Geographical Spread of Asians in California
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Ohio's Asian Population
Ohio Asian Americans Ohio’s Asian American community is comprised of more than 345,000 people, accounting for 3.0 percent of the state’s total population. According to the 2018 American Community Survey by the U.S. Census Bureau, Ohio’s Asian population more than doubled since 2000 and is six times the 1980 count. For the United States, the Asian population is over 22.1 million, or 6.8 percent of the nation’s total population. Since 2000, the number of Asian Americans in the U.S. has increased by more than 10 million people, or 86 percent. OVERVIEW o 345,724 people – 3.0 percent of Ohio’s total population o The Asian population has more than doubled since 2000 o 196,195 were born outside the U.S. o 33 percent are of Asian Indian ancestry o Median age of 33.9 years compared to 39.5 years for all Ohioans o 39,000 enrolled in elementary and secondary schools o Median household income: $75,822 o 21,000+ businesses with $10.8 billion in receipts Note: Asian refers to a person having origins in any of the original peoples of the Far East, Southeast Asia, or the Indian subcontinent. A person reporting their race as Asian alone or in combination with one or more other race is used for total population counts only. A person reporting their race as Asian alone is used for the other population characteristics. The recording of specific, multiple races was not done prior to 2000. Ohio’s The Asian American 400,000 community accounts for 350,000 Asian 3.0 percent of Ohio’s total 300,000 Population: population with 250,000 345,000 significant growth 200,000 occurring over the last 150,000 three decades. -
Blacks and Asians in Mississippi Masala, Barriers to Coalition Building
Both Edges of the Margin: Blacks and Asians in Mississippi Masala, Barriers to Coalition Building Taunya Lovell Bankst Asians often take the middle position between White privilege and Black subordination and therefore participate in what Professor Banks calls "simultaneous racism," where one racially subordinatedgroup subordi- nates another. She observes that the experience of Asian Indian immi- grants in Mira Nair's film parallels a much earlier Chinese immigrant experience in Mississippi, indicatinga pattern of how the dominantpower uses law to enforce insularityamong and thereby control different groups in a pluralistic society. However, Banks argues that the mere existence of such legal constraintsdoes not excuse the behavior of White appeasement or group insularityamong both Asians and Blacks. Instead,she makes an appealfor engaging in the difficult task of coalition-buildingon political, economic, socialand personallevels among minority groups. "When races come together, as in the present age, it should not be merely the gathering of a crowd; there must be a bond of relation, or they will collide...." -Rabindranath Tagore1 "When spiders unite, they can tie up a lion." -Ethiopian proverb I. INTRODUCTION In the 1870s, White land owners recruited poor laborers from Sze Yap or the Four Counties districts in China to work on plantations in the Mis- sissippi Delta, marking the formal entry of Asians2 into Mississippi's black © 1998 Asian Law Journal, Inc. I Jacob A. France Professor of Equality Jurisprudence, University of Maryland School of Law. The author thanks Muriel Morisey, Maxwell Chibundu, and Frank Wu for their suggestions and comments on earlier drafts of this Article. 1. -
Floating Island Canal Cheong Jagerroos Founder | Visual Artist
Artist Canal Cheong Jagerroos with her installation ‘Floating Island- Beyond Arctic’ at Rovaniemi Art Museum 2020 Photo by Anssi Jokiranta . Copy right Lapin Kansa Newspaper, Finland Floating Island Canal Cheong Jagerroos Founder | Visual Artist “Look at the sunset. Floating fire-islands move. Imperial over cream green seas. Islands on fire! Islands like torches! Islands on victory parade! By Edith Södergran Canal Cheong Jagerroos 張 彤 茹 (b. 1968, China), is an established Chinese international artist who grew up in an artistic family in Macau. In a fascinating way, the works of Canal Cheong Jagerroos combines the past and present, East and West. For the past 30 years, Cheong Jagerroos has lived and worked in numerous countries, from Asia to Europe and Africa. The unique experiences of culturally diverse places have influenced her artistic work both consciously and subconsciously. Currently Canal Cheong Jagerroos lives and works in Helsinki and Shanghai Canal Cheong Jagerroos ‘Floating Island - Beyond Arctic’ at Rovaniemi Art Museum, Finland . Installation size 350 cm x 150 cm x 400 cm , calligraphy and mixed media on textile, LED light Exhibition: 24.1.2020 - 31.5.2020 ‘Floating Island’ is an entirely new spiritual space created by Cheong Jagerroos. Apart from the newest paintings and installations, it also includes the materials of her years of creative work. The installation of the pieces is full, bold, directly dissecting into the context of the artist’s creative process, and putting on display her process of thought and emotion. In a liberated, immersive and interactive manner, using different lights and mirrors to expand tactile sensitivities and imaginative spaces, the exhibition enables people to walk into the artist creativity, to enter the realm of Floating Island. -
Chinatown and Urban Redevelopment: a Spatial Narrative of Race, Identity, and Urban Politics 1950 – 2000
CHINATOWN AND URBAN REDEVELOPMENT: A SPATIAL NARRATIVE OF RACE, IDENTITY, AND URBAN POLITICS 1950 – 2000 BY CHUO LI DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Landscape Architecture in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2011 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Professor D. Fairchild Ruggles, Chair Professor Dianne Harris Associate Professor Martin Manalansan Associate Professor Faranak Miraftab Abstract The dissertation explores the intricate relations between landscape, race/ethnicity, and urban economy and politics in American Chinatowns. It focuses on the landscape changes and spatial struggles in the Chinatowns under the forces of urban redevelopment after WWII. As the world has entered into a global era in the second half of the twentieth century, the conditions of Chinatown have significantly changed due to the explosion of information and the blurring of racial and cultural boundaries. One major change has been the new agenda of urban land planning which increasingly prioritizes the rationality of capital accumulation. The different stages of urban redevelopment have in common the deliberate efforts to manipulate the land uses and spatial representations of Chinatown as part of the socio-cultural strategies of urban development. A central thread linking the dissertation’s chapters is the attempt to examine the contingent and often contradictory production and reproduction of socio-spatial forms in Chinatowns when the world is increasingly structured around the dynamics of economic and technological changes with the new forms of global and local activities. Late capitalism has dramatically altered city forms such that a new understanding of the role of ethnicity and race in the making of urban space is required. -
And “What I Am Not”: Asians and Asian Americans in Contention and Conversation by Heekyong Teresa Pyon, Yan Cao, and Huey-Li Li
College of Education v University of Hawai‘i at Mänoa 1 Between “What I Am” and “What I Am Not”: Asians and Asian Americans in Contention and Conversation by Heekyong Teresa Pyon, Yan Cao, and Huey-li Li In the age of globalization, “Asian” and “Asian American” Just the other day, my mother visited Joshua, and again she told have emerged as popular terms to refer to a diverse populace Joshua that he needs to speak Korean when he grows up. This time, originating in many different parts of the vast continent of Asia. however, Joshua gave my mother an unexpected answer. “Grandma. As recent Asian arrivals in the United States, we have gradually There is an older brother in my church. He speaks little Korean and a come to accept the terms “Asian” and “Asian American,” as our lot of English. I think I am going to be like him later, and I am going group identity in spite of our different national origins and cultural to be an American when I grow up.” Surprised, my mother told him, upbringings. However, we continue to engage in a mutual interroga- “No, Joshua, you are still a Korean even when you grow up.” “No,” tion with the dominant culture that endorses individuality as a key insisted little Joshua, “I am going to be an American!” value, yet imposes group identities on its marginal constituencies. Unlike my nephew, I was certain that I would never become While the multicultural education movement has raised awareness an American when I was new to the country. -
Confronting Sa-I-Gu: Twenty Years After the Los Angeles Riots
【특집】 Confronting Sa-i-gu: Twenty Years after the Los Angeles Riots Edward Taehan Chang (the Young Oak Kim Center for Korean American Studies) Twenty years ago on April 29, Los Angeles erupted and Koreatown cried as it burned. For six-days, the LAPD was missing in action as rioting, looting, burning, and killing devastated the city. The “not guilty” Rodney King verdict ignited anger and frustration felt by South Los Angeles residents who suffered from years of neglect, despair, hopelessness, injustice, and oppression.1) In the Korean American community, the Los Angeles riot is remembered as Sa-i-gu (April 29 in Korean). Korean Americans suffered disproportionately high economic losses as 2,280 Korean American businesses were looted or burned with $400 million in property damages.2) Without any political clout and power in the city, Koreatown was unprotected and left to burn since it was not a priority for city politicians and 1) Rodney King was found dead in his own swimming pool on June 17, 2012, shortly after publishing his autobiography The Riot Within: My Journey from Rebellion to Redemption Learning How We Can All Get Along, in April 2012. 2) Korea Daily Los Angeles, May 11, 1992. 2 Edward Taehan Chang the LAPD. For the Korean American community, Sa-i-gu is known as its most important historical event, a “turning point,” “watershed event,” or “wake-up call.” Sa-i-gu profoundly altered the Korean American discourse, igniting debates and dialogue in search of new directions.3) The riot served as a catalyst to critically examine what it meant to be Korean American in relation to multicultural politics and race, economics and ideology. -
A Community of Contrasts: Asian Americans, Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders in Orange County Addresses This Critical Challenge by Doing Two Things
2014 A COMMUNITY Cyrus Chung Ying Tang Foundation OF CONTRASTS Asian Americans, Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders in Orange County ORANGE www.calendow.org COUNTY This report was made possible by the following sponsors: The Wallace H. Coulter Foundation, Cyrus Chung Ying Tang Foundation, Wells Fargo, and The California Endowment. The statements and views expressed are solely the responsibility of the authors. CONTENTS ORGANIZATIONAL DESCRIPTIONS TECHNICAL NOTES Welcome 1 Introduction 2 Executive Summary 3 Map 5 Measuring the characteristics of racial and ethnic groups Demographics 6 Since 2000, the United States Census Bureau has allowed those responding to its questionnaires to report one or more Asian Americans Advancing Justice - Orange County Economic Contributions 9 racial or ethnic backgrounds. While this better reflects America’s diversity and improves data available on multiracial popula- The mission of Asian Americans Advancing Justice (“Advancing Civic Engagement 10 tions, it complicates the use of data on racial and ethnic groups. Justice”) is to promote a fair and equitable society for all by Immigration 12 working for civil and human rights and empowering Asian Language 14 Data on race are generally available from the Census Bureau in two forms, for those of a single racial background (referred Americans and Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders (NHPI) Education 16 to as “alone”) with multiracial people captured in an independent category, and for those of either single or multiple racial and other underserved communities. -
Creating a Sense of Place: the Vietnamese-Americans and Little Saigon
UC Irvine UC Irvine Previously Published Works Title CREATING A SENSE OF PLACE: THE VIETNAMESE-AMERICANS AND LITTLE SAIGON Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3km8x13g Journal Journal of Environmental Psychology, 20(4) ISSN 02724944 Authors MAZUMDAR, SANJOY MAZUMDAR, SHAMPA DOCUYANAN, FAYE et al. Publication Date 2000-12-01 DOI 10.1006/jevp.2000.0170 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Journal of Environmental Psychology (2000) 20, 319^333 0272-4944/00/040319 + 15 $35.00/0 # 2000 Academic Press doi:10.1006/jevp.2000.0170, available online at http://www.idealibrary.com on CREATING A SENSE OF PLACE: THE VIETNAMESE-AMERICANS AND LITTLE SAIGON 1 2 1 1 SANJOY MAZUMDAR ,SHAMPA MAZUMDAR ,FAY E DOCUYANAN AND COLETTE MARIE MCLAUGHLIN 1School of Social Ecology, Department of Urban and Regional Planning 2Department of Sociology, University of California Irvine, Irvine, California, U.S.A. Abstract Based on a study of Little Saigon, an ethnic enclave in Westminster, California, this paper examines the phy- sical, social, symbolic and emotional signi¢cance of such places in the lives of immigrants. We focus on three speci¢c aspects of the ethnic enclave: architectural elements, everyday social interaction within the enclave, and public ritual events. We highlight how the built architectural environment and the immigrants’ social, commercial, and ritual activities interact to create and sustain a sense of place, foster community identity, and structure social relations. We conclude that ethnic enclaves constitute an important aspect of an immi- grant’s place identity enabling him/her to simultaneously remain connected to the places left behind and yet appropriating and forging signi¢cant new place ties. -
Little Saigon Landmark Project Feasibility Study
Little Saigon Landmark Project Feasibility Study October 2014 Completed for the Friends of Little Saigon by SCIDpda Table of Contents Executive Summary ............................................................................................................. 1 Introduction and Overview .................................................................................................. 2 Space Program .................................................................................................................... 6 Site Selection ..................................................................................................................... 14 Massing Studies and Cost Estimates .................................................................................. 15 Market/Economic Analysis ................................................................................................ 16 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................... 17 Appendix A—Space Program Appendix B—Site Selection Appendix C—Massing Studies and Cost Estimates Appendix D—Market/Economic Analysis Appendix E—Vietnamese Cultural Center Feasibility Study Appendix F—Little Saigon Housing Needs Assessment Executive Summary The Friends of Little Saigon (FLS) group seeks to create a gathering place for the regional Vietnamese community in or adjacent to the Little Saigon business district. This can be accomplished by bringing together the district’s cultural, shopping, and culinary -
SAN JOSE Food Works FOOD SYSTEM CONDITIONS & STRATEGIES for a MORE VIBRANT RESILIENT CITY
SAN JOSE Food Works FOOD SYSTEM CONDITIONS & STRATEGIES FOR A MORE VIBRANT RESILIENT CITY NOV 2016 Food Works SAN JOSE Food Works ■ contents Executive Summary 2 Farmers’ markets 94 Background and Introduction 23 Food E-Commerce Sector 96 San Jose Food System Today 25 Food and Agriculture IT 98 Economic Overview 26 Food and Agriculture R & D 101 Geographic Overview 41 Best Practices 102 San Jose Food Sector Actors and Activities 47 Summary of Findings, Opportunities, 116 County and Regional Context 52 and Recommendations Food Supply Chain Sectors 59 APPENDICES Production 60 A: Preliminary Assessment of a San Jose 127 Market District/ Wholesale Food Market Distribution 69 B: Citywide Goals and Strategies 147 Processing 74 C: Key Reports 153 Retail 81 D: Food Works Informants 156 Restaurants and Food Service 86 End Notes 157 Other Food Sectors 94 PRODUCED BY FUNDED BY Sustainable Agriculture Education (SAGE) John S. and James L. Knight Foundation www.sagecenter.org 11th Hour Project in collaboration with San Jose Department of Housing BAE Urban Economics Santa Clara Valley Open Space Authority www.bae1.com 1 San Jose Executive Summary What would San Jose look like if a robust local food system was one of the vital frameworks linking the city’s goals for economic development, community health, environmental stewardship, culture, and identity as the City’s population grows to 1.5 million people over the next 25 years? he Food Works report answers this question. The team engaged agencies, businesses, non- T profits and community groups over the past year in order to develop this roadmap for making San Jose a vibrant food city and a healthier, more resilient place. -
In 1983, the Late Fred Cordova
Larry Dulay Itliong was born in the Pangasinan province of the Philippines on October 25th, 1913. As a young teen, he immigrated to the US in search of work. Itliong soon joined laborers In 1983, the late Fred Cordova (of the Filipino American National Historical Society) wrote a working everywhere from Washington to California to Alaska, organizing unions and labor strikes book called Filipinos: Forgotten Asian Americans, a pictorial essay documenting the history of as he went. He was one of the manongs, Filipino bachelors in laborer jobs who followed the Filipinos in America from 1763 to 1963. He used the word “forgotten” to highlight that harvest. Filipino Americans were invisible in American history books during that time. Despite lacking a formal secondary education, Itliong spoke multiple languages and taught himself about law by attending trials. In 1965, he led a thousand Filipino farm workers to strike Though Filipino Americans were the first Asian Americans to arrive in the U.S. in 1587 (33 against unfair labor practices in Delano, CA. His leadership in Filipino farm worker movement years before the Pilgrims landed on Plymouth Rock in 1620), little was written about the history paved the way for others to follow. Alongside Cesar Chavez, Larry Itliong founded the United of the Philippines or of Filipino Americans in the U.S. Although the U.S. has a long history with Farm Workers Union. Together, they built an unprecedented coalition between Filipino and the Philippines (including the Philippine-American War, American colonization from 1899-1946, Mexican laborers and connected their strike to the concurrent Civil Rights Movement. -
DEMOGRAPHIC SNAPSHOT of SOUTH ASIANS in the UNITED STATES April 2019
DEMOGRAPHIC SNAPSHOT OF SOUTH ASIANS IN THE UNITED STATES April 2019 This factsheet, based primarily on Census 2010 and the 2017 American Community Survey, provides a national snapshot of the South Asian American community. We encourage community leaders, government entities, policymakers, and the media to use this data to better understand South Asian Americans and help inform their engagement with this community. Who are South Asians? The South Asian community in the United States includes individuals who trace their ancestry to Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, the Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. The community also includes members of the South Asian diaspora – past generations of South Asians who originally settled in other parts of the world, including the Caribbean, Africa, Europe, Canada and the Middle East, and other parts of Asia and the Pacific Islands. Population Numbers at a Glance Below are some key facts about the national population in the United States from Census 2010 data and the 2017 American Community Survey: ➢ Nearly 5.4 million South Asians live in the United States tracing their roots to Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, the Maldives, and the diaspora, including but not limited to Trinidad/Tobago, Guyana, Fiji, Tanzania, and Kenya.1 This is up from 3.5 million counted in Census 2010. ➢ Indians comprise the largest segment of the South Asian community, making up over 80% of the total population, followed by Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, Nepali, Sri Lankans, and Bhutanese. ➢ Data is not readily available for diaspora South Asian communities specifically the Indo-Caribbean, and Indo-African communities. Population Growth The South Asian American community grew roughly 40% between 2010 and 2017.