordinary because s/he wants to forget them, or repress them from awareness. Where secret because are the memory-bearer wants to they hide them from others, And but also hysteria). (e.g., disorders psychiatric cause to said are they because pathogenic are memories Such here. key is that meaning fourth this is It 28–29). 1995, Young (A. secret” “pathogenic a as (4) and event, past specific a of remembering a as (3) remembrances, retrieving and ing was being used in four ways: (1) as a cognitive skill, (2) as a faculty for stor- on rprs ht h srcue f the of structure the that reports Young neuroses traumatic the of symptoms many the of features the of One dsm-iii, published in 1980, was the first a self-consciously was dsm-iii The Diagnostic and Sta- and Diagnostic The standard- Dilemma 181 gure 5 Figure dsm-ii (1968) ptsd epidemic in ptsd, they wrote, had “reversed this dsm-i had appeared in 1952 and reflected in the Vietnam War (Jones and Wessely Wessely (Jonesand War Vietnam the in ptsd dsm-iii inventoried about two hundred identifi- dsm-iii was to reflect “diagnostic research and not . . . ptsd was a compelling way to conceptualise long-term dsm-iii attempted to establish a “metalanguage” that shifted Interestingly, two British Interestingly, psychiatrists, Edgar Jones and Simon Wessely, Vietnam and the introduction of able mental disorders, grouped by categories (mood disorders, disorders, etc.), anxiety and defined by a list of features individually and collectively adequate for a diagnosis. ries to identify the clusters of symptoms shared from case to case, following a discernible course over time, and leading to a predictable outcome (A. Young 1995, 95–96). psychiatric disorder in a country that struggled to come to terms with its guilt over Vietnam. Adopting this diagnosis allowed viewed its as another veterans group to of be victims of an insane and unjust war” (211). its editor Adolph Meyer’s “reactive” approach to psychiatry. was found to be “flawed by its failure to provide formal criteria” for defining the boundaries of diagnoses (A. Young 1995, 99). According to editor Robert Spitzer, clinical practice,” with intellectual roots and inspiration Kraepelin “derived not Freud” from (quoted in A. Young 1995, 99). To put this slightly differently, the focus of psychiatry from a clinically based biopsychosical model “to a research-based medical model” in which researchers replaced clinicians as the most influential voices in the profession through their elaboration of sophisticated statistical procedures of calculating reliability and validity 1995, (A. 99–102). Young One of the implications, as we saw in Ruth Leys’ discussion of Niederland and Krystal’s work, was the rise of a psychiatric model that no longer owed anything to the ideas of Freud. prestigious a in militarypublished of psychiatry history proper very their in per- “culturalist” completely a took monographs, scientific of series British of discussion their in spective 2005). Jones and Wessely wrote that “the causes of the Vietnam veterans lay not only in the jungles of Southeast Asia, but also in the social climate of an America that was turning against doc- the psychiatric military of view militaryconsistent the large, and By in (212). general” trine was that if a soldier broke down in battle, and if the cause of this was indeed war, the effects would be short-lived. If forward psychiatry did not return the soldier to battle, however, war trauma was simply a trigger for pre-existing, episodic ill health, whether this was explained through biol- genetics, or psychoanalysis. ogy, thinking. . . . 182 Cadaverland unis f etl ruls n ie o wr” idr rt, a “not was wrote, Biéder war,” of times in troubles mental of quencies fre- “The states. mental correlation on influence observable their and events statistically historical between a posited had (Pinel, Morel) psychiatry and French Esquirol, of founders The periods. revolutionary 1789 post- the of upheavals historical great the and Comte), (Auguste physics social statistics, of ideas related the with along emerged psychiatry French France withitsnumerousrevolutionaryupheavals. in century nineteenth entire the not if 1870, Warof Franco-Prussian the to 123). 65, 2001, Shephard (see War Civil American the to back trauma and war of relationship the take writers some stance, infor So, forgotten. been has that work work older of that“current” rediscovery the one, often is For ofproblems. set another find we trauma, the widercivilianworld. affecting now it, put Wessely and Jones as revolution” trauma “a strongly “a and try; psychia- outside also psychiatry, but within specifically it, termed Ksensée knowledge asaresultoflack“imaginationormemory, orboth”(213). bonding” and cohesion group ment, equip- good leadership, experience, “training, through personnel service among breakdown psychological of risks the with deal to knowledge the military the that was them distressed breakdown” psychiatric to swer an- the has somewhere “someone, because revolution” trauma a through passed has society “civilian that clear was it them, For added). emphasis after diagnosed now is sion occa- on and risk), at being actually to opposed (as risk at was life one’s from its original association with a life-threatening event to perceiving that moving distress, for shorthand a become has “ptsd bluntly: more even worries about environmental toxicity.worries aboutenvironmental public general more reflected Syndrome War Balkan and Syndrome, War and illness changed” (212; emphasis added). Similarly, Agent Orange, Gulf dromes are ever adaptable, and themselves change as syn- post-conflict “how of example early an being than other whatsoever, Wessely,and Jones For In a superb 1972 paper, psychiatric historian Jean Biéder remarked that remarked Biéder Jean historian psychiatric paper, 1972 superb a In and war of relationship the on work French current to now Turning as “traumato-culture” distinctive a of emergence the here stress we So, In a section titled “Atitled section a In culture” within the wider nonmedical culture, or more or culture, nonmedical wider the within culture” ptsd clearly had no medical or psychiatric validity psychiatric or medical no had clearly ptsd Culture,” Jones and Wessely spelled this out this Wesselyspelled and Jones Culture,” ptsd emotional shock, not always severe” (213; severe” always not shock, emotional any — in battle or elsewhere. What especially What elsewhere. or battle in — — who, in their view,their in who, possessed once emd lo o ae o ot that lost to have to also seemed French writers go back go writers French cultural views of health Dilemma 183 mem- Annales gure 5 Figure

not to higher levels than had been the case in peacetime. He noted that Russian psychiatrists had become “excited” by 4 emembering, Commemoration, Commemoration, emembering, the danger had passed (Morel 1871, 220). The following year, year, following The 220). 1871, (Morel passed had danger the after itnessing, 1949–2004 itnessing, W One of the methodological problems that Biéder raised was that tracking that was raised Biéder that problems methodological the of One In the 1870s, in several papers published in early issues of the ” (2000, 2; emphasis added). One of the central themes running through running themes central the of One added). emphasis 2; (2000, ory” the entire discussion on trauma accordingly concerns its relationship to Recent memory. French thought would prove to be particularly enlighten- Humanities professor Ruth Leys observed, usefully for the discussion to follow, that “Post-traumatic disorder is fundamentally a disorder of Memory, R Memory, and a marginal preoccupation. It is doubly and psychiatry.” radically linked to modern For Biéder, the key For point Biéder, was that war itself was pathological at every level: “a veritable psychosis with regression and enormous mental contagion. In it is Madness itself that prevails” (Biéder 1972, 1399). times of war, he revised these again to argue that “dramatic events” especially affected women and even more so if they were pregnant at the time, so that symp- years later! toms could appear in these children twenty indicator “total” a not was admissions hospital in decreases or increases the of morbidity levels. As an example, he referred to a 1947 paper that found that the rate of admissions at the Bonneval Hospital psycho- acute of numbers the while percent, 30 by dropped had during War World the Second sis cases rose, but Médico-psychologiques shortly before his death in 1873, person- While Bénédict authority. formidable Augustin his with debate the into weighed Morel ally convinced of the correlation between mental disorders and historical perturbations, the problem was that the statistical data did not evidence it. Morel therefore shifted his views to the idea that mental problems only appeared the same problematic with the 1905 Revolution; Soviet psychiatrists, on the other hand, commented on “the rarity of traumatic neuroses” were there in context, French the In 1396). the 1972, (Biéder Fascism against fight basically two opposed positions: one, that violent historical events directly caused mental illness; and two, that they favored the appearance of symptoms among the “predisposed.” The question seemed to return for exten- other each with war to went Germany and France time each discussion sive 1939). (in 1870, 1914, and 184 Cadaverland ways oftheorganizationmemory, but nonethelessinterconnected. between been had tion distinc- fundamental the work, earlier Halbwach’s In 512). (mho, memory historical and memory collective between distinction Halbwach’s of cality 1949 that defined the field of social memory; he returned to it in his posthumous n cmeoain a bcm “collectivized” become had commemoration and remembering memories, personal own our with problems individual our given if, as It’s commemoration. of rituals collective or objects particular museums, which was, at the same time a Holocaust and monuments, public artworks, of examination resulting the Tsilitsky. 2001 Buchenwald; hislastdayshavebeenwrittenaboutbyJorge Sempruninhis at died Halbwachs (1877–1945). Halbwachs Maurice memory, of ciology and theabusesofmemory”(1). commemorations of influence “the by compounded there, forgetfulness much too here, memory much too of spectacle” worrying “the of cations writing, but also from a “civic” sense of being troubled by the public impli- historical with preoccupation professional lengthy a from stemmed book this writing in motives His memory,forgetfulness. history,temporary and as to referred hereafter prefers. to be on reclaiming memory seemed emphasis the of however,much Here, Holocaust. the prisingly,to cal, cultural, historical, and sociological, with one portion devoted, not sur- neurologi- and biological perspective: conceivable every from memory of member. As a result, a large literature developed dealing with the problems such monstrosity had to do with memory, or more exactly the time human of ordering any to century the twentieth about thinking of difficulties the on book 2000 his in remarked had Finkelkraut Alain As silence. into falling or amnesia as such forgetting, of unconscious of form the took often recollections remembering of ing in this respect. One of the related corollaries here is that the difficulties Not so with the idea of idea the with so Not Ricoeur turned to the work of the founder of the twentieth-century so- twentieth-century the of founder the of work the to turned Ricoeur Ricoeur’s Paul philosopher French Le mort qu’il faut, and movingly sketched by fellow detainee, artist Boris . Ricoeur insisted on the previously unnoticed radi- unnoticed previously the on insisted Ricoeur collective. Mémoire 7 In 1925, Halbwachs had published had Halbwachs 1925, In — calling it “a historical monster” completely refractory completely monster” historical “a it calling and individual epoe te ope itiain o con- of intrications complex the explores mho) memory that, Halbwachs argued, went argued, Halbwachs that, memory historical — and Holocaust memory in particular. — clearly one of the main dimensions of dimensions main the of one clearly memory, two very different very two memory, collective (2000; l’oubli l’histoire, Mémoire, La displacement of memory onto either Les cadres sociaux de la mémoire la de sociaux cadres Les — r oilzd i one if socialized, or inability to re- strategies 5 Thus, Dilemma 185 513). gure 5 Figure after the fact, and largely by exterior not only to a young life but to mho, 515). Except that the complete absorption of For Halbwachs, the teaching of, or construction of, history, was history, of, construction or of, teaching the Halbwachs, For 8 that is, as material completely — In this living way, memory fell into the clutches of While history. traces a form of violence from the which outside resulted, exerted upon memory, in Ricoeur’s words, in “the uncanniness of the historical past” , (hmo The ensuing problem concerned that of the transgenerational transmission transgenerational the of that concerned problem ensuing The construction the through first, operated that history of form uncanny this of of the idea of a generation as a we-group of a common age and so culture, but that was also anchored biologically in sexual reproduction as well as in the succession of generations; the old die out and are replaced by the new generation. Social links were thus firmly codified in the parental system of our societies, where the biological and the social are brought together by affective familial ties as well as by juridical mechanisms such as adoption. However, given the long chain of the succession of generations in an immense genealogical tree whose roots are lost in the soil of the history, an- were eventually societies, traditional so-called to familiar so stories, cestral of idea anonymous and abstract the only was remained what and forgotten, generational succession. of the past remained in the form of books, in the archaeological discov- obliterate to not authorities city by efforts public in and monuments, of ery entirely the historical urban architecture, an historical will-to-power still memory” integral “an into integrate to sought that horizon the on lingered the separate forms of individual, collective, and historical memory so that (“On anything” forget never “To words, Halbwachs’s in possible, became it n’oublie rien,” quoted in lived memory by history did not quite happen. First, Halbwachs commented Halbwachs First, happen. quite not did history by memory lived on a “malaise” regarding the delimitation of the discipline of history and the ensuing endless turf wars over control of and subdivisions within the historical field(as also in most other fields of knowledge).major frame of Second, the reference for historical memory remained predominantly between intervened groups and variables many although nation, the of that the nation and the individual. Third, the role of historical writing and his- back to schooldays in which the primarily as dates that had student to be memorized, facts, major events, and peo- was first exposed to history ple that life’s experience. While the historically obsessed Third Republic made Third Republic historically obsessed experience. While the that life’s some headway in bringing the teaching of history closer to lived memory, Halbwachs noted that this had occurred mainly way of national commemorations, including national narratives, myths, on. so and 186 Cadaverland name of the pursuit of scientific objectivity. scientific of pursuit the of name the in memory collective from distance greater ever assumed toriography past, andthewritingofhistory” (quotedinmho,520). the of memory the history, in meaning between equivalence no is “there it, puts Yerushalmi as but, historiography; ignore history of sense Jewish the did only away.Not further those and close those between distance the abolish that prayers) Jewish of holiest the , Yisroel (Shema Israel,” “Hear,oh words, the by interpellated collectivity entire the to moving familially,and us to closest stories those with beginning experience, Jewish the of laws and stories the transmit to injunction the through sustained was history (mho, Ricoeur to according worked, tion distancia- historical of operations the which by ways literary or discursive, Torahverbal, the the of remember,through injunction to not the is Zakhor, sense of history, but a with charged highly was memory,then, Jewish Jews. the as commentary tradition, oral the with especially not among a people as highly literate and devoted to reading and confused be to not was It exemplary. and gular displacing it,contestinginterruptinganddestroyingit.” it, “correcting by memory lived attacked however, Historiography, 518). In Halbwachs’ another.words, “History begins where tradition ends” (quoted in to generation one from transmission its through maintained alive itself definition by that collective, and personal both memory, of heart very the in generated had it that crisis the revealed openly riography histo- such, As time. over historians by used interpretations and methods toriography” is to be understood a self-reflexive discipline that analyzes the “his- By (24). Israel ancient by invented Yerushalmibeen that, had argued, up by Halbwachs of further separating opened door the through step next the took 1982), in published originally pended inanuneasy, forcedcohabitation. problematic more ever became memory” “historical of notion very the Halbwachs, For 516). (mho, Febvre” Lucien and Bloch Marc durée”] “longue so-called the of historians the contemporaries, [and colleagues close his to addressed challenge “a of it, put Ricoeur as form, the took memory collective of cise exer- the and history scholarly of procedures the between opposition the oee, rbes rs wt te euaiig muss f h Jew- the of impulses secularizing the with arose problems However, Yerushalmi’s account of Jewish memory revealed itself to be both sin- both be to itself revealed memory Jewish of account Yerushalmi’s YosefYerushalmi’sHayim — as a result of which “memory” and “history” remained sus- remained “history” and “memory” which of result a as not of historiography. The title of Yerushalmi’s lectures, (1989; Memory Jewish and History Jewish Zakhor: historiography from the 519). Rather, the Jewish sense of sense Jewish Rather,the 519). 9 n lsl, o Halbwachs, for lastly, And 10 sense of history mho, Dilemma 187 mho, gure 5 Figure the devour- — the awkward translation — For Nora, the “lieux” or sites of memory became

mho, 523–28). Memory was “life,” while history 11 (reprinted in 1997). As we saw, memory saw, we As 1997). in (reprinted mémoire de Lieux Les This new figuration of history had three characteristics or “symp- kind of memory, new that kind of of the memory, rational project of wanting to save The third prong of Ricoeur’s (and Yerushalmi’s) powerful assault against assault powerful Yerushalmi’s) (and Ricoeur’s of prong third The ish Enlightenment and the rise of the the professional project Jewish of “a historian science in of Jewishness” (Wissenschaft adoption the less argued, des Yerushalmi was, which century, ) Judentums nineteenth the in early of the methods of scientific history than the radical critique of the theological sense of Jewish memory. Historiography thus equated to secular- ization; as Yerushalmi put it, “assimilation from without [and] collapse from within,” so that secular Jewish history (and particularly so post-1948 Israel) that succumbed of in many ways to the problems of any other As Ricoeur historiography remarked, had national for history. Yerushalmi, nothing to do with restoring memory; on the contrary, it represented an entirely the past in its entirety. This “delirium of exhaustivity” (Ricoeur’s words, mho, 522) became self-perpetuating and Faustian; and, also, as Nietzsche had remarked, there was something in the “‘historical sense’ that injures and finally destroys the living thing, be it a man or a people or a system of culture” (quoted in 1989, Yerushalmi 145; not 147 as Ricoeur has it, 522). between history of treatment the in differences the with dealt historiography com- monumental Nora’s Pierre of (1992) volumes third and (1984) first the entitled pilation progressively displaced itself from lived forms and became redeposited in various “sites” (“lieux”). more important because there no longer existed “milieux d’histoire” or envi- bound was past the with break a of consciousness The history. of ronments “the to led had History apart. torn been had memory that sense the with up eradication of memory” (Nora 1995, “Memory 632). Accordingly, and his- far tory, from being synonymous, appear now to be in fundamental opposition” (Nora 1997, 633; was the “always problematic and incomplete” reconstruction of what is no longer. History is a critical discourse, antithetical to memory, perpetually suspicious of it, “and its true mission is to suppress and destroy it” (mho, 633). The “unification of history and memory” that Marc Roudebush gives to “histoire-mémoire” (Nora 1995) ing of in memory turn by gave history, rise to a “ new figure,” as Ricoeur put it, that Nora termed “memory seized by history” added). (mho, 525; emphasis toms,” as Ricoeur noted. One, it was an “archival” (Roudebush’s transla- 188 Cadaverland the character constraining and corrosive resulting the to attested 1 memory.” Ricoeur commented that the essays that Nora gathered in volume “paper called had Leibniz what by contained precariousness the captures memory of form tion) on “Generations” (published in Nora 1984) on some of the problems that he tion in later reflections his for openings further several Ricoeur gave This 636). 1995, (Nora past” the over future the old, the over young the ancient, the over new the vors fa- inherently that one renewal, and transformation own its in absorbed beleaguered and cold” markers of a society without ritual, “a society deeply “the were orders” fraternal sanctuaries, monuments, depositions, treaties, anniversaries, festivals, cemeteries, archives, “museums, that remarked had Nora 1, volume In xxxi). 1984, Nora 526; (mho, memory-as-fracture Jews toareactivationofJewishmemory(mho,94,526).AsNoraputit, French nonreligious many of turn recent the with parallel explicit an made duty as memory of individualization the about point Nora’s that footnote a in observed Ricoeur on). so and (museums locations official appropriate so the in end, other the at and consciousness individual an before placed dutifully industry culture the by end one at charge in taken unless where, no- was it everywhere, longer no was memory if Nora, paraphrase loosely To obligation. or duty cultural of form a became thus Memory memory. of historicization the for compensation cultural of product a as psychology, of that to memory of reduction the entailed This 525–26). (mho, to memory of sites mer expression) (Nora’s tal” (“patrimoine”) Heritage Cultural the of year 1980 of as that, history of materialization a of form the h tid ypo, rm eoya-rhv t mmr-sdt, was memory-as-duty, to memory-as-archive from symptom, third The 1984, xxx–xxxi) (Nora debt. impossible this acquitting upon depends finally, salvation, one’s that sentiment the with everyone leaves memory of chologization an entirely new situation. Memory of what? Memory of memory. The psy- gation to remember, once interiorized, places you, one after the other, in obli- (“irrécusable”) non-refusable this but Being, recall to is Jewish be to In this tradition which has no other history than that of its own memory, violent imposition violent — that is, of is, that . It also allowed Ricoeur to elaborate, via the essay the via elaborate, to Ricoeur allowed also It writing. 12 that the sites of memory are forms of transcrip- of forms are memory of sites the that mho — — of history from the outside. And this especially in especially this And outside. the from history of of the inverse correspondance of the for- the of correspondance inverse the of inflation sites given over to commemoration to over given sites topographical oa sd h wr “archivistique” word the used Nora — and the ensuing, “very bru- “very ensuing, the and — in France, the France, in — — ht better that individual again, of again, Dilemma 189 and — gure 5 Figure horizontal vi- historians as being as historians Jewish For one example in France, France, in example one For goyim, writing the history of the Holocaust pathologize drew upon formidable knowledge and power double self-reflexivity. The difference among these various posed an even greater problem to the extent that part of such a his- The past, if there at all, exists only to “memorialize” the present. As — pathologize the matter, as a further part of the larger challenge also had The above (admittedly at times complex) discussion, however, sheds for that matter of the “uncanniness” (Dworzecki’s term) of Jewish survivors tory was itself enfolded within the long history of Christian antisemitism, and so called for a form of reflexivity regardingWestern culture that was challenging, to put it mildly. It was easier, as it were, to ignore, repress, or its specific ramifications in the various national histories of Europe, thus demanding a strategies was that to ignore or repress were still only largely unconscious acts, whereas to such, Nora wrote, “Commemoration has emancipated itself from its tradi- tionally designated space, and it is the entire epoch that has become commemorative” (Nora 1997, 998). The “era of commemoration” had become “infinite” (1005). light on several problems that we have encountered throughout this study. For one, it helps explain the persistent problems around the French writing of the history of the Resistance until the 1980s. In effect, until further problematization of the nature of historical writing itself, the “history” of the Resistance could be at best that of the memoirs of the Resistance generation, and only that. This, then, also explains the separate and parallel French by studies postwar early of characteristics sion of the social bond in which one generation simply replaced another in another replaced simply generation one which in bond social the of sion 530). (mho, substitution perpetual of process a implications The generation.” 68 May “the of resonances immense the take idea attachedvertical (especially the Nora to for 2 as volume in Ricoeur, for gen- predominantly as Memory, considerable. were memory-nation), the of erational, turned increasingly to commemoration. As Ricoeur noted, “We are thus in the realm of that pure which memory, makes a mockery of his- and abolishes duration to turn tory, it into a present without a past” (mho, 531). framed by a different historical sense of the idea of history; here, against catastrophic its with history Jewish specifically of background millenial the antecedents going back to the Roman destruction of the Second Temple. Accordingly, for the had mentioned in discussing Halbwachs: Namely, that the had idea mentioned of in “talking discussing Halbwachs: Namely, about my g-g-g-generation” (as the song by The Who put it, not Ricoeur) had inaugurated a symbolic rupture that resulted in a purely 190 Cadaverland “new deal”forFranco-Judaism (Birnbaum1997). essay “Grégoire, Dreyfus, Drancy et Copernic,” saw at the time as a possible his in Birnbaum Pierre sociologist what of beginnings the least, at Or tion. last began to appropriate into the “mémoire-nation” the French Jewish Ques- be forgotten that the late 1980s through mid-1990s was also when France at not should it “appropriation,” about fundamentally is commemoration if whose fundamental character “is to be condensation” nebulous unstable, formless, a is it . . . [that] cept “made of yielding, shapeless associations” and one “must firmly stress of . . . the general History of France,” but rather a mythical con- the totality to “tied imperiality French about wrote, he not, was It all. at nothing fied signi- it fact, in that, show to on went he “imperiality,”although France’s about level, one on being, as system sign this of signifier the analyzed he There, flag. French the saluting soldier Black the about (1957) Mythologies in essay famous Barthes’ Roland recalls powerfully photograph The flag. national the of tricolors the from made dress long a in draped night, ing open- Commemoration the at Marseillaise” “La rendered who Norman, Jessye star opera American Black shows ceremonies, televised official, the journal the in published originally scholars other and sociologists, historians, leading “The Commemoration” is a 1999 reprint of a collection of articles by various the on books many the of One 1789. of Revolution Great the of centennial being livingwitnessestothebadeventsofrecenthistory. of survivors upon imposed obligation collective the with commemoration of acts of interrelationship the connects also this holds, commemoration of era infinite an by past the of dissolution the about Nora by made ment argu- Finally,the symptom. if very this with memory Vichy of problem the of study his open Rousso did nothing for Not neurosis. a as bluntly more logical phenomena logical psycho- related with entangled profoundly is events, historical of nature traumatic the or trauma, to as well as memory lived to relationship uneasy and problematic its of because itself, historiography which to extent the namely,point; third a suggest turn in differences These halakhists. the by proposed turn ethical the and somatologists medical the between ferences dif- the to speaks also self-reflexivity double a for demand The resources. the In France, the 1980s saw the biggest commemoration of all, the 1989 bi- 1989 the all, of commemoration biggest the saw 1980s the France, In On 16–17 July 1942, some 4,500 Paris police, aided by the bus drivers of drivers bus the by aided police, Paris 4,500 some 1942, July 16–17 On (Companie des Transports de la Région Parisienne, as the Régie the as Parisienne, Région la Transportsde des (Companie ctrp from 1983 on. Its cover, a photograph taken from taken photograph a cover, Its on. 1983 from Débat Le — as a form of the will-to-power, for example, or even or example, will-to-power,for the of form a as appropriated” (Barthes 1982, 105). But 13 — something Dilemma 191 but The Even 14 — gure 5 Figure interning — was called ratp then), rounded up In the early 1960s, an architecturally children and women, men, — préfèt in charge of deportations in the Gironde, who later a Vichy patrie of the Enlightenment and the rights of man” had on 16 July — De Gaulle’s plaque was removed in 1986, to make way for a new one But it was not until the July 1995 commemorative ceremony that Chirac, Autonome des Transports Autonome Parisiens des or Transports between 12,500 and 13,200 Jews 13,200 and 12,500 between just over 8,000 at the Vélodrôme d’Hiver (or Vel d’Hiv, for short), not far at the time, but demolished soon after from the the war. Eiffel Tower rose under de Gaulle to head the Paris police and oversaw the 1961 police- riot and murder of several Algerians protesting the war in Algeria 1942, “accomplished the irreparable,” broken its promises and delivered its wards to their executioners: “We owe [the Jews deported from France] a debt without statute of limitations” (quoted in Wiedmer 1997, 53). rest were sent directly to Drancy and then all were deported to Auschwitz, where they were murdered. This was the largest deportation of Jews from Paris by the Vichy government. In 1949, de Gaulle had a square, bounded by the quais de Grenelle Jewish thousand “thirty the of and memory the to dedicated bridge, Bir-Hakeim Branly, the boulevard Grenelle, and the . . . victims of racial persecution . . . confined in this space by order of the Nazi occupier” (Wiedmer 1997, 44). Saint-Louis, Ile the of tip the at built Deportationwas the to starkMemorial explicitly mentioned not are Jews French although Dame, Notre behind just there. dedicated by then-mayor of Paris Jacques Chirac Chirac plaque on gave 18 more details, July corrected 1986. the numbers The arrested, broke them down by age and gender (4,115 children, for instance) and re-stated that the deportation had been done by the police of Vichy on order of the As Wiedmer notes, while giving Nazi more occupier. information, the new plaque still did not tell the whole story: for instance, that the members of the police involved stayed in their jobs after the Occupation (45–46). The annual commemoration of the Vel d’Hiv remained privately observed by various Jewish organizations until 1993, when President Mitterrand made it a National Day of Commemoration of the racist and antisemitic persecutions committed “under the de facto authority” of Vichy or, by its official name, the Government of the French State. There was further fiddling was put up by Mitterrand. about with plaques and a kitschy monument beginning his first mandate as President of the Republic, admitted“France that so, it was not until 1997, emblematized in Papon part by the trial of Maurice 192 Cadaverland Mémorial de la Shoah. la de Mémorial the became what of creation the fund to and period, Vichy the of archives official the up open property,to Jewish of appropriation wartime the gate investi- (finally) to formed recently Commission the assist to government new his committed had Jospin Lionel minister then–prime because also rnt t h tm ta oe Hlegs xrml mtclu suy The study. meticulous extremely Hilberg’s over than time the at Arendt for so controversy,more furious far unleashed though had 1961 in Hilberg Raul historian by earlier and 1963 in Arendt Hannah by Councils) (Jewish Judenrate the about States United the in made claim same The machine. extermination Nazi the in “complicitous” were Sonderkommando, the of members here deportees, Jewish the which to extent the concerning tion ques- the raising by controversy the started himself Steiner Jean-François interview, an In luminaries. literary other and Sartre, Wiesel, Elie Steiner, George critic the preface, glowing a includingwritten had Beauvoir,who de figures, Simone leading involving months, six next the for raged that scandal intellectual an of center the became book the Paris, In Japanese. Portuguese,and quickly translatedintoEnglish,German,Spanish,Italian, constructions” that went on to become an international best-seller and was Camp Extermination his published Steiner, Jean-François journalist, Holocaust memoryandrepresentation. over debates French the of some are interesting more Somewhat rications. fab- outright were or facts the with loose and fast played either (1995) hood Wilkomirski’s Binjamin and (1965) endowed have novel Kosinski’s Jerzy universities” that or Studies, Holocaust and in chairs colleges “many that complaint his or 143), (2000, school in programs Holocaust recommend) fact, (in mandate states American seventeen that example, for “abuses”; commemorative “the endofsuffering”(49). liberation of the camps and, as she puts it bizarrely, given her book’s topic, the remember to Deportation, the of Memory of Day National the is April in Sunday last every 1954, April 25 since (49), notes also Wiedmer As on. so and coverage, media solemn Republic, the of President the by speeches camp: Drancy the of site the for story same the It’s event. media major a memory,in stood once become commemorants has thousand it few a only today,where and, pantheon commemorative the into entry full its marked I’ll mention two here. One began in March 1966, when a young French young a when 1966, March in began One here. two mention I’ll Holocaust-related of Finkelstein does as suppose, I talk, also could One (first U.S. ed. 1967), a mix of history and fictional “re- fictional and history of mix a 1967), ed. U.S. (first 15 The 1997 commemoration of the Vel d’Hiv thus d’Hiv Vel the of commemoration 1997 The Fragments: Memories of a Wartime Child- Wartime a of Memories Fragments: rbik: h Rvl o an of Revolt The Treblinka: The Painted Bird Painted The Dilemma 193 ex- gure 5 Figure and in particular four — Shoah had not used conventional Les Images malgré tout (2003). Claude 16 did in fact exist In 2003, a further controversy broke out with the publication of art historian Georges Didi-Huberman’s Lanzmann, explaining why his 1984 film documentary footage, had famously remarked that it was because images from such within the death-camps did not exist, adding that if he had found such in the many years of research on the film he would havestroyed them. Didi-Huberman’s book was a response to Lanzmann as well de- as other critics, that such images photographs ostensibly taken from within Auschwitz gas chamber V by an anonymous member of a Sonderkommando in August 1944 that shows gassed bodies being cremated in outdoor incineration pits (State Museum of Auschwitz-Birkenau, photo negatives No. 277–278 and Didi-Huberman 282–283, 2003, 24–27). Much in of the resulting argument had to do with technical discussion of what images show and do not, and how the point main Didi-Huberman’s camera. a of hold got shots takingthe person “Steiner “Steiner Affair” raised similar hackles in France, but, noted in as his 2005 Samuel study, for Moyn different reasons. For one, the predominant French view of the Holocaust had scarcely paid much attention to the termination camps, as opposed to the concentration camps, we’ve for explored above. reasons In discussing the extermination camps, there was no avoiding the fact that the vast majority of the exterminated were Jews. In this sense, as Moyn remarked (5), the role played by affair the Treblinka was a watershed in France in the public uses and discussion of Holocaust memory that opened it up from its previous restriction to a small and un- Second, establisheddisciplines. the to marginal scholars, of coterie known Steiner consciously wrote his book “as a popular as ‘Western,’” Moyn put it (7), freely admitting that he had “imagined” parts of it, to make the facts forced Fayard, publisher, French his well, As speak. to so truly, more speak him to remove some unflattering remarks about professional historians, was interesting More lightly. arrogance takejournalistic not do who people that one of Steiner’s testimonial sources was Marc Dworzecki (see chapter had Steiner how with pleased not was Dworzecki mildly, it put To above). 3 portrayed him, making him into an heroic figure in whom he did not recognize himself, and attributing to him words he never said. Dworzecki de- as well as him to attributed dialogue of passages and name his that manded Moyn (see book the of edition future any from removed be sentiments his to 2005, 125–26, 196). It is not clear from Moyn’s account whether Steiner complied with Dworzecki’s wishes. 194 Cadaverland witness. bear to obligation the on unanimity no is there that note to important it’s the sense that one can speak meaningfully of an era of testimony. However, of the witness possible, and (3) how this figure had become society-wide in figure the of emergence the Trialmade Eichmann the how (2) killed, were who ones the by left those (1) dimensions: three in investigate to proposed memory” Most importantly, all this material provided a “model of the construction of (15). “psy’s” diverse to or scholars, literary to either corpus” “gigantic the marked that historians had seldom looked at this recorded material, leaving numerous archives and libraries in sites throughout the West. Wieviorka re- cassettes and tapes, videotapes, audio of numbers countless added been have manuscripts to then, Since 9–12). 1998a, (Wieviorka date of out already were numbers those that and him that by the 1950s some 18,000 writings by survivors had been collected, vivors. sur- from accounts testimonial 7,000 over gathered had Poland in History Jewish of Commission Central the 1948, and 1944 between but discovered, re- later and Europe, Eastern of camps death and ghettos the of ruins the in buried found on so and diaries accounts, written numerous were only Not 9). 1998a, (Wieviorka write!” people, good story; the tell people, good forget; not do people, “Good ghetto: the of liquidation the of part as dered Dubnov to his comrades in Riga in December 1941, just before he was mur- Survivor toWitness”(Wieviorka1998b). “From entitled had Wieviorka paper a Sivan, Emmanuel and Winter Jay by paper published the year before for a conference on war memory organized Dedicated to Anne-Lise Stern (see chapter 4 above), it began as an academic entitled book small a published 1998, in above), 2 timony.and 1 chapters (see Wieviorka Annette Historian debate over“howtoread”theHolocaustwasnotsettledatall. tout) (malgré all” it of spite “in of idea the stress to was those involved. There are degrees of witnessing and testimony, accompa- testimony, and witnessing of degrees are There involved. those of identification visual gives or crime, a or accident an about courtroom, a in or officer, police a to saw,usually she or he what tells who someone is lematic figure of the witness. In French, a “témoin,” in its most banal sense, ivok oee wt te od soe b Jws hsoin Simon historian Jewish by spoken words the with opened Wieviorka tes- or witness bearing of problems the to appropriately us brings This But rather than recount her argument, let’s examine instead the prob- the instead examine let’s argument, her recount than rather But 18 Raul Hilberg recalled Philip Friedman, who died in 1960, telling 1960, in died who Friedman, Philip recalled Hilberg Raul 19 — in other words, “a figure of testimony” (16), whose forms she forms whose (16), testimony” of figure “a words, other in cd-roms, , “the era of the witness.” the of era “the témoin, L’Èredu dvds, gathered and stocked in — that is, that the that is, that 17

Dilemma 195 such — gure 5 Figure Hilberg as a — Arguing with God: A style of legal reasoning rhetorical acts that generate that is, taking them as a form of narrative. — But we can leave the historians to the dilemmas of their professional As a system Judaism of is law, characterized by a as God has not acted toward His people as a God should act . . . His peo- His . . . act should God a as people His toward acted not has God as and laments with replete is heritage literary Jewish The it. known have ple of mistreatment God’s protesting all arguments, and complaints dirges, On a very different level, Holocaust historian Raul Hilberg in his 2001 as historian Christopher Browning found in the 134 accounts of memory shared of survivors of the labor camps of Starachowice historian had little use for survivor There testimony. was simply too much individual variation to guarantee reliability. activities, as there are other ways to look at the matter. Besides, we have already sufficiently seen the kinds of crises of veracity that affect the historical profession, and as psychiatrist Dori Laub remarks, it was that very crisis of the profession that led to the move to “history as trauma” (2005, 255), and so the shift, for Laub, to psychoanalytic approaches to survivor accounts and mode of argumentation. As such, these are figures of discourse. One of these figures is the witness testifying to God’s injustice. As Anson Laytner proposed in his fascinating (1990): Jewish Tradition nied by increasing levels of formality: depositions, attestations, and the like, in which what is being recounted is written down, transcribed, and signed, all of which serve as guarantees of the veracity of the account. The formalization aspects also increase the stakes, and no doubt reach their pinnacle in the eternal Covenant of G-d with the Jewish people. The Cov- Ark the Law, the of Tablets the by sealed contract, binding legally a is enant the mark of circumcision. of the Covenant, and Sources of Holocaust Research classified “testimony” into four categories, noting that the word itself referred to sources that were “highly widely scattered,” varied and and depended on whether the testimony is from a per- testi- legal were categories four His (44). survivor a or bystander, a petuator, literature.” “memoir and history, oral persons, specific of interviews mony, they Were survivors: of testimony the with problems of number a raised He representative of the Jewish community that was destroyed? Were they a random sample of survivors as a whole? Did their testimony reflect a ran- wit- surviving of number a unless fact, In experiences? their of sample dom nesses could testify about a common experience in a specific case 196 Cadaverland ters than, say,Dulong, than, for ters indeed, information; of communication the just mat- greater with dealing is One (10–11). event” reported the to regard in narrator its of presence the . . . by factualized is narrative a that “is wrote, cifically discusses “the prose arguments” of Elie Wiesel (214–27). spe- Laytner period. post-Holocaust and Holocaust and the in case, not particularly the always not was this but prayer/appeal, of form the take to (Laytner 1990,10–12). sentence and Execution response/verdict; Divine Petition; argument; fense law-court argument was as follows: Address and introductory petition; De- in recounted Moses by God how the law-court pattern manifests itself, Laytner analyzed two appeals to history, was “the law court” pattern of prayer. For a very clear illustration of of “protest/appeals” that Laytner found in practically every period of Jewish form stylistic main the elements, such other and prayer, of categories ent differ- twelve Talmud,the the in patterns and forms thought with dealing ties of the notion of the eyewitness. the of notion the of ties philosophical versionofthemalgrétout. Covenant the to adhering still while there, was He that sure longer no was he if even God, question and with argue to continued he (226): “defiance” of one was accurately, noted Laytner stance, Wiesel’s witness. living a remain must one memory whose to died, who others of millions the as well as survivors fellow one’s to beings, human fellow one’s to is Jew a as obligation one’s God, of sence ab- the In Wiesel. for obscenity utter an is retribution divine of form a was hata’einu of u’mipnei doctrine ancient the of rejection a concerned thrust one certainly but paradox, of figure the on heavily relies argument the of Much Holocaust. the during absconded but alive was or dead, and alive both was God ogy, theol- post-Holocaust of dilemmas the of many reflecting turn in and esel, In historical terms, the predominant mode of address here has tended has here address of mode predominant the terms, historical In scholars of work the on drawing and clear, makes sentence last this As Chief JusticeoftheSupremeCourtagainstGodPartner. (xv) His Lapses of duty. . . . [Th]is is the Jewish mode of appealing to God the for task to God calls nevertheless faith, deep in rooted though that, . . . not long before] has given rise to a unique literature of argument prayers if times, Roman since suffering Jewish [of history This . . . people. His Finally and briefly, complexi- and the Finally at looked 2005) (1998, Dulong Renaud — fr u sn, e r pnse. Ta te Holocaust the That punished.” are we sins, our “for . As with Didi-Huberman, his was a was his Didi-Huberman, with As God. of spite in 32:9–14 and 30–35. The structure of the of structure The 30–35. and 32:9–14 Exodus 21 The phenomenon of the witness, he witness, the of phenomenon The 20 For Wi- Dilemma 197 aes- 23 gure 5 Figure as well as such suppos- the heroic sacrifice of the of sacrifice heroic the Le feu (1916). The still un- — — The book caused a scandal at 24 pro patria , whose leitmotif is leitmotif whose Amour, mon Hiroshima Witnesses: An Essay of Analysis and Critique of the Memoirs As in Resnais’ film film Resnais’ in As 22 In the same collection, historian Frédéric Rousseau returns to Jean Nor- A 2005 collection of essays, edited by Dulong and Carole deals Dornier, “Tu n’as rien vu à Hiroshima,” Riwka too “ne verra rien d’Auschwitz.” “Tu the time because the story it told flew so completely in the face of the com- establishedwar memory the memorative since Unknown Soldier, the glory of dying edly realist, antiwar novels as Henri Barbusse’s answered question that Norton Cru raised was “How does one write about war?” Rousseau demonstrated the various stylistic artifices well (exaggeration as accents, regional as such color local of abuse the sensationalism, and as a stylistic verve that said more about the author than about those whose experience he was trying to get at) that Norton Cru had denounced in oth- such around debate the that shows Rousseau himself. them using while ers questions has gone on for seventy years and specifically raises the issue of denounced violently universe, concentrationary the of “fictionalization” the deportation “the of made (Rous- having best-seller” as a survivors some by of Combatants Published in French, 1915–1928. ton Cru’s 1929 book, these these issues opened up yet another new field of sociological research, in the sense that the witness, regarded too often solely in juridical contexts as a kind of recording device, is instead a multidimensional phenomenon. witness- all criticism, scientific of methods the to due largely and However, ing today has arguably become dubious, but at what cost? Can any living testimony not be debunked by psychology? As well, by provided “guarantee” to the from comes information daily the our of part large extent that a another person, what are the implications for our ordinary interactions in percep- human unreliable on relies think and do we what of much so which human memory? tions and very approximate but as a problem frontallyof the with war-related trauma and memory, of witnessing. Any account, in its dual ambition of “telling the truth” the “telling of ambition dual its in account, Any witnessing. of thetics and of adequately transmitting experience to others, necessarily media of variety the across range that issues formal) and (stylistic aesthetic entails of expression, from the “high” style of literary writing including poetry, but also including theatrical representations (of the Rwanda genocide in this collection), as well as later. films. decades Forexperience example,survivors’ women Emmanuel Jewish Finkiel’sfour upon 1999 focuses Voyages Voyages opens with the return of sixty-five-year-old Riwka to what remains Auschwitz. of 198 Cadaverland civilization anditsfuture(16). our about debate the pursue and past, the upon reflect to continue to us enabling mirrors as well as forgetfulness; own our upon brakes deniers; Holocaust of lies the of proof living slogans; political some of obscenity the of reminders living also are they But logics. racist and totalitarian of outcomes murderous the of us reminds permanently that vigilance” of tive disposi- “a calls he what of element essential an is testimony Their out (16). die century twentieth the of catastrophes great the of contemporary camp returnee, whose testimony is all the more precious as the generations concentration or soldier former the by exemplified witness” of type “new calls “new figures of” testimony (2005, 17; emphasis added), in the form of the today had“becomeoneandthesame”(14;emphasisadded). questions two the historian, contemporary a Rousseau, For camps?” tion The Age of Extremes (1994): namely, “how does one write about the concentra- in Hobsbawm Eric historian British by raised question second a with this circles back to Norton Cru’s question of how to write about war, combining extermination camps” (quoted in Rousseau 2005, 14). 2005, Rousseau in (quoted camps” extermination the in Story “Love called contemptuously had Finkelkraut Alain critic and miniseries American mid-1970s the over versy contro- the again once mention to Rousseau leads This 13–14). 2005, seau expanded to include far more than words on a printed page in the form the in page printed a on words than more far include to expanded has rewriting” and “writing by understand we what memorials, Holocaust as well as cinema and video Holocaust discusses he where Three Part in particularly work), later his in (and here Youngrecognized as and sure, be To . Interpretation of Consequences the and Narrative Holocaust: the Rewriting and 1988 his in Young E. James was changed also writing of mode the as change these how and about written been has Holocaust the which by “styles” different the examine to scholars first the of One style. of theory a from inseparable is about written is war how that aesthetics, Dulong’s in and writing; medical of characteristics structural are say not does or says it what and psychiatry of history the that Barrois, for Ricoeur; preoccupied that fiction narrative of techniques the and history writing between lations re- “uncanny” the writing: of theory a upon depends survival Holocaust of discussion the of much so which to extent the repeatedly Westressed have W riting andR The other side of the coin concerns the social emergence of what Dulong ewriting theHolocaust, 1945–? that French writer French that Holocaust 25 Finally,Rousseau Writing Dilemma 199 crimi- poeisis” gure 5 Figure 26 feared “the essential rhetoricity of their but it did displace our focus as readers from the “manifest” — As Young remarked, As none Young of this invalidated or infirmed the integrity of In Part II, “Figuring and Refiguring the Holocaust,”Young focused in I will limit myself to some of his key observations. First, Holocaust writ- Because the experiences of survivors cannot “force themselves directly the diarist narrative to the “latent” explanations and knowledge contained within it, to use two terms from Freud’s analysis of dreams. As Young went on demonstrate, to both the Holocaust documentary narrative and drama relied (63). fact” of rhetoric “the called he discourse of mode specific a on heavily For example, he looked at Anglo-German director Peter 1965 Weiss’s play The Investigation, which was based on court and journalistic records of the of 1964-65 in Frankfurt. Auschwitz Trials particular on what he called Holocaust metaphors. American poet Cynthia Ozick had protested in an article that “Jews are not metaphors” (1989). In of books. Here, looked Young at the differences among diaries, memoirs, tales, novels, dramatic productions, poetry (Sylvia Plath as well as antiwar monuments. video, cinema, and Israeli soldiers), and poetry by ers initially assumed that as their primary role was to be witnesses to nal acts, “the more realistic a representation, the more adequate it becomes as testimonial evidence of outrageous events” (J. 1988, Young 17). As a result, “documentary realism” became the preferred style by which to per- suade readers of the credibility put of it. “the survivor’s witness,” as Young the is there that namely, paradox: a revealed formulation very this However, survivor on the one hand, and “the witness” that he or she has constructed on the other. Put slightly in differently, keeping with developments in the impos- as was “realism” strategy, aesthetic an as criticism, literary in 1980s sible as attempting to capture the Real itself. As critic Robert Scholes put it then, “All writing, all composition, is construction. We do not imitate the world, we construct versions of it. There is no mimesis, only 1988, 17; emphasis in original). (quoted in J. Young into language as unvitiated facts” (16), they are necessarily mediated and shaped by structures of mind, culture, and narrative. It is precisely these that II, Part titled he as refiguring,” and “figuring or shapings, mediations, survivor- ghetto-diarists, the wrote, he if, as It’s illustrate. to wanted Young memoirists, and docu-novelists so two for themselves, despite them, haunt to back came it that (23) medium” tends “narrative because and arbitrary, are signs because reasons: principal to usurp the events it would describe” (23). 200 Cadaverland fact, Young wrote, “Jews are metaphors refiguration. of possibilities infinite the for allows that mobility very this is it but so, bly a as generally more metaphors that word, a In Jews!”). German all are “We that 68ers May Parisian the of claim the instance, (for non-Jews and Jews tims, other,to figure came time in Holocaust the from images how (3) and Holocaust; the of victims much as also were who other (non-Jews) others the any concerning event to incomparable so and history of outside was it then Jewish, was Holocaust relatedly,the and if comprehension, all beyond be to as extreme so was Holocaust the that example, for aspects: other figured itself period the within Holocaust the of aspects particular of Jewish history,epochs here the other destruction of the to first andrelated second Temples;was (2) how initially “Catastrophe” the that (1) levels: emphasis added). are Jews” as themselves for often most and antisemites, and murderers for often too on soe hw ooas mtpos prtd n he different three on operated metaphors Holocaust how showed Young nothing if not a refiguring of present lives in light of a remembered past” (84; — because, he added, “historical memory and ritual commemoration events and experiences for both victims and nonvic- and victims both for experiences and events unrelated understanding of mode — — for poets, novelists, theologians, are mobile, often uncontrolla- often mobile, are something uniquely — figuration fi gure Conclusion6 Prosthesis “placing before or in public” richard a. lanham, A Handlist of Rhetorical Terms, 2nd ed.

An empty thing, that is a phantom, [can] not take on a figure. tertullian, quoted in Erich Auerbach, “Figura,” in Scenes from the Drama of European Literature

In her 2000 book on trauma, Ruth Leys had stressed the profound and unresolved oscillation between mimetic and antimimetic theoretical explanations of traumatic experience. In the first instance, because of the extremity of the shock, the trauma victim experiences a post-hypnotic forgetting that invalidates the reliability of her or his memories. In the second, the trauma is a purely external event that befalls a fully constituted subject, and as such makes recovery and testimony unproblematic (298–99). Leys added that antimimetic explanations of trauma have tended to be favored by “positivistic and scientistic understandings,” whereas mimetic explanations drew upon rhetorical and psychoanalytic understandings. At the core of this debate lies the notion of mimesis or imitation as classically developed by Erich Auerbach in his 1944 essay “Figura” and in his most famous book, Mimesis: The Representation of Reality in Western 201 202 Cadaverland (1946). Literature of deportation. of consequences the on years forty previous the of literature neuropsychiatric the of analysis and review systematic a at attempt French first the was try rsne wti a dominant a within presented actual connectingbetweenpastandpresent”(Auerbach2003,xxi–xxii). of ure” fig- [rhetorical] “shadowy the called Said Edward what that demonstrate over, on the psychic level, one was dealing with a different type of neuro- of type different a with dealing was one level, psychic the more- on over, frequently; less presented component cerebral-organic the Jews, Among excluded. be not could type Alzheimer the of dementia senile of form a of possibility other.The the on deterioration intellectual and hand, one the on malnutrition and invalidity by time over reinforced depression anxiety- persistent of core a produced age and malnutrition, camps, the in ofeach amodel (272–76). In the case of non-Jews, psychic trauma with anxiety, depression represented that figure a attempted even Abalan 268). of 1987, (Abalan two the between found was concordance traits considerable each, “stereotypical” the despite that noted and Jews, or non-Jews of up made was studied being group the whether findings the in differences Additional possiblefigurationswerenotdiscussed. war. at modernity of conditions murderous the to appropriate heroism of exemplars into victims from themselves survivors the of transformation figuration of forms ther encountered we formulations, these within well, As it. “cure” to sible, how,and causes, its trauma), of affects the and war mention to (not pos- if illness” “mental of nature the explain to formulations discursive complex but issues, “theoretical” empty not were these that saw also we however, Throughout, contexts. comparative various in medicine or psychiatry of problems the to inward move to was dency ten- resulting the framing, causal that Given disease. mental and physical of kinds certain produced have to often said was survival camp example, For association. of terrains expandable and manageable, graspable, other more to dilemmas, and inversion, condensation, outward), and inward or shifts, resulting the so and it, grasping of impossibility the and Real the of concept Lacanian the from ) in psychia- in (des) supérieures d’études Diplôme 1987 Abalan’s François Each of the chapters in this volume frames its analysis of the material the of analysis its frames volume this in chapters the of Each provided “the intellectual and spiritual energy that does the does that energy spiritual and intellectual “the provided figura 4 Here, he pointed out (finally!) that there were qualitative qualitative were there that (finally!) out pointed he Here, 1 Both studies drew upon the long rhetorical tradition to tradition rhetorical long the upon drew studies Both — figures of suffering, of classification, and of the of and classification, of suffering, of figures o fr o figuration. of form or figura, strategies of displacement (both displacement of strategies attempted specific understandings understandings specific within 3 2 hs range These fur- Prosthesis 203 gure 6 Figure In other 5 (1988) famously that did not figure in — ” of witnessing/tes- of inflation” The Drowned and the Saved call it “persecution” or “survivor” syndrome — Régine Waintrater (2003, 2005; see chapter 4 above) more directly ac- One was what Primo Levi in called “the grey zone.” For this Waintrater, was the necessary suspension of affect, especially of empathy for others, that plunged survivors into a state of moral indifference. Waintrater went on to question the extent to which the external, specialist literature had turned the figure of survivors sis traditional psychiatric nosology, but showed greater similarity to reactional reactional to similarity greater showed but nosology, psychiatric traditional schizophrenia (274), rated higher scores of emotional distress, and strong psychic reactions to external events, such as the Eichmann trial. words, the differences were two-fold: much more intense psychic trauma among Jews, and a greater prevalence of age-related intellectual deterioration among non-Jews (because they had not been subjected to “selections” that weeded out the aged and the sick). While Abalan did not go explicitly down the road to the dangerous stereotype of psychic differences between Jews and non-Jews, his analysis nevertheless obliquely hinted at them. His “rhetoric a termed (1988) Young James what in exercise an accordingly was of fact.” survi- also but survivors Jewish (by testimony of rhetoricity the knowledged vors of later mass-murders in the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda, and so on), as well as the figurativenature of the concept ofWaintrater trauma. wrote remarkable a by characterized is time “Our that timony as “the privileged form by which to attempt to speak the unspeak- uncovery the following that, observed She added). emphasis 9; (2003, able” the under could it best the done had psychiatry camps, concentration the of circumstances to face the psychic suffering of survivors in general. How- ever, due to various problems (for instance, the inadequacy of traditional nosological categories, and a generalized ideology of forgetting about the war period, not to mention the almost universal elision of the Jewishness of Jewish survivors), and especially because of “the massive defences of survivors themselves” (75–76), neither extensive psychoanalytic nor even psychological work was possible at the time. In the she three devoted to chapters “the figures that of trauma,” much of these repeat discussions already encountered, as well as key moments of the camp experience (idealization of the Before, the shock and shame of incarceration, the strange- ness of camp-time). However, several observations that Waintrater made we have not mentioned earlier. 204 Cadaverland aphor) of “an Occupied memory.” Occupied “an of aphor) met- (or figure the uses memory,she of discussion a in 5, chapter In ture. Waintrater,for pic- the into back came psychoanalysis of necessity the that point, precise this at was It camps. the in experienced had they that nymity ano- mass same the into back survivors pushed had literature this doing, of their subjectivity in the attempt to elaborate a medical semiology.medical a elaborate to attempt the in subjectivity their of victims the depriving thus (89), “mutants” termed she what into generally results (Landa 1999, 9–10). Medical doctors tragic have only could that mastery of scenario a further to neu- order in trality illusionary an maintain deliberately who clinicians, among ticular hypocrisy” “professional of rise the it, preceding although this of part a as and, Lie”; Absolute “the called Arendt Hannah what of nance predomi- the known, before never scale a on establishing in ways: major théorique enpsychanalyse(1999). création la Maria sur et Essai Abraham Torok: Nicolas de métapsychologiques figures in argument Landa’s Fabio at look we survivor experience, of understanding the to bring can psychoanalyst the what with has beentermedinthisstudythepathologyofcatastrophe. added). emphasis (41; extreme” is that discourse, ] of [kind particular a of “form the on take would trauma way,that this Waintraterfeared in re-elaborated figurable and [so] shareable” (Waintrater 2005, 41; emphasis added). Unless is that narrative a construct to [space] which in experience, from distance a effectuate to witness the of capability the depends “directly evaluation an such from Second, witness. the in traumatization of degree the evaluate to (psycho)analyst the allowed that construction rhetorical their of typology a her analyses of “the narrative configurations” of testimonies made possible swer, she argues there, was that one could, and for two main reasons. First, an- short The trauma?” of rhetoric a of speak one “Can question the raises gingerly,she which, in volume, Dornier’s and Dulong in chapter later her manently inmemory”(1991,174). per- moment the fixes and clock chronological the “stops remarked, had Langer as which, 107), temps-poison, (le poison” as “time calls she that tion bytheNazis”(109) persecution established time of For Landa, the “After Auschwitz” changed the human condition in two in condition human the changed “AfterAuschwitz” the Landa, For centrally dealt also that one but argument, opposed completely a For Yet, in this book, Waintrater did not come to the conclusion she draws in — that is, that it had shifted from human time to “the calendar of calendar “the to time human from shifted had it that is, that Notably,what so, say not does she although 7 In discussing the survivor experience survivor the discussing In did play a key role in Nazi medi- — organized as a . . . rhetoric of the of rhetoric . . . a as organized she establishes anewfigura- she establishes La Shoah et les nouvelles les et Shoah La — in par- in 6 In so In Prosthesis 205

10 gure 6 Figure a thing and If one adds one If 9 verbal articulation that object of psychoanalysis The Nazi Doctors: Medical The Nazi Doctors: Medical operations intersubjective lying was a key factor in Although Landa noted that 8 not a rhetoric (actually Landa’s exact was centrally concerned with under- with concerned centrally was — except for those few who were hanged, but rather that the — — that it became possible to strip symbols from and even more so, the differences between pre- between differences the so, more even and — — and only here — not about “meaning” the representation of a thing (Landa 1999, 138–39). The role of the the of role The 138–39). 1999, (Landa thing a of representation the and — For Freud (or, say, for Dr. Gregory House today), patients lie. patients today), House Gregory Dr. for say, (or, Freud For All this may be a far cry from Freud’s own cynical view that patients are standing the chasm that the Holocaust produced for psychoanalytic theory and practice in particular. psychoanalysis post-Holocaust and Ferenzci’s students, Nicolas Abraham and later his wife Maria Torok, never never Torok, Maria wife his later and Abraham Nicolas students, Ferenzci’s wrote explicitly about the Holocaust (though they survived the war-years), work their that argues he was to replace the symbol by the actuality of intersubjective operations. only useful as a means of providing analysts with a livelihood, or at best to their allusions to things and to reveal them in their in them reveal to and things to allusions their For Landa, working through the resulting abyss was begun by Abraham with his concept of the symbol, which is not a relation between a representation, but rather of the relation between the representation of a word analyst was to re-establish a functional circuit in the latter relation where a symbol as such only takes form as an operationalization by the subject that moves from motor- or instinct-function to the constituted the point of emergence of the symbol. It was in the analytical situation that are neither linguistic, communicational, or expressive, but “an inten- as Abraham putsive itefficiency,” (quoted inTo Landa put 1999, this 139). approach Landa’s to analysis a of post- Abraham and Torok’s another way, Holocaust psychoanalysis is that it is words were “not a simple rhetoric”; 138) because it is “anasemic,” and as such cine and, as Robert Jay Lifton showed in his 1986 Killing and the Psychology of Genocide, often simply went back afterward to their normal, pre-war practices jailed, or like Mengele evaded their pursuers. After Auschwitz, terms such as trauma, catastrophe, and the like gained widespread, nance, but renewed Landa recalled reso- that, even before this, Ferenczi’s conception of trauma; indeed, was deeply entangled with any word that made powerful allusions to affect. to this clinical observation the inflation of the lie to absolute proportions with and post-Auschwitz, the result for the above say, cannot analyst or say, to was try say, patients understandingwhat an in problem even greater “resistance.”as concepts analytic pre-Auschwitz (weak) such beyond and 206 Cadaverland icvrd htrc” s aa pt t in it put Lacan re- I as where rhetoric,” and discovered signifier the of effects the of theory a develop to came I tes views. others’ and Lacan upon drew end that to and “psycho-rhetoric,” reconciliation a such called psychology.She and rhetoric of also but rhetoric, and guistics lin- of reconciliation the from result would language spoken of amination ex- proper A speakers. by made operations and of effects the of account course (89). dis- of status new a namely,of question, central own its of articulation of what psychoanalysis had introduced into theory was the need for a new type because linguistics, and psychoanalysis of incompatibility formal and cal radi- the for argued which ,” psycho-rhétorique de Essai folie: et “Langage d’Etat, harder tojudge(nor, uphere). indeed, isitaquestionweneedtake is times post-Holocaust for psychoanalysis adequate an to up lives actually Torokand Abraham on However,ignore. take to Landa’s possible whether im- was hypocrisy professional of problem the since doctors, with done be be, although it recalls Lacan’s exasperated remark that there was nothing to well may it cynical And 146). 1999, Landa in (quoted anyway” them for do can we nothing is there “as from, learn can analysts that material up offer ways of causing massive death had produced the symptomatic responses symptomatic the produced had death massive causing of ways unprecedented in novelties these turn, In more). and poison-gas, of use the bombing, aerial tanks, range, greater with cannons bigger gun, chine to die (industrial accidents, railway crashes, the repeating rifle and the ma- contribution to human life was the concrete realization of wholly new ways profound whose society scientifico-technological a of emergence dramatic the of context the in occurred all 497–502), (1997, us reminds Berthomé as unconscious,” the of invention “the as well as “hysteria,” of trauma,” of ogy ofthecatastrophe. overall in this book with a particular psycho-rhetoric dealing been have we sense, this In psycho-rhetorics. of idea Menahem’s in contained are Waintrater’s,both is and as rhetoric, a also is too Landa’s then nothing,” signifies “it that is rhetoric of value the 12), note (see wrote of the unspeakable and of experience (Menahem 1984, 315–16). If, as Lacan were psycho-rhetoric forces, not forms, and that psycho-rhetoric situated itself at the confluence of figures the that points: further two on insisted For Menahem, the long rhetorical tradition offered the most complete most the offered tradition rhetorical long the Menahem, For Doctorat 1984 Menahem’s Ruth in emerged possibility another Yet It is worth emphasizing once again, in concluding, that “the invention “the that concluding, in again, once emphasizing worth is It 11 I i fo te aiettos f h ucncos that unconscious the of manifestations the from is “It (1966). Ecrits — 12 namely, the pathol- ial, Menahem Finally, Prosthesis 207 gure 6 Figure 13 , we, or at least someone, is someone, least at or we, X, enabled, but without goals. The . figurations Through the new or emerg- except to produce more knowledge of certain kinds. — New figures of character type and cultural framing emerged that 14 The late sociologist Philip Rieff, in his work on Freud in particular (1959, particular in Freud on work his in Rieff, Philip sociologist late The 1966), was among the first Americans to examine the question of what hap- what of question the examine to Americans first the among was 1966), be- human for framework moral the provide to ceased religion when pened havior. to them (e.g., humiliation, abjection, death-in-life) of neuroses and so forth which were clinical traumatic ing psy-sciences, there occurred a turning-within, plumbing the depths of the human psyche, also without precedent in the ensuing production of knowledge, as if to seek there reassurance that the bodily had vaporized not by the been “catastrophe which keeps piling wreckage upon wreck- that was psy-sciences the of gamble The 257). 1969, Benjamin (Walter age” there remained a discernible inner mechanism or psychic move (through neurosis, displacement, or repression) that revealed how humans avoided recognition of the fact. That they would do almost anything to themselves to avoid such recognition explains Freud’s contempt for patients. How- ever, the other side of the story was that the psy-sciences could do nothing much in return The discrepancy leads to the modern chasm and between life-worlds about which steering Habermas, among others, systems wrote extensively, and the resulting crises, especially of legitimation (and including those of was only not that emerged had space a words, other In well). as knowledge could century twentieth the which into but figuration, of forms new for ripe dump the mountains of cadavers it would sacrifice, as Lacan remarked, to “the obscure gods” of technological progress. Rieff called “the psychological” in the former case and “the therapeutic” in the case of the latter. Put the simply, difference of the psychological as or economic the as (such structure character of types previous to compared restricted toward a goal, the psy- the religious) is that where the former were chological character type was increasingly goals were provided by “the therapeutic,” which stated, more or less, “just do it, and if anything goes wrong, we’ve got a cure.” The resulting trade- off was that if the psychological character type let him/herself go, became less and less inhibited and more and more instinctual to the extreme point of going “mad,” the therapeutic had to deliver on its lie that it could successfully control the resulting discharges of psychological, emotional, and other forms It’s of the energy. Faustian temptation of any technique: If we do to claims that method or device new a have know not did they if even scientists, atomic the example, For it. use to going 208 Cadaverland understands human suffering human understands tal states, while closely intertwined, are far from direct. Medical knowledge men- with concerned medicine in especially and suffering, and knowledge between links The time. the at hand at framework knowledge-resource the within this about going to committed were they training, their by hand, be indifferent to the suffering of their patients. They were not. On the other to as neutral dispassionately so matter that for or motivated malevolently how they went about it? On one level, of course, it’s not as if they were at all regarding anything change resistances) unconscious own their of spite (in one caring a not than often more was motivation subjective their that fact the does But move. career lucrative particularly initially,a not certainly or means, no by was survivors study to although choice, more had scientists had much more limited choices regarding their survivors state of being that survivors. The one for given partner, either for one comfortable or happy especially an was cohabitation resulting the that conclude to an exaggeration be would It Survivor. Holocaust the of Figure the with live to learned the FigureofBomb. within live to learn to had world the some, then and decades nervous next tually was used as it was designed for. One result, of course, was that for the ac- device the sure make would billions, military,invested The having late: too already was it thoughts, second had least, at some or themselves, they itself universe the not if planet, the destroy could that reactions chain uncontrollable off setting of bility be might consequences the what exactly the Holocaust. ent ways Wecan. they as badly) as (or well as pain by suffering humans who are, in the end, pretty much left to deal with their In this book, then, we have looked in some detail at how the psy-sciences — live within these discrepancies. Including, alas, the survivors of medical knowledge medical as — were going to test it anyway. And when anyway.And it test to going were — — scientists, or all of us in differ- in us of all or scientists, and these included the possi- the included these and — not as experienced as not N o t e s

Introduction 1 Legendre’s by now immense œuvre is still not well known in English, with the exception of a selection of his work on the law and the unconscious edited by British legal scholar Peter Goodrich in 1997 (Law and the Unconscious: A Legendre Reader [Basingstoke: Macmillan]). 2 Following the Dreyfus Affair (1899), certain professions formerly closed to Jews opened up. This was the case for both sides of my mother’s family. Her paternal grandfather became an infantry general, although it is not clear whether this was at the brigade or division level; her maternal grandfather Chief Justice of the First Court of Appeals, roughly the equivalent of the Supreme Court. Her mother was born a Dreyfus. 3 After Sartre’s death in 1980, Lévy (1945–2003) moved to Jerusalem, where he abandoned his Maoism for Lévinassian and Talmudic studies. 4 Of the Western European countries that have dealt with their relation to the Ho- locaust, Germany as the primary perpetrator has attempted to do so perhaps as much as can be expected. Among the other nations whose collaborative participation was enthusiastic, France’s case (as shall be seen) is in some ways more complex than Germany’s. The question continues to lurk quite near the surface in the Netherlands, surprisingly, although the latter outranked France in numbers of Jews deported relative to population. This comes across constantly in Ian Buruma’s book Murder in Amsterdam (2006), which on one level is about the parallels between the murders of popular politician Pym Fortune and filmmaker Theo Van Gogh, related to foreign, often Islamic, immigration issues. More fundamentally, however, the book is about unresolved Holocaust memory. For a very striking illustration, Dutch football fans see Amsterdam’s Ajax team as “Jewish” (it was owned by Jews before the war) and so express their disapproval — at games today — by making a certain sinister hissing sound that Buruma explains is “the sound of escaping gas” (86). 5 And such partitioning follows not just national borders, but the defense of the historical disciplinary turf as well. Two major contributions to Holocaust studies — from sociology Zygmunt Bauman (1989), and from political science, Raul Hilberg (1985) — produced an outpouring of hostility from historians. For Hilberg’s astonishingly bitter memoir on the reception of his major work, see Hilberg 1996. 6 Michman identifies four such cultural linguistic circles in Holocaust studies: a German one, an English language one, a French one, and an Israeli one (2001). 7 The one book-length account in French that deals with French prisoner-

209 doctors in the camps is by journalist Christian Barnadac, Les Médecins de l’impossible (1968). 8 Psychoanalysts such as Bruno Bettelheim, Ernst Federn, and Viktor Frankl did 2–13 s attempt a psychoanalysis of deportation early on — 1943 in Bettleheim’s case and, in the case of the latter two, within the camps themselves (see Federn age 1988). The impact of this work would have greater resonance in the postwar

o p American context. The French case, as shall be seen, reveals a different story. t 9 Holocaust deniers can be found to this day in Europe, North America, in the s

e Arab and Persian Middle East, indeed as far away as Malaysia. t 10 Often identical to “mechanisms” but classified under different names. no

Figure 1: The Real 1 Band of Brothers is based on the nonfiction book by the late military historian Stephen E. Ambrose. 2 The episode title is an allusion to a series of seven propaganda films made by Frank Capra for the Morale Branch of the Office of War Information from 1942 to explain to “our boys in the Army why we are fighting,” as Gen. George Marshall put it. Although not mentioned in the episode, Hitler wrote Mein Kampf while imprisoned in Landsberg prison for his participation in the abor- tive Ludendorff putsch of 1923. 3 In the 1998 documentary on the deportation of Hungarian Jews, The Last Days, executive producer Steven Spielberg uncovered color footage of emaciated prisoners staggering about with great difficulty. These scenes would seem to have been restaged for this episode of Band of Brothers. 4 This and some of the preceding paragraphs are the result of extensive discussion with Dr. Sarah Schladow and draw upon her important unpublished 2007 doctoral dissertation in Cultural Studies, “Regenerations of the Holocaust: From the Politics of Identification Towards a Political Identity,” Curtin Univer- sity of Technology, Perth, Australia. 5 Chief among such studies in English one should mention Laqueur (1980), Fein- gold (1980), Gilbert (1981), Wyman (1984), through to Novick (1999). 6 This was itself a replay of the first post-Holocaust trial to rock the new state of Israel, the trial of the Hungarian Rezso Kastner for collaboration in 1954–1955. Kastner was later assassinated (see Segev 1993, 255–320). 7 While there is a vast literature on the liberation of France and especially Paris (in mid-August 1944), it deals mainly with political struggles and combat action. In fact, little historical work has been done on the liberation of camps in Germany or, for that matter, in France itself. Specific studies of camps in France would not become the object of much attention until the late 1990s. Regard- ing the liberation of the Western camps, Olga Wormser-Migot (1985) remains a rare key study, as does her earlier work with Henri Michel (1954). In French, the classic accounts from the point of view of deportees are “literary,” notably Robert Anthelme (1947), Charlotte Delbo’s trilogy, the first two volumes of 210 which were written in 1946–1947 but not published until twenty years later; and no

David Rousset’s Les jours de notre mort (1947). All of these, however, are part of t e

a postwar (1945–1948) testimonial literature of “the return from deportation” s

superbly analyzed by Wieviorka (1992) in her annotated bibliography (446–76). t o p One possible factor for this general historical neglect is that French military ar-

chives of that country’s occupation of part of western Germany are tucked away age in Colmar (Alsace), and have not been inventoried.

8 For the Russians and the resulting Soviet bloc countries, the extermination s 34–40 camps had nothing to do with Jews as such but everything to do with victims of Fascism. On this, see Ehrenburg and Grossman 1981. See also Stéphane Courtois et al. 1997, Le livre noir du communisme, with texts translated from Rus- sian and Polish. Jewish Soviet journalists Ilya Ehrenburg and Vassilii Grossman edited the original model for such “Black Books,” first published in 1944 or 1945. 9 Abzug’s Inside the Vicious Heart: Americans and the Liberation of Nazi Concentration Camps draws heavily from gi oral accounts held at the Fred R. Crawford Witness to the Holocaust Project at Emory University, the Center for Holocaust Stud- ies in New York, and the Liberators Remembered Project at Boston University. These tapes, transcripts and questionnaires would also provide the basis for several further books about American eyewitness accounts on the liberation of the concentration camps, including one of the preparatory conferences that preceded the establishment of the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum in Wash- ington in 1993 after long political battles, as was often the case with such Muse- ums, notably in New York City and, of course, Berlin. 10 There are two Chemnitzes, one in Poland, near which there was a POW camp for Soviet prisoners, and another in Saxony. It is not clear from the above which Chemnitz is being referred to. 11 The “Schreiber” or camp records-keepers were comprised of prisoner clerical teams. For a detailed description of clerical procedures at KL Auschwitz, see Paczula 1995, 25–60. For personal memoirs of former prisoner schreiberin, see Shelley 1986. 12 Such statistics are always in some degree of flux. French archival sources at the time place the total number of “racial” deportees at about 80,000. Marrus and Paxton (1981) write that by “the end of 1944, almost 75,000 Jews had been deported from France to [the] killing centers . . .” (343). In a note, they report Klarsfeld’s very precise figure of 75,721 deported Jews (2001). The same figure is used by Wieviorka (1992, 142), also drawing from Klarsfeld; of these, 24,500 were French nationals; the remainder from other nationalities or stateless. The overall extermination rate was thus 98 percent. Klarsfeld was another alumnus of the CJDC, with publications beginning soon after the end of the war. In 2001, Fayard republished four of his major studies from over sixty years as La Shoah en France: vol. 1, Vichy-Auschwitz — le rôle de Vichy dans la solution finale de la question juive en France — 1942; vol. 2, Le calendrier de la persécution des juifs en France, 1940–1944; vol. 3, Le mémorial des en- 211 fants juifs déportés de France; and vol. 4, Le mémorial de la déportation des juifs de France: listes alphabétiques par convois des juifs déportés de France. 13 For an example, see the Communist front newspaper, Châtiment (“Punish-

41–51 s ment”) 6 (July 1945), which calls the repatriation “a scandal” and Frenay “a saboteur” accusing him of seeking greater personal powers and of refusing to

age work closely with “worker organizations.” 14 As of 19 April, one of the Missions established by the Frenay ministry to o p

t evaluate camp conditions contains an appended, undated letter signed by a

s Major Armand, who writes “of very big problems with American authorities” e

t that won’t allow them to requisition vehicles, and won’t let the mission into

no Buchenwald to establish prisoner lists, because they are lacking proper SHAEF documents (see cdJC, DCCCXC, file 39). On the other hand, another report concerning a visit to Dachau on 19 May, commented on “the very considerable efforts of the Americans on behalf of the French,” (cdJC, DCCCXC, file 22). 15 And with no prior knowledge of the camp’s existence, and so with no particular advance preparation for the relief of such an “installation,” according to the g-5 report on the camp. 16 For a somewhat different account, as well as an alternate spelling of the Com- mandant’s name, Ziereis, and his final statement to interrogators, see Bridg- man 1990, 88–93; see also E. Le Chêne’s 1971 history of Mauthausen. In late April, during negotiations with the Red Cross about handing over the camp to the Americans, Zieries refused but did agree to liberate 183 French prisoners. 17 For the context to the forced repatriation of Russian prisoners, see Nikolai Tol- stoy 1977. For parallel accounts in France, see the bizarre reports from French partisan units of the Maquis du Midi concerning “Trotskyite” infiltration of Russian POW camps in southeastern France and subsequent looting and raping in the surrounding villages, the pows having obtained weapons from Allied soldiers in exchange for letting them sleep with female prisoners. In a six-page report signed by Col. Moss, Acting Commander, APO 696 us Army to the Com- manding General, Ninth Air Force, 18 January 1945, NARA, rg 331, Box 48, file 2701/4. 18 Hadassah Rosenhaft’s memoirs, Yesterday: My Story, were republished in 2004 by Yad Vashem in association with the Holocaust Survivors’ Memoirs Project. 19 Established in 1943, the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administra- tion, began work on the ground in Occupied Germany in April 1945, but was plagued by inefficiency and by August had reduced the scope of its activities to coordinating NGOs, leaving the welfare of the 1.5 million dps still in Germany, Austria, and Italy to the military. For its part, SHAEF began reducing its activities as of early summer 1945, in expectation of the imminent demobilization of U.S. Forces in Europe. 20 Lawyer Menachem Rosensaft is the son of Josef and Haddassah Bimko, born at Belsen. See his Introduction to the conference proceedings that he edited in 2001, 5–12, for a brief but striking history of the Belsen camp, especially after Liberation. 212 21 I have no desire here to get involved in comparative scales of inflicted horror. It no

has been argued recently and with validity that what the Allied bombings did to t e

German civilian populations or the U.S. atomic bombs to Nagasaki and Hiro- s

shima were war crimes; see Grayling 2006; Sebald 2005. For the parallels be- t o p tween the Nazi camp survivors and the hibakusha, see Robert Jay Lifton’s classic

study Death in Life (1967). age 22 Robert Oppenheimer’s response to the Trinity blast test was to quote a passage

from Sanskrit to the effect that “we have become Death,” a remark not dissimi- s 52–54 lar to the poet Paul Celan’s characterization of the Nazis as “Masters of Death” in his 1952 poem “Todesfuge.” For the broader philosophical background to the rise of what she terms “the death-world,” see Edith Wyschogrod (1985). 23 British photographer George Rodger, working for Life and Time magazines at the time of the liberation of Bergen-Belsen, recalls his horror at himself for “subconsciously arranging groups of bodies on the ground into artistic compo- sitions in the viewfinder.” See his interview in Matard-Bonucci and Lynch 1995, 93–100. 24 Precisely the strategies that Naomi Mandel is writing against, and especially in that part of her first chapter entitled, “Just what Part of . . . ‘Auschwitz’ Don’t We Understand?” (2006, 34 ff ). Among leading proponents of the thesis of the unspeakability of the Holocaust, she mentions such distinguished writers as George Steiner, Elie Weisel, Lawrence Langer, and others.

Figure 2: Condensation 1 Note here and elsewhere that it is never made clear which category of deportee is being referred to (politicals or racials), and this was further blurred when, for instance, former STOs were renamed “work deportees.” See Chaumont (1997) on the ensuing competition among the victims for redress. 2 Anthelme (1917–1990) was born in Corsica, joined the Resistance network headed by François Mitterrand in 1943, and was arrested by the Gestapo in 1944. He was married to the writer Marguerite Duras, who nursed him back to health after his return from deportation. He joined the French Communist Party in 1946 and was expelled in 1950, possibly over the controversy begun by David Rousset on the existence of the Soviet Gulag. 3 Jean Améry was the pseudonym adopted by the Austrian-born Jewish writer Hans Mayer, who like so many other survivors-writers later committed suicide. 4 According to some sources, this sum was “generous” and worth about 325 Euros in contemporary value. However, the French Franc was devaluated later in 1945, which would make the deportation bonus worth about $14 USD. 5 In the files I examined, the interrogator was often listed as “Madame X.” 6 f9 file 5583 consists of four large sub-files of crumbling documents with between 50 and 150 questionnaires per sub-file. The first is from the period June– July 1945; the second, May–June 1945; the third from April–August 1945. At times the letter “R” (racial) is indicated on a file; at others, “Déporté politique.” 213 Other than the files themselves, there is no indication that the Ministry in any way treated this data beyond simple collection. 7 Or “The Ministry of Suffering,” as Frenay himself called it (quoted in Assouline

60–69 s 2005: 398). 8 In 2002–2003, the City of Paris held an exhibition at the Lutetia showing many

age of the details described above. 9 With the Liberation of France and other Occupied countries, women who had o p

t “fraternized” with the enemy through “horizontal collaboration” were chased

s through the streets, often stripped, and their heads shaven as a mark of their e

t disgrace. 10 Renamed the Mémorial de la Shoah in 2005, the former cdJC is the foremost no Holocaust museum in France. 11 For the complete microfilmed copies of all the extant UgiF records, see United States Holocaust Memorial Museum (USHMM), rg43. 12 An important exception is the early work, in English, of the American historian Philip Friedman, from 1946 onward. Friedman died in 1960 after serving as Research Director at YIVO-Yad Vashem in New York City, now attached to New York University. See his posthumously published Roads to Extinction (1980). As Poliakov notes with tremendous sorrow in his foreword to the 1974 French edition of his Bréviaire, in the intervening quarter-century only two books had attempted to deal with the overall extermination of the Jews of Europe, British historian Gerald Reitlinger’s The Final Solution (1953) and the American political scientist Raul Hilberg’s Destruction of the European Jews (1961). 13 In the Frenay Ministry papers, a note on “the architecture of French sources” reports that in September 1944, a resistance committee had given to the Minis- try the complete 80,000 Drancy “fiches” (index cards for each of the prisoners), now on permanent view at the Mémorial de la Shoah. The note adds that the Drancy “fiches” and those of the internment camps at Beaune-la-Rolande and Pithiviers “constitute the total statistical basis of the racial deportation.” From the Armistice Commission Archives at Wiesbaden, in AF, F9, file 3224. 14 Created at a former spa, ostensibly a site of healing, the ITS Archives were run by a consortium of partner governments for government use. Academic researchers, organizations of former deportees, and others were denied access to what is probably the last untapped archive in Germany dealing with the Holocaust and its aftermath, despite decades of lobbying and protests. An agreement was finally reached in 2007 to open portions of the archive, accessible on-line at designated libraries, beginning in 2008. 15 These titles may be translated as “The Camp of the Slow Death”; “I Return from Hell”; “Jewish Drancy”; “Anthology of Buchenwald Poems”; “Prisoner 43485”; “Misery and Death: Our Two Companions.” 16 In one slightly later example, a Dutch filmmaker described to me that he returned home one day to find his father and his Auschwitz buddies, who gathered regularly to talk about the camps, all howling with laughter. Amsterdam had proposed changing the phone numbers to alphanumeric, and the group’s 214 hilarious idea was that the city should use concentration camp tattoo numbers no

for the phones! t e

17 François Wetterwald’s 1946 Les Morts inutiles — short sharp sketches of scenes s

from Mauthausen and Ebensee where he was a prisoner-surgeon until Libera- t o p tion in May 1945 — began defensively: “Yet another book about the concentra-

tion camps?” (5). age 18 A “bagne” is technically a hard-labor prison. Richet, along with his wife

Jacqueline and their son Olivier, published a jointly written personal account s 69–83 entitled Trois Bagnes in 1945. There, Richet writes of his detention at Buchenwald but also provides a scientific typology of detainees that will be referred to in the 1948 debates in the National Assembly leading to the revision of the pension status of deportees. Jacqueline Richet writes of her internment at Ravensbrück and other camps. Olivier Richet writes about his time at Dora, to which he was transferred from Buchenwald (see Wieviorka 1992, 454). 19 Doctoral dissertations at the time had to be published in book form. 20 Another graduate in philosophy from Normale, Simone Weill, wrote a book L’Enrancinement (1909–1943), published posthumously in 1949, that discussed how to recover roots (“racines”) in deeply unrooted times. 21 Also an idea that would find considerable resonance in Sartre’s work. 22 The French Doctor of Letters was more or less equivalent to the North American PhD or Doctor of Philosophy. 23 Dambuyant’s first name, Mariette, is never given in this period, not until she later established herself as a leading scholar of India. 24 Indeed, a Christological theme, that is, of reliving the experience of Christ on the Cross, or more generally a martyrological theme, runs through many accounts of both the Resistance and deportation, that persists well into the 1950s (see esp. Wormser-Migot and Michel 1954), and beyond in the case of Jewish historiography and the struggle to resist the matryrological temptation. On this, see Yerushalmi’s impressive essay, Zakhor (1989) on Jewish history and memory. 25 In the Bibliothèque Henri Ey (BHE) of the Saint-Anne psychiatric hospital. 26 Wetterwald, who was deported to Mauthausen and Ebensee together with Gilbert-Dreyfus, also comments on the general dislike of ss doctors for French prisoner-doctors. 27 None of the sources give a consistent account of why the walking dead of the camps were referred to as Musselmänner, or “Muslims.” For just one example, which makes little sense on first reading, Agamben (1999) cites one source who claims that “Seeing them from afar, one had the impression of seeing Arabs praying” (43). Muslims do not pray standing upright. However, Orthodox Jews do; it is called “davening.” So “Muslims” is either another misplaced term for Jews, which is plausible, and as they were universally despised by the other inmates, may have given even Jewish prisoners someone beneath them to despise. The other, even simpler explanation is that the camps were sites of profoundly macabre humor. 215 28 All three of these dissertations were consulted at the Bibliothèque de documentation internationale contemporaine (BDIC), located at the University of Paris, Nanterre campus. 29 Spelled “cathexia” in some medical dictionaries in both French and in English, 84–107 s an alternative spelling can be “cachexia” or generalized wasting. 30 Each camp from its inauguration kept a “numbers book” or “Nummernbuch” age organized according to given series of categories (men, a general series, Jews, re-

o p education prisoners, Gypies, Soviet pows, etc.) and number series. Auschwitz, t for example, had over 200,000 numbers for all the men in its main camps and s

e subcamps. Separate books were kept for A and B series (Jews), re-education or t EH prisoners, and Soviet powS. See Paczula 1995, 30, 36–37.

no 31 Robert’s notebook was found in his effects when he died and was donated to the Mémorial de la Shoah by his daughter Marie-Hélène. It is classified there under reference number DCCV-8-2. 32 Both inclinations causing much familial handwringing, according to stories from my family.

Figure 3: Displacement 1 However, Minkowski (1946), drawing from a different approach to psychology (his teacher Eugen Bleuler’s “Gestalt” psychology), used the different concept of “affective anaesthesia” to describe the content as opposed to the process (290–91). 2 Targowla made an additional point, based on a small statistical study, that “the most important effect of asthenia” was that it reduced the work and the productive capacities of ex-deportees, of whom three out of five had either changed professions or occupations: given their reduced capacities, “61% of these camp survivors have become, as it were, ‘déclassés.’” 3 For instance, late in 1929, Targowla and Lacan presented a case of a patient suffering from prolonged general paralysis which, after an important remission, had resumed the manifestation of neuro-psychic symptoms (Targowla and Lacan 1930). 4 Until the rise of clinical hospital teaching in the course of the nineteenth century, French university medical teaching tended more toward the cours magis- tral or traditional grand lecture format of the transmission of knowledge in crowded amphitheatres. See Bonner 1995, 128–89. 5 His other Resistance pseudonyms were Trébly and Aspirin. 6 Wetterwald was too ill from the effects of deportation ever to resume a normal life. 7 Laignel-Lavastine (1875–1953) was most likely not Jewish; there is no evidence to suggest that he was, although he obviously was interested in all aspects of the history of medicine. He studied with Babinksi in neuroanatomy and neurology, and was later cross-appointed to the Faculty of Law for his contribution to criminology. In socio-psychiatry, he was closer to Adler, prefacing one of his 216 books, than to Freud, whose psychoanalysis he viewed with reticence. Harry no

Friedenwald was the author of a two-volume history on The Jews and Medicine, t e

published by the Johns Hopkins University Press in 1944. s

8 For Simon’s report on the SHMH’s activities between 1936 and 1939, see Simon t o p 1948, 64-66; see also Freudenthal and Kottek’s (2003) edited selection of RHMH

articles, xi–xii. age 9 Biographical information from Freudenthal and Kottek 2003, xi–xiii, who draw

on unpublished manuscripts by Simon and Henri Baruk in the Fonds Marianne s 108–115 Hamburger in the archives of the Alliance israélite universelle in Paris. The AIU library holds the complete run of the RHMH. 10 Formally named the Yad Vashem Authority for the Remembrance of Heroes and Martyrs, it is Israel’s foremost Holocaust museum, as well as one of the country’s leading institutions for Holocaust research. Its various research directors since 1953 have been among the world’s predominant scholars in the field. 11 See Dworzecki’s Sanitary Report on the Vilna Ghetto, published in French in Ge- neva 1946 by the OSE, the Jewish organization for the rescue of children. It is movingly dedicated to the memory of his wife, Mirjam Dvorjetska-Koïfman, a nurse at Vilna, who died in the Klooga concentration camp in 1944. 12 As Sarah Schladow noted in her dissertation, doctors of medicine made up a large proportion of the Nazi party. By 1938, some German physicians were discussing the need for a “final solution” to the Jewish problem, and proudly considered themselves “biological soldiers” of the Reich, intrinsic to the mili- tarized apparatus of power/knowledge that “treated” the threat of Jewish “racial disease.” Physicians thus readily enlisted their expertise in the war against the “racial” enemy, “killing as a therapeutic imperative” (as Lifton 1983 puts it), in a regime of “medicalized destruction” (Hilberg 1961). For instance, “liquidations” of entire camp blocks were considered medical — disinfecting — actions. Doctors advised on improving methods of killing, embarked on programs of sterilization, engaged in appalling medical experiments on Jewish subjects and, at various sites, not only selected those to be killed, but also ad- ministered lethal phenol injections and poured Zyklon B into the gas chambers. In this context, the “medical” use of Red Cross vans to take prisoners to these “disinfection” chambers and of Red Cross ambulances in delivering Zyklon-B (as well as its storage in camp pharmacies) also shows the normalization of deadly medical practices (Schladow 2007, 113). 13 This view reflects that of several clinicians I interviewed, retired or stillin practice. 14 His 1985 Essays on Jewish Medicine lists thirty-seven titles published between 1926 and 1983; his “major” works only. 15 Jacques Lacan would later say that de Clérambault was his “sole” master in psychiatry. 16 About Israel, Baruk apparently felt deeply ambivalent, with enormous admira- tion for the Israeli achievement on the one hand, and on the other, reservations about what he called in private some of the “fascistic” tendencies discernible in 217 Israeli politics (personal communication with Baruk’s grand-niece, Professor Barbara Cassin, head of the CNRS, the French national scientific research council). Whether Baruk was in fact Jewish appears to be contentious. His grand- niece says he was not. One of the reviewers for this manuscript says that his

116–122 s mother was and if so, he would have been considered Jewish under the Vichy racial laws. But, unlike Minkowski, as there are no stories of near-arrest or per-

age secution during the Occupation years, it is hard to know for certain. He did wear the yellow star during the Occupation, and the gravestone where he is bur- o p

t ied with his wife is inscribed with the Mogen David.

s 17 The term “humoral medicine” refers to the Galenic and Aristotelian idea that e

t health is the result of the balance between the four basic “humors” of the body,

no corresponding to the four elements of air, fire, water, and earth. 18 A Moses who seems rather more like Freud to me. 19 See notably Baruk’s 1985 Essais sur la médecine hébraïque dans le cadre de l’histoire juive. 20 Given the immense number of potential source texts and the interpretative tradition of “midrash halakah” in modern works, some scholars attempt to limit the halakic to specific codifications such as Maimonides’Misbneh Tarab (twelfth century), R. Yosef Karo’s late-sixteenth-century Shulhan ‘Aruk (itself a simplified version of his more voluminous Beys Yosef), together with further Talmudic com- pilations by leading rabbinic scholars into the twentieth century, not to mention the formidable secular scholarship of “Wissenschaft des Judentums,” the scientific study of Judaism, of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. See, for example, Ismar Schorsch’s 1994 study of the turn to history in modern Judaism, itself just one of many related other studies. 21 This is where Dworzecki pronounced his “anathema” against Nazi criminal medicine. 22 In 1985, Baruk was still hoping for such an eventuality. 23 This political tactic also might have served as a way of limiting public discussion of the Nazi period, still a highly sensitive topic. 24 Initially published as a special supplement in the Acta psychiatrica neurologica Scandinavica, Per Helweg-Larsen, Henrik Hoffmeyer, Jorgen Kieler, Eigel Hess Thaysen, Jorn Hesse Thaysen, Munke Hartel Wulff, and Paul Thygesen’s massive study, written in English, was subtitled “Complications and Sequels (with special reference to turberculosis, mental disorders and social consequences.” It used questionnaires from 1,282 Danish camp survivors (572 resistants, 710 deported Copenhagen policemen, and 197 internees of the Horserod camp, an actual total of 1,479). The data here are drawn from Targowla’s discussion of the study (1954b). 25 The 1961 conference in the Hague on late-presenting sequelae was organized by the World Federation of Veterans. 26 In the mid-1970s, the FIR congresses provided a significant platform for discussion — and denunciation — of the role of Latin American psychiatrists in the torture of political opponents in Argentina, Chile, and elsewhere. 218 27 Information gathered from the FIR papers (1954–1976) is held at the Interna- no

tional Institute for Social History in Amsterdam, as well as the FNDIRP archives t e

in Paris. s

28 Emil Kraepelin (1856–1928) was the leading classifier of psychiatric phenom- t o p ena in the world, until the American Psychiatric Association began publishing

its famous (or notorious) Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM). age 29 An accompanying bibliography published by the FIR lists 997 titles on deporta-

tion pathology research over 168 pages. s 123–132 30 Note here also, psychiatry’s patent lack of success with various therapies, from sleep therapy to the use of assorted drugs. 31 As Lacan would later remark in the 1950s and 1960s heyday of French “struc- turalism” across a range of scientific disciplines from anthropology to linguistics and Lacanian psychoanalysis, Minkowski was the first to use the concept of “structure” as an organizing principle for how fields of knowledge work. 32 Although this was exactly what the great literary figures in concentrationary literature, from Anthelme to Wiesel, had attempted to do, from the point of view of the individual subject’s experience. 33 Cohen served in Auschwitz as a prisoner-doctor, but also assisted in selections of those who would live and who would die, a confession he makes in his The Abyss: A Confession (1973). 34 Cayrol wrote the text for French filmmaker Alain Resnais’ Nuit et brouillard (1954), the first French non-newsreel film about the “night and fog” ofthe camps. Night and fog (Nacht und Nebel) was Nazi code for immediate extermination upon arrival at the camp. Note that the word “Jew” does not emerge in the narrative of this film. 35 Not until 1992 did Hilberg insist on the differing psychologies of victims, perpetrators, and bystanders. See his Perpetrators, Victims, Bystanders: The Jewish Ca- tastrophe, 1933–1945 (1992). 36 Bettleheim’s work is discussed in the next chapter. 37 “Repression” is defined in a footnote in Elie Cohen’s book as “an unconscious mental process . . . by which all unpleasant affective experiences are removed from the conscious” (119). 38 Cohen noted that when prisoners began to urinate in their beds or defecate in the barracks instead of the latrines, this was “a problem.” 39 On this, see Sander Gilman’s classic study, Jewish Self-Hatred: Anti-Semitism and the Hidden Language of the Jews (1986). 40 Wetterwald (1946) remarked on the particular animus that ss doctors seemed to bear the French prisoner-doctors, a dislike that did not translate often into violence, however. 41 See, for instance, the forthcoming work of my Carleton colleague in history, Professor Jennifer Evans, The Pink Triangle. The bulk of scholarship here has focused predominantly on homosexuality in the concentration camps, but for a moving view of the question, see especially the 1997 feature film, Bent, screen- play written by Martin Sherman from his play. 219 42 But Elie Wiesel, in his introduction to Ada Bimko-Rosensaft’s memoirs (2004), remarks that “all memoirs of Holocaust survivors resemble one another. They tell of the peaceful happiness of the before, the terrifying violence of the Tragedy, and . . . the difficult challenges that came after” (vii).

132–148 s 43 Cohen (1988) noted that the contraction KL stood for the camps themselves and KZ for the prisoners. The two were largely interchangeable. In the Nazi nomen-

age clature of types of camps, there were work camps (Arbeitslager), concentration camps (Konzentrationslager), punishment camps (Durchgangslager) and annihila- o p

t tion camps (Vernichtungslager), as well as combinations of the above.

s 44 Next to no work has been published in English or French on this vitally im- e

t portant journal; a two-volume selection of articles was published in German in 1987, while another thousand pages of material are also set for German publi- no cation. In English, see Wolf Oschlies n.d. 45 An argument that had first been made by Hannah Arendt and others in the late 1940s, holding out high hopes for what social science could bring to the understanding of the Holocaust. Arendt’s controversial The Origins of Totalitarianism (1958) was her answer to this challenge. 46 All three authors at the time were at the Talbieh Psychiatric Hospital in Jerusalem.

Figure 4: Inversion 1 In that spirit, Camus had proposed with the Liberation of Paris that Combat be subtitled From the Resistance to the Revolution; see Todd 1996, 490–94. 2 The fate of asylum patients under the Occupation erupted again in 1987 with the controversial publication of Max Laffont’s L’extermination douce, about the deliberate murder of 40,000 mental patients in Vichy psychiatric hospitals, a more “gentle French version” of the Nazi T-4 euthanasia of the mentally retarded. 3 John Rawlings Rees was the author of The Shaping of Psychiatry by War (1945), which argued for the widespread use among postwar civilian populations of the discoveries of military psychiatry. 4 Similar controversies occurred in France under the Lacanian call for “a return to Freud,” whose work alone some claimed allowed one to grasp the psychic implications of life after Auschwitz (see below). See, for instance, Patrick di Mascio, Freud après Auschwitz: La psychanalyse culturelle (1998). 5 For a superb study of the general problems of professionalizing psychoanalysis, see S. Winter 1999. 6 The publication periodization here is confusing. In the 1993 revised reissue of volume 1, Histoire de la psychanalyse en France, 1885–1939, Roudinesco remarks that a first edition appeared in 1982, and a second in 1986; but neither earlier edition is listed in the front pages among her published books. Also in 1986 appeared the second volume, La Bataille de Cent Ans: Histoire de la psychanalyse en France, 1925–1985. The latter was translated into English and published by the University of Chicago Press in 1990, under the title Jacques Lacan and Co.: A History 220 of Psychoanalysis in France, 1925–1985. Adding to the confusion is that in 1993 no

Roudinesco published a separate intellectual biography of Lacan. Both volumes t e

of the two-volume history are identified under the overall 1986 title, but without s

the historical dates of her timeframe. The Lacan biography was translated into t o p English by Barbara Bray and published by Columbia University Press in 1997.

The first volume of Roudinesco’s history of French psychoanalysis (1885–1939) age has not been translated into English. Roudinesco further adds to the confusion

by remarking that the entire project amounts to four volumes: the two histories, s 148–152 the Lacan book, and her 1994 Généalogies, in which she recounts “the history of the history.” 7 On the one hand, what Roudinesco terms “l’inconscient à la française” (the French Unconscious) resolved itself with the Dreyfus Affair (1993, 220). On the other, “anti-Semitism [continues], often in the form of repressed [material], in certain texts by some French analysts” (410; emphases in original). Moreover, what changed the rules of how French psychoanalytic history is written depends upon whether that story is told “before or after Auschwitz” (396). 8 On these matters, see Alain de Mijolla’s two articles on French psychoanalysts between 1939 and 1945 published in the Revue internationale d’histoire de la psychanalyse (1988 and 1989), as well as the work of Geoffrey Cocks generally, but especially his Psychotherapy in the Third Reich: The Göring Institute (1997). See also Laurence A. Rickels, Nazi Psychoanalysis (2002), for a fascinating and wide- ranging discussion of the broader implications. 9 Bellamy remarks in a footnote that “the boundary between the discourses of anti-Semitism and of philo-Semitism seems especially fragile and permeable” (178 n79). Admittedly, she is here discussing one of several essays by Julia Kristeva on the writer Céline, who was a virulent antisemite, pathologically obsessed with the “Jewification” of French culture. 10 The translation into French in 1963 of David Bakan’s Freud and the Jewish Mystical Tradition, originally published in 1957, arguing that Freud was a kabbalistically inspired “apostate” battling the rigid moral superego of rabbinical Judaism, caused the discussion to revive. 11 This piece was relatively mild compared to some of Baruk’s other writings on Freud. He remained deeply conflicted about Freud, coming close to calling him the devil in 1985; he was slightly more reasonable in his 1967 article, where he wrote that Freud, while personally courageous and influential, constructed a dogmatic doctrine that was “the very opposite” of Judaism (1967a). 12 Edited by historian Nadine Fresco and philosopher Martine Leibovici, who provide a fine introduction to Stern’s life and thought,Le savoir-déporté is in part a reprint and revision of some of Stern’s better known articles, some unpublished texts from after the war, and excerpts from her seminars. The book was published in Editions du Seuil’s prestige collection “La Librairie du XXIè Siècle.” 13 In the interests of full disclosure, I took her seminar during the 2003–2004 academic year while on sabbatical in Paris. Anne-Lise, by now well into her eighties, is a small, round woman, with short grey hair, and at times the most 221 amazing smile that lights up her entire being. In the seminar, her usual ped- agogical approach was to start with a recent text, a newspaper story, a film, or contemporary art exhibition, and show from these that one did not have to search very hard to find the question of the Nazi camps still lurking some sixty

152–156 s years later. She was also inadvertently a living exemplar of the incredible hold of memory on one’s experience. For instance, a childhood song in German, sud-

age denly recalled — she was born in Mannheim and her family moved to France just before the war — would move her to tears. She was deported at twenty-two, o p

t having just begun her medical studies in Paris, which she never completed. I

s have written about her work elsewhere in the journal Other Voices. e

t 14 For background, see Roudinesco (1993, 394–98). “L’excommunication” is the first text in Les quatre concepts fondamentaux de la psychanalyse (1973, 9–22). no 15 Spinoza was “excluded, chased away, cursed and excecrated” for “horrible her- esies” and “monstrous acts.” The full text of the kherem or herem is in Steven Nadler’s Spinoza, originally published in 2001, translated into French by Jean- François Sené (2003), and reproduced at www.akadem.org. 16 A deal of controversy continues over what Lacan actually said — his seminars were tape-recorded and then transcribed — and the “official” published versions of what he said are under the editorial control of his son-in-law, Jacques- Alain Miller. As a result, many bootleg transcripts exist, and the matter of the “real” Lacan texts has seen a number of court cases. Haddad here uses both official versions and his own transcripts. 17 Or rather The Man Moses and Monotheistic Religion, as the original German title had it, and as it is now referred to in French. Moses and Monotheism was finally translated into French in 1948. 18 Emphasis is in Haddad, who cites The Four Fundamental Concepts, but gives the wrong publication date and the wrong page reference for this quotation, which is not on page 233 as Haddad writes, but on page 288. 19 Bakan did not see this displacement as incompatible with his reading of the influence ofThe Zohar on Freud. Whether it’s the Oedipus complex or the Shekina (the Zohar’s key idea), both confront “the great mystery” of human existence. For Bakan, Freud’s great discovery was to root this mystery in sexuality, an idea also quite compatible with the metaphysics and theology of the Kabbalah. See Bakan 2001, 298–99. 20 Subtitled Le Syndrome de Bordeaux, an obvious reference to Henry Rousso’s Syn- drome de Vichy, their book was published by Editions Hommes et perspectives in Marseille. 21 In 2004, the question exploded once again, when a member of the National As- sembly introduced a bill to regulate the training of psychoanalysts, leading to a tremendous outcry from the outraged psychoanalytic profession. 22 My sincere thanks here to YIVO chief archivist Marek Webb for special permission to read these psychiatric evaluations in the Niederland Papers. 23 See British legal scholar Norman Bentwich’s short history, The United Restitution Organization 1948–1968 (n.d.). For reasons of space, I have cut from this book a 222 long section dealing with survivor claims against Germany that would perdure no

until 2007, years after the official cut-off date of 2000. On German reparations t e

and the problems of German psychiatry still heavily influenced by the Nazi s

period, see Christian Pross’s remarkable and very detailed 1998 study. Pross’s t o p coverage of the psychiatric literature also indicates familiarity with the work of

the French and Danish somatologists, as well as the Polish survivor research age discussed in the previous chapter.

24 Biographical information on Niederland is from his obituary in The Psychoan- s 156–166 alytic Q 63, no. 1 (1994): 101–103; on Krystal from The Biographical Directory of Fellows and Members of the American Psychiatric Association, October 1977, 735; and January 1989, 869. 25 For a parallel argument that emphasizes the analogies between Holocaust studies in the United States and the problems of American history such as slavery, see Fermaglich 2006. 26 See especially Herman Kahn, On Thermonuclear War: Thinking the Unthinkable (1960). 27 Niederland insisted on “the magnitude, severity and duration” of “the recog- nizable clinical entity” he terms (“for the sake of brevity”) survivor syndrome (1981). 28 Leys’ conception of “mimesis” is developed at length in her earlier book on trauma (2000). 29 See Haim Dasberg, “Psychological Distress of Holocaust Survivors and Off- spring in Israel, Forty Years Later: A Review” (1987). 30 As Sarah Schladow observes, “Now that Jewish victimhood and overt oppression had actually been spoken, the more subtle layers of oppression, such as the postwar silences, could also be articulated. Further, significant language shifts around the psychology of individual or group empowerment — emanating from contemporary ideas that existential reality is created by language — saw victimhood asserted via more positive notions of survival. At the same time, the negative connotations of victimhood remained enshrined in wider consid- erations of trauma and lingering affect, currently evidenced particularly in, but not confined to, returned American Vietnam War veterans. Indeed, froman informal cooperation between mental health workers working with veterans, abused women and Holocaust survivors in the early 1980s emerged an ‘understanding and acceptance of their common cause’ (Boulanger 1984, 85). Mi- chael Rothberg (after Mark Seltzer) speaks of a ‘wound culture,’ an ‘obsession with trauma’ (2000, 186); Henry Greenspan, of the ‘preoccupation with public and private disaster, destruction and victimization, surviving and survivalism’ pervading American discourse at this time (1999, 57). As Greenspan (after Christopher Lasch) observes, the notion of survival now applied not just to ‘life- and-death struggle,’ but also to everyday “persistence and coping” (witness, for instance, the plethora of ‘How-to-Survive’ guides for daily life contingen- cies). This culture of survival constructed an often romanticised, ‘celebratory discourse’ of mastery over that which is survived, and/or a rhetoric of ongoing 223 struggle with the insurmountable, which is of itself traumatic. The category of Holocaust survivor thus emerged in what Greenspan calls a ‘divided discourse’ about celebration and traumatisation. Together with other discourses of proud survivorhood, the Holocaust survivor (like survivors of various abuses of power,

166–170 s including sexual abuse, domestic violence, cult entrapment) participated in a reclamation and assertion of potent subjectivity rather than abject victimhood.

age Prior victimhood could now more freely be spoken precisely because it had been materially/discursively claimed and thus, in a sense, emotionally/psycho- o p

t logically overcome – its representation as past, as memory, signifying present

s empowerment” (2007, 284–85). e

t 31 University of Tel Aviv psychologist Jacob Lomranz, in a 2000 study of the psychological literature on first-generation survivors from 1973–1993, includ- no ing 182 studies in English, found the total percentage of studies dealing with psychopathology at 85 percent (Lomranz 2000, reproduced without tables or bibliography at http://www.holocaustechoes.com/lomranz.html). 32 That is, “the asshole of the world.” See Wieslaw Kierlar’s memoir of his five years at Auschwitz, translated from the German by Frank Straschitz (1980). 33 The ambiguous case of “Dr. B,” as his colleagues at the University of Chicago called him, is reflected in two completely contradictory recent biographies: One presents him as a monster; the other as a saint. Academic work tends to situate Bettelheim, convincingly, among the students of “the mass society” thesis of deindividualization widely prevalent in 1950s’ American social thought. Like many other survivors who were in and then wrote about the camps (the poet Paul Celan, the Polish satirist Tadeusz Borowski, the Italian Primo Levi), Bettelheim committed suicide in 1990. On Bettelheim’s contribution to psychoanalytic thought, see the special issue of The Psychoanalytic Review 81, no. 3 (Fall 1994). 34 As Sarah Schladow notes, “After the Yom-Kippur war, an overarching moral paradigm of the Holocaust provided a point of entry into contemporaneous American issues of victimisation, discrimination and intolerance, as well as of equity and justice, and foregrounded issues of human rights and dignity. De Pres’ work was just one part of this discursive field, a network of reciprocal support. Clearly, there was no single discursive surface upon which discourse about the Holocaust proliferated at this time. A discursive shift in the status of victimhood brought the emergence of an American ‘culture of competing catastrophes’ (J. Young 1999, 81; see also Maier 1998, 164), which constituted communities based on shared suffering and collective victimisation, construct- ing group identity almost solely around suffering. In this context, authentic and authoritative individual identity became determined by comparisons within a hierarchy of suffering both between groups (for instance, Blacks and Jews) and within such groups. Thus, as the Holocaust became sacralised as the site of incomparable victimhood/suffering, the few who had survived the death and concentration camps were sanctified, constructed as ‘secular saints’ (Roskies 1984, 6–7): their stigmata, the camp tattoos and an apparent emotional or psycho- 224 logical pathology. Constructed as less saintly — less apparently marked, less no

authentic, more numerous — and marginalised by the discourse were those t e

who had spent the war years in a work camp, in hiding, or in Russian camps. s

Far outranked, and excluded from the discourse, were those who had emigrated t o p from Europe before the war” (2007, 281).

35 Also in the mid-1970s, when Des Pres published his Anatomy, a variety of films age took up the subject of Nazism. Some European films, particularly those pro-

duced and consumed by an intellectual élite, revealed a fascination with Nazi s 170–172 perversion, as well as a decadent, morbid, and erotic vision. Others considered the subject of collaboration, Nazi anti-Jewish practice, and/or Jewish experience. Dramatic film representations included Night Porter (Liliana Cavani, 1974), Black Thursday (Michel Mitrani, 1974), Lacombe Lucien (Louis Malle, 1974), Monsieur Klein (Joseph Losey, 1976), The Serpent’s Egg (Ingmar Bergman, 1977), and Jacob the Liar (Frank Beyer, 1978); documentaries included The Eighty-First Blow (Haim Gouri, 1975) and Le Chagrin et la pitié (Marcel Ophuls, 1976). Popu- lar films from America and Britain, including The Voyage of the Damned (Stuart Rosenberg, 1976), Marathon Man (John Schlesinger, 1976), and The Boys from Brazil (Franklin Schaffner, 1978), were predominantly thrillers. However, it was, American television that brought the Holocaust home, literally and metaphori- cally, to Western mass audiences with the miniseries Holocaust: The Story of the Family Weiss (Marvin Chomsky, 1978). 36 Hass thanked Helmreich for his support (1995, ix). 37 Yael Danieli’s notable 1981 work on the seventy-two countertransference measures taken by psychotherapists to avoid their patients’ stories strongly suggests otherwise. 38 Leo Eitinger, in a 1993 paper, while recognizing the limitations of scientific studies’ ability to deal with the lived experience of survivors, made an important point about American Holocaust research; namely that, because it often tended to be carried out many years later — by which time memories had, as they do, made their bow towards vanity — risked producing mainly “bad results.” 39 “How to be cured of the Shoah (Holocaust)” and “How to get out of genocide,” respectively. 40 In the wider culture, other books also focused on the remarkable resilience, adaptation, and successes of Holocaust survivors, given what they had experienced. See, for example, Naomi Rosh White, From Darkness to Light: Surviving the Holocaust (1988).

Figure 5: Dilemma 1 In an essay entitled “Cultural Criticism and Society,” reprinted as chapter 7, 146–62, along with other related texts, in Can One Live after Auschwitz? (2003). The remark about the impossibility of belief, thanks, and prayer is by a contemporary of Adorno, Günther Anders, perhaps better known as Hannah Arendt’s first husband; see endnotes on p. 474, note 9. 225 2 In postwar Germany after the end of the First World War, the equivalent was “pension neurosis” (Rentennevrose) or the idea that former soldiers, and after World War II deportees and the like, would be cured by taking away their disability pensions.

176–190 s 3 See also Louis Crocq, Les traumatismes psychiques de guerre (1999). 4 As well as being central to the emergence of French (Durkheimian) sociology;

age indeed, the problems of the influence of predisposition on the one hand and environmental factors on the other are how Durkheim begins the first chap- o p

t ter of On Suicide (1897). Interesting as well is that his data sources cut off in

s the mid-1870s. For a fascinating study of medicine in the context of the 1870 e

t Franco-Prussian War and the Paris Commune, see Bertrand Taithe’s Defeated Flesh: Medicine, Welfare and Warfare in the Making of Modern France (1999). no 5 For example, but not exhaustively, Pirjo Ahokas and Martine Chard-Hutchison, eds. Reclaiming Memory: American Representations of the Holocaust (1997). See also Caroline Wiedmer, The Claims of Memory: Representations of the Holocaust in Con- temporary Germany and France (1997). But, on another level altogether emphasizing the ambiguity of memory and the rhetoric of ruins, see especially James E. Young’s pathbreaking, The Texture of Memory: Holocaust Memorials and Meaning (1993). 6 The ability to recall a personal memory is, as Ricoeur remarked, near the end of a long life (1913–2005), “a small miracle.” 7 Tsilitsky’s sketches of deportation, in particular those of the so-called “small” Jewish camp within Buchenwald, and later paintings were displayed at an exhibition by the Museum of Jewish History and Culture in Paris in 2006. 8 See for example Suzanne Citron’s Le Mythe national (2008). 9 On this, in the American context, see Peter Novick’s impressive That Noble Dream: The “Objectivity Question” and the American Historical Profession (1988). 10 A parody of the Shema Yisroel, refracted through his Auschwitz experience, opens Primo Levi’s If This is A Man (Si questo un uomo, 1958), translated into English under the title Survival in Auschwitz (1960). 11 For Nora’s first volume in English and related debates from the late 1940s through to Henry Rousso’s 1987 book on the Vichy syndrome, see Jacques Revel and Lynn Hunt, eds., Histories: French Constructions of the Past (1995). Nora’s text “Between Memory and History” is on 631–43, and is translated (often awk- wardly) by Marc Roudebush. 12 This passage from Nora’s 1984 volume does not appear in the Roudebush translation published in Revel and Hunt 1995. 13 Copernic refers to the Paris street in which a synagogue was firebombed in 1980. The Abbé Grégoire at the time of the Revolution fought for the recognition of French Jews as citizens, but not as Jews. Drancy needs no further explanation here, but frames Holocaust and later Gulag survival in a recent feature film, Emotional Arithmetic, drawn from the novel by Canadian writer Matt Cohen. 14 As Schladow writes, “In France, the earlier discovery of damning government files and the opening of government archives had brought France’s war history, 226 and the gap between national and Jewish perceptions of French complicity, again no

into question. While Vichy was now a subject for popular representations, the t e

French government still avoided addressing the relation of various war crimi- s

nals to genocide. . . . The passage in 1990 of a parliamentary bill against public t o p denial of Nazi crimes sat in tension with hitherto tolerated liberal publication

and legitimisation of revisionist views. Notwithstanding, the government re- age mained reluctant, despite commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary in 1992 of

the infamous Vélodrome d’Hiver roundup of Jews, to single out Jews amongst s 191–196 the victims of Vichy and Nazi policy, or to pass judgement on the ‘crimes’ of past French governments and French collaborators. However, increasing antisemitism and xenophobia in 1993, protested by Jews and Resistance groups, moved the government to inaugurate a national day of remembrance for ‘Jewish and other racial victims of Vichy policies,’ and to call for monuments at various French sites linked to concentration or deportation” (2007, 298). 15 Papon died in 2007 and was quietly buried, wearing his Legion of Honour. 16 Steiner’s book was reprinted in English in a paperbound edition until 1994, basically as a reprint of the 1979 New American Library edition, with an introduction by Terrence des Pres (see chapter 4 above), and with the original preface by Beauvoir. For a book in which, as Beauvoir writes, “every detail is substantiated by written or oral testimony” (xxii), Steiner provides the skimpiest indication of his sources, nor is there an index. 17 The originator of the idea of an era of testimony was Shoshana Felman’s long essay on Claude Lanzmann’s filmShoah ; see her “In an Era of Testimony” (1991). Felman also suggests that Shoah was less a “historical document on the genocide,” and more a “film about witnessing”: its “disorienting vision of the present” re-writes the past “event-without-a-witness into witnessing, into history.” 18 Among many, see, for example, the special issue of the Revue d’histoire de la Shoah 171 (January–April 2001), “Des voix sous la cendre: Manuscrits des Sonderkom- mandos d’Auschwitz-Birkenau.” 19 See for example, Ruth Kluger’s Refus de témoigner (1997), translated from “the American,” as the French say; also Anne-Lise Stern, “Sois deportée . . . et témoigne!” in Stern 2004, 105–13. 20 For a brilliant discussion of Yiddish poetry of the “annihilation,” see Rachel Ertel, Dans la langue de personne (1993), a title one can translate with two meanings: as a language that itself disappeared in the flames of the Holocaust, but also as the traces left by the annihilated people turned by the Nazis into nothing and nobody; “personne” means both someone and no-one. 21 Schladow (2007) remarks that “Witnessing is a process of positioning, both specular and active, whereby the subject is constructed in terms of what s/he has seen or experienced. In relaying that experience, not only is the subject positioned in relation to others, the recipient is also positioned to accept/believe or refuse/disbelieve the testimony. The process of witnessing, officially or unof- ficially, is therefore ineluctable: what has been witnessed cannot be changed for the subject; nor can it be changed for the recipient of the testimony, who 227 essentially can no longer remain neutral. In the Eichmann trial, for instance, both the witnesses and the recipient audience were positioned by the act of relaying testimony — the former, as subjects of the experience; the latter, as judging subjects of Jewish testimony and experience and of Eichmann and the

197–202 s trial itself. Jewish experience could no longer be ignored or discounted, only accepted or refused, creating the conditions for subsequent discourse about

age Jewish victimhood and the Holocaust” (240). 22 On this more generally, see the interview with Auschwitz historian Jan Van Pelt, o p

t “Auschwitz in the Age of Mass Tourism” (2000).

s 23 The script of Voyages is appended to Dulong and Dornier, along with an inter- e

t view with Finkiel (2005, 251ff ). 24 Obviously I am translating the French title, Témoins: Essai d’analyse et de critique des no souvenirs de combattants édités en français de 1915 à 1928, first published by Editions Les Etincelles in 1929, and republished in 1993. 25 Much has been written about the Holocaust series at the time of its release and after. Suffice it here to quote historian Peter Novick, who observes that the four- part, nine-and-one-half-hour mini-series watched by 100 million Americans over four nights imparted “to more Americans [more information] . . . than over all the preceding thirty years” (1999, 209). 26 Perhaps the simplest way to describe the arbitrariness of signs without getting involved in linguistic theory is that words, volens nolens, always contain a “sup- plementarity” of meanings beyond the control of the writer.

Figure 6: Prosthesis 1 “Figura” was reprinted in Scenes from the Drama of European Literature (1984); Mimesis was reprinted in 2003 by Yale University Press, with a new introduction by the late Edward Said. 2 As a reminder, these concern the uncovery of the Western concentration camps and their medical liberation; the difficult return of the deportees; the beginnings in France of a medical discourse about the physical and pathological consequences of deportation, and how this discourse changed terms and range as it became pan-European and international; the problems within French psychiatry and also in psychoanalysis concerning the validity, applicability, reliability, and variability of scientific findings in matters of medical and social policy, as the wider cultural contexts also changed; and finally, of the meanderings of certain of these figures to other, very different and often quite unconnected domains and problems. 3 And some others we didn’t have space for — for example, figures of exaggeration such as the post-Holocaust slogan “Never Again!” and the problematic idea of “After Auschwitz.” On the first and the role it played in establishing the State of Israel, see Schladow 2007; on the second, see Mandel, 2006. 4 Abalan reviewed the extant literature from French, Norwegian, Danish, Israeli, and American sources. The DES (diplôme d’études supérieures) was an early 228 form of what is now called a “doctorat de 3è cycle,” that is, a PhD. Until later no

reforms, the only official doctorate in France was the “doctorat d’État” which t e

candidates usually undertook in their maturity, and often involved both a major s

and a minor thesis. For instance, Foucault’s history of madness (1972), only t o p published fully in English in 2007, was based on his doctorat d’État.

5 Abalan remarked that the work of bringing forth the specificities of Jewish sur- age vivor sequelae was specifically that of American émigré psychiatrists such as

Niederland. s 202–207 6 That is, a medical theory of disease-signs or symptoms. “Mutants” here can mean both a morphed species-type as well as deaf mutes. 7 Just as Anne-Lise Stern (2004) writes of “deported memory,” or Lawrence Langer (1991) of “humiliated” memory, and so forth. 8 Sandor Ferenzci (1873–1933) came from Budapest to undertake an analysis with Freud in Vienna in 1908. He was the last of the great co-founding prodi- gals of the movement to fall out dramatically with Freud in the early 1930s, a particularly nasty affair soon after which he died. 9 Landa quotes a 1932 text by Ferenzci that recalls Freud’s exact words: “Die pa- tienten sin ein Gesindel” (Patients are scum, in today’s idiom), quoted in Landa 1999, 135. 10 “Resistance” has two meanings. It refers to everything that in the actions and words of the analysand opposes access to the unconscious by the analytic situation. But Freud also spoke of the more general forms of cultural resistance to psychoanalysis itself. See Laplanche and Pontalis 2002, 420–22. 11 Notably Didier Anzieu, a leading French analyst, and the son of “Aimée,” the central case study in Lacan’s medical dissertation 12 The above is my translation from Menahem (1984, 231). According to Bruce Fink’s superlative first complete English translation ofEcrits published in 2006, what Lacan wrote in a 1960 text (rewritten in 1961) on Chaim Perelman, the Bel- gian rhetorician and legal scholar, was: “It is on the basis of the unconscious’ manifestations, which I deal with as an analyst, that I have developed a theory of the effects of the signifier that intersects rhetoric. This is attested to by the fact that my students, in reading works of rhetoric, recognize it to be their daily fare at my seminar” — and, being Lacan, he adds, “I . . . agree all the more in that I place the highest value on that discourse [either rhetoric or math or both] precisely because it signifies nothing” (from “Appendix II: Metaphor of the Sub- ject,” in Ecrits [2006], 755–58.) This appears in the original French pagination at 889–92; Menahem cites 889. In one of those extraordinary parapraxes noted by Freud in his book on jokes and the unconscious, the copyright information in the Norton edition gives the original French publisher, Editions du Seuil, as “Editions du Deuil” — that is, of Mourning! 13 For philosophical and historical perspectives on mass death as a dimension of modernity, see Zygmunt Bauman, Modernity and the Holocaust (1989), Gil Elliot, Twentieth Century Book of the Dead (1972), James M. Glass, “Life Unworthy of Life”: Racial Phobia and Mass Murder in Hitler’s Germany, (1997), Richard L. Rubinstein, 229 The Age of Triage (1983), and Edith Wyschogrod, Spirit in Ashes: Hegel, Heidegger and Man-Made Mass Death (1985). 14 Without getting sidetracked by needless arguments pro or con over religion, let me just state that I take a resolutely Weberian position here: namely, that

207–208 s religious systems are important factors in the rationalization of social life. age o p t s e t no

230 ph y Bi bl i ogra

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231 232 Bibliography File 5595,Règlementsss,expériencesmédicales photographique File 5593,Documentation desjuifs surladéportation File 5592,Documentation File 5589,Synthèsedesquestionnaires,d’avril1945àfévrier1946(régimes des File 5583,Fichesderenseignementsrempliesàleurretourd’Allemagne parles The NaziConcentrationCamps:Structure &Aims:TheImageofthePrisoner, TheJewsinthe La Pathologiedesdéportés,1954,1ercolloqueinternationalàlaFacultédeMédecine, historique(Vienne), DLXXVII-3, Commissionjuivepourladocumentation DccX DccX DccX DccX DccX DccCX DccV-8-2, DrJulesRobert,Buchenwaldmedicalnotebook (mémorial delashoah)(cdjc) centre dedocumentation juivecontemporaine Files 1808–1809,shaefcrowcass (CentralRegistryofWar Criminals—Section Files 1785–1831,1890,Servicederecherchedescrimesguerre,1941–1949 File 511,PapiersH.Frenay, 1943–1945 File 316,Synthèse File 311,LaLibérationdescamps File 310,LaDéportation camps, conditionsd’évaluation) déportés politiques January 1980,Jerusalem:Yad Vashem, 746 pp. Camps, Proceedingsofthe4thYad Vashem International HistoricalConference, Prof. Charles Richet, conference president, 4 Octobre, Paris: Eds. RMF, 2977 pp. Correspondance 1947–1948 29.IV.1945 etrapatriementdesDéportésPolitiques” re“Sauvetage politiques Allemagne, Paris,24.4.1945,unsigned 7ème ArméeAméricaine,n.d. Suspects) Series BB30:MinistèredelaJustice and Series 72AJ290LaCaptivitédeguerre,1949–1952(backgrounddocumentation Series 72AJ35-73:Comitéd’Histoiredela2èGuerreMondiale Series 72AJ1-27(alsoF1718026):Comitéd’histoiredel’OccupationetLibération academic andmedicalstudies) la France(CHOLF),1944–1949(transcriptsofmeetings) C-39, MissionSalvecorrespondance C-36, lettreDir. Gén.DesEtudesetRecherchesàM.leChefdel’OSS,Paris, C-28, ProjetdeMissioncoordinationpourlerapatriementdes déportés C-27, [Secret]Noteausujetdelasituationdesprisonnierset déportés en àla C-22, RapportduLieutenant-ColonelFranklinsursespremierscontacts C, FondsLibérationdescamps

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i ndex

Abalan, François, 202–3, 228n4, Anzieu, Didier, 229n11 229n5 appropriation, and commemoration, Abély, Paul, 97 190 Abraham, Nicolas, 205 Ardrey, Robert, 169 Abribat, Jean-Paul, 155 Arendt, Hannah, 22, 192, 204, 220n45 Abzug, Robert, 35 Arfouilloux, Jean-Claude, 154 adaptation, successful, tentative expla- Aristotle, 149 nations for, 165 Aronson, Shlomo, 20 adaptive ability, human, 160 Assouline, Pierre, Lutetia (novel), 62–64 ADIR (Association nationale des anci- asthaenia, deportee, 96 ennes déportées et internées de la asthenia, affective, 102, 216n2 Résistance), 56 asthenia progressiva gravis, 138 Adorno, Theodor W., 175 asylums, compared to concentration ADRM (Association pour le développe- camps, 146 ment des relations médicales), 121 Atomic Bomb, 53, 207–08 Affiche Rouge (Red Poster) affair, Auerbach, Erich, 201–2 24–25 Auschwitz, 6, 20, 27, 32, 56–57, 193 “after Auschwitz,” 151, 204–5, 220n4 Agent Orange, 182 Bakan, David, 221n10, 222n19 aging, accelerated, 102 Balkan War Syndrome, 182 Ahokas, Pirjo, 226n5 banalization of death, 168 AKS (Allgemeine Korporschwach), 111 Band of Brothers (HBO), 14–18 Allied reaction to German atrocities, barbed-wire psychosis, 176 34–35 Barbusse, Henri, 197 Ambrose, Stephen E., 210n1 Barnadac, Christian, 210n7 Améry, Jean, 57, 213n3 Barrois, Claude, 178–79, 198 anaesthesia, affective, 102, 118, 216n1 Barthes, Roland, 190 Anders, Günther, 225n1 Baruk, Henri, 7, 107–8, 113–21, 150, Anthelme, Robert, 57, 68–69, 210n7, 217n16, 218n16, 221n11 213n2 Battle of France, 23–24 antipsychiatry movement, 146 Bauman, Zygmunt, 175, 209n5 antisemitic measures, taken by Vichy Beaune-la-Rolande, 214n13 government, 23 Beauvoir, Simone de, 192, 227n16 antisemitic policies, evolution of, 18–19 Bellamy, Elizabeth, 147–48, 221n9 antisemitism: boundary with philo Belsen, 37–38, 43, 51 semitism, 221n9; Christian, 189; Belsen Trial of September 1945, 48 French, 147–48; as ideological diver- Belzec, 20 sion, 23 Bentwich, Norman, 222n23 Antonovsky, Aron, 164–66 Bergen-Belsen, 27, 39, 41, 100; condi-

263 264 Index camps, concentration,193;definition camps: atrocitiesin,34–35;jurisdic- Buruma, Ian,209n4 Buchenwald-Gandersheim, 57 Buchenwald, 18,27,32–34,43,52,56, Browning, Christopher, 195 Broder, DavidP., 171 British denialofJewishTragedy, 52 Bridgman, Jon,32,47–48 Bricaire, Henri,103–4 Brand, Joel,21 Bradley, Gen.Omar, visittoOhrdruf Bracker, Milton,34–35 Bourgeois, Pierre,59–60 Borwitz, Michal,68 Mauryey,Bornsztayn, 176–77 Borlant, Henri,33 Bonafé, Lucien,144–45 Bogusz, Josef,137 Bloch, Marc,186 Bleuler, Eugene,118,127,216n1 Black Books,19,211n8 Birnbaum, Pierre,190 Birkenau, 21 Bimko-Rosensaft, Ada,220n42 Billig, Joseph,66 Biéder, Jean,117,146,182–85 Bettelheim, Bruno,34,129,158, Berthomé, Jean-Marc,107,136,159, Bernard, Claude,103,120 Bernadotte, Count,40 Berlin ControlCouncil,65 also namesofindividualcamps 15–17; Nazitypologyof,220n43. See tional anarchy, 39–40;liberationof, ing conditionsin,39 found at,36–37;discoveryof,35;liv- 83, 85,100,169,215n18;atrocities camp, 33 167–69, 210n8,224n33 206 of, 38,47–49,213n23 tion ofinmatesat,47–48;liberation Charlin, M.A.,176 Charenton asylum,7,114 Chard-Hutchison, Martine,226n5 Charcot, Jean-Martin,95,114,127, 179 character change,permanent,161 Champy, Christian,69 CH2GM (Comitéd’histoiredeladeux- CFLN (Comitéfrançaisdelibération Central CommissionofJewishHistory center fortreatmentofpoliticaldeport- Center forHolocaustStudies(New Cennac, Michel,150 juive CDJC (Centrededocumentation Cazeneuve, Jean,72–76,176 causality, inpsychiatry, 134 cathexia, 84,216n29 Casanova, Laurent,41 Cartier-Bresson, Henri,photographsof captivity, psychologyof,71–79 Canguilhem, Georges,12,70 Camus, Albert,144,220n1 camps, Western European,6;liberation camps, POW Officer(Oflag),38.Seealso 38.Seealsonames camps, POW (Stalag), camps, labor(Arbeitsläger),14–18 camps, Gulag,168 camps, extermination,193;Allied iéme guerremondiale),70 nationale), 25,28 in Poland,194 ees (HotelLutetia,Paris),60 York), 211n9 contemporaine), 66–68,214n10 Hotel Lutetia,61 of, 31–37 names ofindividualcamps of individualcamps individual camps knowledge of,17.Seealsonamesof vidual camps as theReal,18.Seealsonamesofindi- of, 5–6;parallelswithasylums,146; homosexuality in,219n41;liberation of term,79–80;discoveryof,17; Index 265 atrocities at, 41–42; death rates at, 41–42; death rates at, atrocities at, of, 35; French Resis- 83; discovery tants of, 41–43 at, 42; liberation Dreyfus), 104 4; of, effects medical 190–91; Jews, of psychology of, 71. See also pathology of deportation tion of, 87–88; pension status of, 88; psychology of, 29–30; tattooing of, 39 107 227n16 cultural-linguistic circle, 2 cultural-linguistic 2–3 basis of study, culture, as 104; 27, 32–34, 37, 41, 82, Dachau, 18, 76–78 Dambuyant, Mariette, 162, 225n37 Danieli, Yael, Dasberg, Haim, 166–67 144–46 Daumézon, Georges, Deák, István, 5 118 death, degradation of, of Gilbert- Debrise, Gilbert (pseud. de Certeau, Michel, 153 28, 191 de Gaulle, Charles, 25–26, delayed mourning, 161 Delbo, Charlotte, 57, 210n7 depathologization, of survivors, 172 deportation: consequences of, 88–89; deportee asthaenia, 178–79 deportees: categories of, 29–30; defini- deportees, French, numbers of, 27–28 deportees, Jewish, ease of ignoring, Desoille, Henri, 106 167–69, 225n35, Des Pres, Terrence, Des Pres–Bettelheim debate, 167–69 Devereux, Georges, 172 De Wind, Eddie, 129 Dibra-Menzelxhin, Higmet, 79 Didi-Huberman, Georges, 193 Dinnerstein, Leonard, 50 Displaced Persons, 49–52 Dolto, Françoise, 153 Dora (camp), 52, 100, 215n18 bers, 20 154 drome of, 123 speech, 68 psychiatric practice, 179–80 219n38, 220n43; affective experience of Auschwitz, 128–30 déportation, 70 87–88 161 164; transformation of, 155–63 Pathology (1948), 119 Gaulle, 25 term, 64 Criminals and Security Suspects), 65 166–67 factor, Chelmno, construction of gas cham- of gas construction Chelmno, 191 Chirac, Jacques, of denial,” as “religion Christianity, asthaenia, syn- chronic progressive ch’urban. See Holocaust Iron CurtainChurchill, Sir Winston, 182 U.S., Civil War, classification of mental and disease, de, 114 Clérambault, Maurice 221n8 Cocks, Geoffrey, Cohen, Boaz, 111 219n33, Cohen, Elie A., 123, 128, Cohen, Matt, 226n13 68 Cold War, commemoration, 175, 189–94 Commission d’étude de l’histoire de la compensation payments, to deportees, concentration camp symptomatology, concentration camp syndrome, 157, Congress of General and Comparative called by de Consultative Assembly, Copelman, Louis, 117, 122 Copernic, 226n13 corpse, survival of, 4–9 origin of crimes against humanity, (Central Registry of War CROWCASS Cru, Jean Norton, 75, 197 cultural change, as Holocaust-related 266 Index Fichez, Louis,7,86–88,100–101, 106, Ferenzci, Sandor, 229n8 Felman, Shoshana,227n17 Federn, Ernst,210n8 Febvre, Lucien,186 eyewitness, notionof,196–97 existentialism, 66 despair, amidtotal existential exstasis, Evans, Jennifer, 219n41 euphemisms, useof,inHolocaust Esquirol’s hypothesis,80 Esquirol, 114,182 Ertel, Rachel,227n20 Enos, Theresa,9 Engelking, Barbara,139 endocrinology, 103,105 empathy, failureof,3 emotional paroxystichypermnesia Eitinger, Leo,3,6,90–91,133–34,136, Eisenhower, Gen.DwightD., 34;visit Eichmann, Adolf,trialof(1961),22, ego, regenerativepowersof,165 Ebensee, 35,43,104,215n17 Dworzecki, Marc,91,110–13,120,122, Durkheim, Emil,226n4 Duras, Marguerite,213n2 Dulong, Renaud,196–98 Dubnov, Simon,194 DSM-III, 180–81 Dreyfus Affair, 103,209n2,221n7 dreams, psychologyof,73 Douzou, Laurent,2–3,70 Douglas, Mary, 169 Dornier, Carole,197 122–23 168 studies, 9–11 syndrome, 134 139, 141,159,163,225n38 to Ohrdrufcamp,33 140, 165,194 124, 163,193 Frenay ministry. Frenay, Henri, 25–28,41,70,212n13; Fred R.CrawfordWitnesstotheHolo- Frankl, Viktor, 210n8 Franco-Prussian War, 182 France-Israel MedicalCommittee,121 France, andtraumaofoccupation,3–4, Fraenkel, Ernest,150 Foucault, Michel,4,10–12,146 Fortunoff VideoArchive(Yale), 12 forgetting, strategiesof,184 forensics, ofwarcrimes,64–68 FNDIRP (Fédérationnationaledes FNDIR (Fédérationnationaledes FNDIP (Fédérationnationaledes Flossenberg (camp),35 FIR (Fédérationinternationaledes Finkiel, Emmanuel,197 Finkelstein, Norman,162,192 Finkelkraut, Alain,184,198 Fink, Bruce,229n12 Final Solution,19,31,52,107,130,168; films, focusonNaziperversions, Fildemann, L.,107 figuration, definitionof,10 figura, 201–2 Fifth InternationalPsycho-analytical and Refugees,26;MPGDIR, 33 as MinisterforPrisoners,Deportees 211n9 caust Project(EmoryUniversity), 154–55 tiques), 56,86 poli- déportées, internésetrésistants 56 tance), déportées etinternésdelaRésis- déportées etinternéspolitiques),56 ences, 121–25,137,218n26 infiltrated organization,121;confer- Richet and,100;ascommunist- 106,121,155;Charles résistants), success of,8–9.SeealsoHolocaust 225n35 Congress (Budapest,1918),158 See MPGDIR (Ministère Index 267 at, 45–46 somatological approach, 113 ness, 149–50; and somatologists, 108, 146. See also names of practitioners 209n5, 214n12 196; end of, 175; exploitation of, 2; as Nazi 162; methods of study, pathological inheri- 53; A-Bomb, tance of, 171; as secondary aspect of world conflict, 20; specialized language of, 9; as still warm corpse, 5 Goffman, Erving, 130–31, 169 Erving, Goffman, 209n1 Peter, Goodrich, 148 Göring, Matthias, 223n30 Henry, Greenspan, (camp), 32 Gross Rosen 130 Freudian, group psychology, 145 group psychotherapy, Syndrome, 182 Gulf War 35 Gunskirchen (camp), Gurs (camp), 79 HospitalGusen (camp), 35; Evacuation Habermas, Jürgen, 207 Hacking, Ian, 12 222n16 Haddad, Gérard, 152–54, Joseph, 84–85 Hafner, halakhah, 116–17, 218n20 from distinguished approach, halakhist halakhists, 107–18; and Freud’s Jewish- Halbwachs, Maurice, 184–86, 189 170–74 “happy” survivor, Harrison, Earl, 51 Hass, Aaron, 170–71 Helmreich, William B., 170 218n24 Helweg-Larsen, Per, Hilberg, Raul, 18–19, 192, 194–95, 186, 190 historiography, 185–89 and memory, history, Adolf, 36 Hitler, Hobsbawm, Eric, 198 Henrik, 218n24 Hoffmeyer, Holocaust: as divine retribution, Holocaust (miniseries), 198, 225n35 173 209n4 100–101, 103–7 52–53 des Prisonniers de Guerre, Déportés, Guerre, de des Prisonniers Résistants)Internés et 112 mentation Center, 32 Natzwiller, history Question,” 23–25; writing of, 189 tion on French Jews, 147–48 141, 146–47, 177, 180–81, 221n10, 221n11, 229n8, 229n12; Jewishness of, 149–50 Gang of Four, 86–87 Gang of Four, Gaon, Rabbi Saadia, 149 gas chambers, construction of, 20 Gaullist Free French, 23, 25 Generalplan Ost, 6 genocides, before and after Holocaust, and relations to Holocaust, Germany, 216n1 Gestalt psychology, Gilbert-Dreyfus, Alfred, 7, 81, 86, 96, 219n39 Gilman, Sander, Giraud, General, 25 Goebbels, Joseph, and applied biology, French Contemporary Jewish Docu- French Contemporary of and liberation Army, French First 147 “French Freud,” of Doctors, 121 French National Order with, 1–2 Frenchness, identification French Resistance, 144; and “Jewish posi- French Revolution, contradictory Fresco, Nadine, 221n12 Fresnes (camp), 100 127, 134, Freud, Sigmund, 7, 108, Freudenthal, Gad, 109 Freudo-Marxism, 179 107 Friedenwald, Harry, Friedman, Paul, 68 Friedman, Philip, 194, 214n12 24 Partisans), FTP (Francs-Tireurs functional visceral syndromes, 95 268 Index ITS (InternationalTracing Service),68, Israeli Holocaustproblem,early of:emergingmedicalinsti- Israel, state Tribunal,International Military 65 International Brigades(SpanishCivil Institute forResearchoftheHistory IACWC (Inter-Allied Conferenceon hysteria andneurasthaenia,originsof, hypothalamus, dysfunctionof,124 Hunt, Lynn,226n11 Hunger Plan,6 hunger, pathologyof,82–83 humoral medicine,218n17 Hughes, Brig.Glyn,48 Henri-Rousselle, 98, 125 Hôpital homosexuality, incamps,132,219n41 Holocaust writers,aswitnessesto Holocaust Survivors’MemoirsProject, Holocaust survivalstudies,schools Holocaust survival,andnuclearattack Holocaust studies,transferfrom Holocaust programs,inAmerican 199 Holocaust metaphors, Holocaust MemorialMuseum,Wash- Holocaust affect,transformationsin, 214n14 research on,139–42 of,52 establishment tutions, 8,109;emigrationto,91; War), 19 caust, 110 the JewishPeopleduringHolo- War Crimes, London), 19 95–96 criminal acts,199 212n18 of, 8 survival, 158 humanities, 170 psychological/psychiatric fieldto schools, 192 ington, D.C., 2,170,211n9 175–200 Krakow school,137 Kraepelin, Emil,123,134,180–81, Kosinski, Jerzy, 192 kollaps, 82,90 knowledge: extentof,18–22;limits Kluyskens, P., 123–24 Kluger, Ruth,227n19 KL syndrome.SeeKZsyndrome Klodinski, Stanislaw, 137 Klemperer, Victor, 115 Klein, Marc,81 Klarsfeld, Serge,67,211n12 Kieler, Jorgen,218n24 Kepinski, Antoni,137–38 kazetniks, 133 Kastner, Rezso,210n6 Kardiner, Abram,177–80 Jung, Carl,127 councilsinghettos), Judenrate (Jewish Judaism, and“lawcourt”patternof Jospin, Lionel,192 Jones, Edgar, 181–82 Jewish Tragedy, Britishdenialof,52 Jewish science,psychoanalysisas,1 Jewish Problem(Europe),52 Jewish people,andCovenantofG-d, from, 157;iden- Jewishness: distancing Jewish communityinPalestine, Jewish CentralCommittee,51–52 Alliedfearof,21 Jewish assistance, Jewish Agency, 22 Jewish adviser, toAmericanmilitary, 51 Jerusalem Declaration,121 Janet, Pierre,72,75,94,99,114,127 Jackson, ChiefJusticeRobert,66 219n28 12–13 as collaborators,22 prayer, 195–96 195 ofIsrael,8 state tification with,1;scienceof,187;and response toHolocaust,22 Index 269 ton University), 211n9 ton University), 215n17; atrocities at, 44; criticism of repatriation efforts, 46–47; discovery of, 35; liberation of, 44–47; medical liberation of, 36; operation by Vienna Fire Department, 44; as WCB example, 64–65 camps and deportee psychology, 79–85 38–41 ity” of survivors, 203–4 sion issues, 87 Liberators Remembered Project (Bos- Project Remembered Liberators 205 158, 161–62, Jay, Lifton, Robert Lipstadt,172 Deborah, Litvak, A., 149 224n31 Lomranz, Jacob, 42 Longuet, Colonel, at, 40 Longuyon, triage center Lorenz, Konrad, 169 65 Crime Trials, Lüneberg War 60–64 Lutetia, Hotel (Paris), lying, and trauma, 205 Lynch, Edouard, 63–64 Magdeburg, 27 108, 149 Maimonides, and medicine, Majdanek (camp), 31 Maleikovski, Israel, 112 Mall, G., 119 Mandel, Naomi, 213n24 mania of the return, 176 Manouchian Group, 24–25 Mans, Albert, 86–87 Mans, Antoine, 106 Marrus, Michael R., 211n12 156, 159–61 Massive Psychic Trauma, Matisson, Maurice-David, 155 Mauthausen, 32–33, 41, 43, 104, Hans, 213n3 Mayer, medical dissertations on concentration medical liberation, 37–49; French, medical literature, and “mass anonym- medical profession, and focus on pen- 98, 147, 176, 206–7, 219n31, 229n11, 98, 147, 176, 206–7, 219n31, philosemi- 229n12; and “Pauline” tism, 150–55 216n7 Holocaust studies, 9; medical, figu- rativity of, 10–11; Nazi-Deutsch, 9; transformations of, 9–11 160–61; Frenchness of, 23–24 Lacan, Jacques, 1, 18, 35, 53, 80, 85–86, Lacan, Jacques, 1, 18, Laffont, Max, 220n2 Laforgue, René, 148 Lagache, Daniel, 98 107, 109, Laignel-Lavastine, Maxime, Laing, Ronald, 146 Landa, Fabio, 204–6 Lang, Berel, 9–10 Lawrence, 12, 204, 229n7 Langer, 2–3; of language: as basis of study, Lanzmann, Claude, 193, 227n17 11–12 Walter, Laqueur, juive, 23 l’Armée Laub, Dori, 3, 195 Anson, 196 Laytner, Lebovici, Serge, 150 Leclerc, General, 43 Legendre, Pierre, 1, 209n1 Leibovici, Martine, 221n12 Lemordant, Guy Robert, 81 Leo Baeck Institute, 156 Bernice, 171 Lerner, Levi, Primo, 3, 32, 203, 226n10 2, 209n3 Benny, Lévy, Leys, Ruth, 162, 183–84, 201, 223n28 liberal imagination, use of term, 18 Liberation: as end of sufferings, 144–46 Liberation psychiatry, Krell, Robert, 159 Krell, 221n9 Kristeva, Julia, 155–63, 177 Krystal, Henry, 177–80, 182 Ksensée, Alain, 12 Kuhn, Thomas, 18 Tony, Kushner, 159 91, 123, 132–39, 143, KZ Syndrome, 270 Index MPGDIR (Ministèredesprisonniers MPG (MinistryofPOWs), 60 Moyn, Samuel,193 Morel, BénédictAugustin,182–83 MOI (Maind’oeuvreimmigrée), of,163;trau- modernity: catastrophes MNPGD (Mouvementnationaldes Mitterrand, François,191,213n2 Minkowski, Eugène,97–98,107–8,118, Minkowska, Françoise,126 “Ministry ofSuffering,”214n7 et Ministère desancienscombattants mind-body split,92 mimesis, 201–2,223n28 Miller, Jacques-Alain, 222n16 planning,forliberation of military Mijolla, Alainde,221n8 Michman, Dan,2,209n6 Michel, Henri,210n7 Meyer, Adolph,181 Mendelsohn, B.,141 Menahem, Ruth,206 memory, 175,183–89;ambiguityof, (Paris), Memorial totheDeportation Mémorial delaShoah,192,214n10, Melk (camp),81–82 Mein Kampf,36 Mehlman, Jeffrey, 148 medical sociology, 31 de guerre,déportés,internéset 24–25 23–24; and French Communist Party, matic natureof,157–58 tés), 56 prisonniers deguerreetdesdépor- 125–32, 149,168,176,219n31 victimes deguerre,41,71 25–31 camps andprisonerrepatriation, term, 179–80 tory, 186–89;limitsof,12–13;usesof 226n5; formsof,183–98;andhis- 191 214n13 OstJüden, asnonrepatriables,50 organization),126 OSE (Jewish Organisation juivedecombat,23 Oranienburg, 27 Oppenheimer, Robert,213n22 Ohrdruf (camp),33,35 Ohayon, Annick,98 Occupied memory, 204 Nuremberg War CrimeTrials, 65–68 Novick, Peter, 172,226n9,228n25 Norwegian AssociationofDisabled Norway, Jewishsurvivalratesin,133 Nordhausen-Dora (camp),35 Nora, Pierre,187–88,190 “night andfog,”219n34 Niewyk, DonaldL.,171 Nietzsche, Friedrich,187 Niederland, W. G.,119,155–63,177, “Never Again!”(slogan),228n3 Neusner, Jacob,116–17 sensorytroubles, neuro-vegetative neurastheniform concentrationcamp neurasthenia, 95–96 neurasthaenia andhysteria,originsof, Neuengamme (camp),27,39 Netherlands, andrelationstoHolo- Natzwiller (camp),32–35 National Unity, themeof,56 National DayofMemorytheDepor- Musselmänner, 111,215n27 MPGDR (Ministèredesprisonniers War Veterans, 133 223n27, 229n5 94–95 syndrome, 133–34 95–96 caust, 209n4 192 tation, 28 de guerre,déportésetrésistants), 214n13 28,34,40,42,46,56,62, résistants), Index 271 Vietnam War, 181–82 Vietnam War, pathology as, 123 nichtung), 93 deportation, 78–79 meetings of, 118–19 tation, 78–79 182–83; and Liberation psychiatry, 144–46 and effects of occupation, 155; Lacan’s christianization of, 150–55; of medical language, 10–11; post- Holocaust, 204–6; and survivor studies, 4–5 war crisis in, 150–55 physiology of nutrition, 99 of nutrition, physiology 148 Pichon, Edouard, 97 Pignède, Maurice, 214n13 Pithiviers (camp), Pitié Hospital, 105 Léon, 66–68, 214n12 Poliakov, 136–39 Polish school, Pollak, Michael, 130–32 123 post-concentration syndrome, Self Disorders, 162 Post-Traumatic 179; in disorder, post-traumatic stress 22 post-Zionist scholars, 123 premature senescence, 28–30, 74 prisoner psychology, “prison psychosis,” deportation productive annihilation (produktiv Ver- 204 professional hypocrisy, Pross, Christian, 137, 223n23 proto-theological view of captivity and psyche, 92 psychiatric practice, redefined, 179–80 psychiatric societies, early postwar psychiatric view of captivity and depor- French: founders of, psychiatry, history of, 146, 198 psychiatry, psychic asthaenia, 94 psychic fatigue, 94 psychic troubles, prevalence of, 102 psychoanalysis, 1, 7, 146, 154, 162; psychoanalysis, French, 147–49; post- 51; illegal immigration to, 52; and to, 52; and 51; illegal immigration 51 Jewish DPs, 93 concentrationary, 204, 206–7 122–25, 91, 100, 103, 111–12, 117–18, and non- 132, 178; among Jews conferences, Jews, 202–3; halakhic 120–21; international congresses on, 118–21; Polish school, 136–39; Scandinavian school, 132–36; somatological conferences, 118–20 camp, 33 syndrome), 93–95 MOI, 24–25 217n12 Palestine: as destination for refugees, destination for refugees, Palestine: as 191 Papon, Maurice, 70 pathology, 93 concentrationary, pathology, post- neuro-psychic pathology, pathology of catastrophe, 163, 90–91, pathology of deportation, 70, 86–87, pathology of famine, 111 82–83 pathology of hunger, pathology of overcrowding, 83 93 pathology of war, Patton, Gen. George, visit to Ohrdruf Paulhan, Jean, 145 PCAS (post-concentrationary aesthenic PCF (French Communist Party), and Penig (camp), 35 pension neurosis, 226n2 pension status of deportees, 87–88 Pérel, L., 107 Perelman, Chaim, 229n12 perversion of medicine, 104–5 Peschanski, Denis, 25 phenomeno-structural approach, 127 philosemitism, Pauline, 150–55 physicians, and Nazi atrocities, 204, physiological distress, 100–102 overcrowding, pathology of, 83 of, pathology overcrowding, 199 Ozick, Cynthia, 272 Index repatriation process,29;earlywarnings repatriation, French,38–43 repatriation, 29,31,50,62;experience reparations, problemsof,156 re-membering, 175 Reitlinger, Gerald,214n12 Reilly, Joanne,37–38,48,51 Rees, JohnR.,176,220n3 Red Cross,40 Real, the,18,53 Ravensbrück, 32,40,56,100,215n18 Rappaport, ErnestA.,158 Raczymow, Henri,2 psychotraumatic troubles,asmodelof psychotherapy, postwarturntoward, psycho-rhetoric, 206 psycho-physiological distress(Richet), psycho-philosophical viewofcaptivity psychopathology ofbetrayal,176 psychopathology, affective,127 psychopathology: Minkowskiand, psychology ofprisoners,74 psychology ofdreams,73 71 psychology ofdeportation, psychology ofcaptivity, 71–79 psychological automatisms,Janetian “psychological, the,”207 psychoasthenia, 102 psychoanalytic studiesofcampexperi- psychoanalytical viewofcaptivityand of psychologicalproblems,59–60 France, 212n17 of Russianprisonersinsoutheast of, 30–31;ofFrenchcitizens,26–27; symptoma, 178 146 123 78–79 and deportation, research, 125–32 126–27; inpsychiatryandHolocaust idea of,75 on,169 ence, DesPres’sattack 78–79 deportation, Sartre, Jean-Paul,66,72–73,192 saponim, 140 Saint-Cyprien (camp),79 Said, Edward,202 Sachsenhausen (camp),32 Ryn, Zdzislaw, 137–39 Rousso, Henri,4–9,23,190,222n20 Rousset, David,57,68–69,211n7, Rousseau, Frédéric,197 Roudinesco, Elisabeth,148,150–51, Roudebush, Marc,187–88 Rothberg, Michael,223n30 Rosenscher, Henri,82–84 Rosensaft, Menachem,212n20 Rosensaft, Josef,51 Rosenhaft, Hadassah,212n18 Rodger, George,213n23 Rocheman, Lionel,24 Robert, Jules,85 Rivesaltes (camp),79 Rieff, Philip,207 Ricoeur, Paul,12,184,186–89,198 Rickels, LaurenceA.,221n8 Richet, Olivier, 100,215n18 Richet, Jacqueline,100,215n18 Richet, CharlesRobert,physiologist, Richet, Charles,6–7,41,69,82–83, Richet, Alfred,99 rhetoric: offact,199;andpsychology, revenants (ghosts),52 Revel, Jacques,226n11 returnees, processing,58–59 returnees, Jewish,57–58 Resnais, Alain,197,219n34 useofterm,229n10 resistance, repression, useofterm,219n37 213n2 220n6 99 134, 141–42,157,163 86–88, 96,99–103,106,122,124, 204 206; oftestimony, 203–4;oftrauma, Index 273 crimes de guerre ennemis), 65 crimes de guerre 221n13, 227n19, 229n7 168; figure zation of, 172; in fiction, 170–74; as of, 163–74; “happy,” heroic figure, 168; and mass ano- 203–4; as “mutant,” 203–4; nymity, pathologization of, 169; and state of moral indifference, 203; study of, 3–5; transformation from damaged to heroic, 163; as victim of massive psychic trauma, 160 157 of, 52 of, 172–73; ethnopsychoanalytic approach to, 172; expansion of, 161–62; transgenerational aspects, 153 223n27 use of term, 9 use of sprachregelung, de recherche des (Service SRCGE Starachowice 195 (camp), 192 George, Steiner, 192 Jean-François, Steiner, 192–93 “Steiner Affair,” 194, 221n12– Stern, Anne-Lise, 151, 4–9 “still warm corpse” (Rousso), Ström, Axel, 133 Stutthof (camp), 32 167 Summerfield, Derek, survival, notion of, 223n30 survival guilt, 162 depathologi- survivor: adolescent, 161; survivor families, psychodynamics of, survivors, Jewish, continuing problem survivorship: depathologization survivor syndrome, 132, 157, 159, 203, 118 Swiss Psychiatric Society, symbol, 205 symptom, use of term, 178 syndrome, use of term, 135 Szasz, Thomas, 146 studies, 21, 218n20 Talmudic 134, René, 7, 93–99, 122–23, Targowla, 223n30, 224n34, 226n14, 227n21 223n30, 224n34, yse), 151, 154 31, 33, 46, Expeditionary Force), French 212n19; and aircraft for Displaced repatriation effort, 40–41; Persons Branch, 44 cine hébraïque), 108, 149 146 from halakhist approach, 113 223n23. See also names of practitioners 151, 154 schizophrenia, 177 schizophrenia, 217n12, Sarah, 173, 210n4, Schladow, Isaac, 66–67 Schneersohn, 199 Scholes, Robert, in, 177 science, irrationalism 22 Tom, Segev, “Sémitophilie,” 148 Semprun, Jorge, 184 mentale,prophylaxie de libre Service 97 de psychanal- SFP (Société française Allied SHAEF (Supreme Headquarters Shema Yisroel (prayer), 186 Sherman, Marc, 159 Sherman, Martin, 219n41 SHMH (Société d’histoire de la méde- Shoah. See Holocaust 165 Shuval, J. T., signs, arbitrariness of, 228n26 Simon, Isidore, 107–9, 120–21, 149 165 Six-Day War, American, 160 slavery, 6 Timothy, Snyder, Sobibor (camp), 20 social apraxia, 102 social intervention, psychiatrists and, 169 sociobiology, soma, use of term, 92 somatological approach, distinguished somatologists, 92–107, 123, 146, Spielberg, Steven, 210n3 Spielberg Archive, 170 Spinoza, Baruch, 108, 117, 152, 222n15 SPP (Société psychanalytique de Paris), 274 Index URO (UnitedRestitutionOrganiza- UNRRA (UnitedNationsReliefand typhus, 60;atBergen-Belsen,38, Tsilitsky, Boris,184,226n7 Trumpledor Squad,23 Treblinka affair, 193 Treblinka, 20 traumato-culture, 176–83 traumatization, 156 traumatic neurosis,158 trauma, transgenerational,166–67 trauma, 175;andmimesis,201–2;rheto- Toulouse, Edouard,97 torture syndrome,135 Torok, Maria,205 “time aspoison,”204 Thygesen, Paul,122,124,133–36, Thomas, Gregory, 97 Third World CongressofJewishDoc- Third Republic,historicalobsessions 112 Theresienstadt, “therapeutic, the,”207 theology, post-Holocaust,196 Thaysen, JornHesse,218n24 Thaysen, EigelHess,218n24 testimony, 194–95;categoriesof,195; Targowla syndrome,96–97 tion), 156 212n19 Administration), Rehabilitation ghetto, 19 47–48; atDachau,42–43;inWarsaw Winnik on,141–42 culture, 176–83;warand,182–83; 158;andtraumato- catastrophes, ric of,204;asrubricforallpotential 218n24 tors (Haifa,1955),112 of, 185 rhetoric of,203–4 93–95; inGangofFour, 86–87 description ofastheniadeportees, 167, 178–79,216n2,218n24;clinical Woebellin-Ludwiglust, 35 WJC (World JewishCongress),19 witness andwitnessing,194–95, 197 Winnik, HeinrichZvi,141–42 Wilson, EdwardO., 169 Wilkomirski, Binjamin,192 Wieviorka, Annette,33,41,47–49, Wiesel, Elie,12,192,196,220n42 Wiedmer, Caroline,226n5 White, NaomiRosh,225n40 Wetterwald, François, 103–4,106, Wessely, Simon,181–82 Wellers, Georges,66 Weizmann, Chaim,19–20 Weiss, Peter, 199 Weill, Simone,215n20 WCB (War CrimesBranch),64–65 Warsaw ghetto,19,112–13 war neuroses,psychoanalysisof,158 War CrimesCommission,44–45 war crimes,forensicsof,64–68 war, andtrauma,182–83 Waintrater, Régine,172,203–4 Vorys, Rep.John,descriptionof Vilna ghetto,111–13 Vietnam War, 177,181–82 Vienna FireDepartment,andoperation victims ofviolence,categoriesof,166 victimology, scienceof,141 220n2 Vichy psychiatrichospitals, Vichy memory, problemof,190 Vichy, 191 Viau, Jean,74–76 Versailles Treaty (1919),156 Van Pelt,Jan,228n22 Uzan, Michel,86 Uzan, Henri,100–101,106 211n12 55–56, 68–69,81,88,194,211n7, 215n17, 219n40 Buchenwald, 37 of Mauthausen,44 Index 275 brance of Heroes and Martyrs, and Martyrs, of Heroes brance 217n10 170 215n24 226n5 Yale University, Fortunoff Archive, Fortunoff University, Yale Hayim, 186–87, Yosef Yerushalmi, A., 180 Young, E., 198–200, 203, James Young, Zadje, Nathalie, 172–73 Barbie, 53–54 Zelizer, Zieries, Col. Franz, 44 19 York), Zionist Conference (New 18 Zizek, Slavoj, (Jerusalem, 120 1952), 1950), 119 119 Yad Vashem, 110–11 Vashem, Yad the Remem- Authority for Vashem Yad Woebellin-Ludwiglust (camp), 37 (camp), Woebellin-Ludwiglust of Jewish Doctors Congress World of Psychiatry (Paris, Congress World 135 Health Organization, World Congress (Paris, 1947), Medical World I, 99, 226n2 War World Colonel, 43 Worms, Olga, 52, 210n7 Wormser-Migot, wound culture, 223n30 175, 198–200 writing, as rewriting, Munke Hartel, 218n24 Wulff,

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L LAND in Francein & Historical Memory Medical Knowledge eLimits of CADAVERSurvival for Holocaust of Catastrophe a Pathology Inventing and humanbeings. conceptions of survivorsaspatients somatic, psychological,and holistic survivors, andheinvestigates doctors whostudiedHolocaust specifically totheFrenchmedical as psychoanalysis.Hethenturns connected medicalfields such and itsbroadeningoutinto symptomology ofcampeffects, a its strugglestoestablish (neuropsychiatric) knowledge, circulation ofmainlymedical return toFrance,analyzingthe camps,andeventual deportation in camp survivors,theirstay of theliberationconcentration Dorland beginswithadiscussion survivors. incarceration onHolocaust effects ofconcentrationcamp psychoanalysis) todescribethe fields ofneuropsychiatryand French doctors(mainlyinthe years ofmedicalattemptsby Michael Dorlandexploressixty In thisextraordinarystudy, Holocaust survival and described science apprehended how French medical lookatA powerful