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From Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus to M o D r a i o l From: MACKENZIE Rebecca <Rebecca. d H [email protected]> o i r Date: 23 March 2016 14:57:44 GMT s us t To: “Michael Chatfield ([email protected])” o Moral History ry <[email protected]> ‘Hau deploys the overt moralising of the Hellenistic historians to illuminate the more implicit and thought-provoking moralising of their Classical S i Subject: RE: Hau - title change f c forebears. Among other questions she asks: does moral didacticism make rom u from Herodotus Hi again, for bad historiography? Was it simply a lens for viewing events, or could l it drive wholesale invention?’ us Actually, I should be able to send you the back H to Diodorus Siculus Emily Baragwanath, The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill cover copy as well in the next few days, so you e r could hold off on the cover front change for now. An investigation of moral-didactic techniques and messages o in ancient Greek historiography d Thanks, o t Bekah Why did human beings first begin to write history? Lisa Irene Hau argues us that a driving force among Greek historians was the desire to use the past to teach lessons about the present and for the future. She uncovers the moral From: MACKENZIE Rebecca messages of the ancient Greek writers of history and the techniques they used Sent: 23 March 2016 14:56 to bring them across. Hau also shows how moral didacticism was an integral To: Michael Chatfield ([email protected]) part of the writing of history from its inception in the 5th century bc, how it <[email protected]> developed over the next 500 years in parallel with the development of Subject: Hau - title change historiography as a genre, and how the moral messages on display remained surprisingly stable across this period. Hi Michael, For the ancient Greek historiographers, moral didacticism was a way of making sense of the past and making it relevant to the present. But this does L We’ve changed the Hau title slightly to: Moral isa I History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus. not mean that they falsified events: truth and morality were compatible and synergistic ends. r Would you mind sending a new front please? ene Lisa Irene Hau is Lecturer in Classics at the University of Glasgow. I’ve got the high resolution version of the image H as well now, so I’ll send that on via WeTransfer. au Thanks, Bekah Cover image: detail from Continence of Scipio, Pompeo Girolamo Batoni, c.1771−72. The State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg. Photograph © The State Hermitage Museum/photo by Vladimir Terebenin Cover design: Michael Chatfield ISBN 978–1–4744–1107–3 Lisa Irene Hau MORAL HISTORY FROM HERODOTUS TO DIODORUS SICULUS MORAL HISTORY FROM HERODOTUS TO DIODORUS SICULUS Lisa Irene Hau Edinburgh University Press is one of the leading university presses in the UK. We publish academic books and journals in our selected subject areas across the humanities and social sciences, combining cutting-edge scholarship with high editorial and production values to produce academic works of lasting importance. For more information visit our website: www.edinburghuniversitypress.com © Lisa Irene Hau, 2016 Edinburgh University Press Ltd The Tun – Holyrood Road 12(2f) Jackson’s Entry Edinburgh EH8 8PJ Typeset in 10.5 on 13pt Sabon by Servis Filmsetting Ltd, Stockport, Cheshire and printed and bound in Great Britain by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon CR0 4YY A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 978 1 4744 1107 3 (hardback) ISBN 978 1 4744 1108 0 (webready PDF) ISBN 978 1 4744 1109 7 (epub) The right of Lisa Irene Hau to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, and the Copyright and Related Rights Regulations 2003 (SI No. 2498). Contents Preface vii Introduction 1 Part I: Hellenistic Historiography 1. Polybius 23 2. Diodorus Siculus 73 3. Fragmentary Hellenistic Historiography 124 Timaeus of Tauromenium (FGrH 566) 129 Duris of Samos (FGrH 76) 136 Phylarchus (FGrH 81) 141 Agatharchides of Cnidus (FGrH 86) 148 Posidonius of Apamea (FGrH 87) 158 Hieronymus of Cardia (FGrH 154) 166 Conclusion 167 Part II: Classical Historiography Introduction to Part II 4. Herodotus 172 5. Thucydides 194 6. Xenophon, Hellenica 216 7. Fragmentary Classical Historiography 245 The Oxyrhynchus Historian 245 Ephorus of Cyme (FGrH 70) 248 Theopompus of Chios (FGrH 115) 258 Conclusion: From Macro and Minimalist Moralising to Explicit paradeigmata 270 vi Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Conclusion 272 Bibliography 278 Index of Citations 299 General Index 307 Preface The idea for this book began life long ago when I was an undergraduate student at the University of Aarhus and formed a reading group with two fellow-students to read the third book of Polybius’ Histories in Greek. It has come a long way since then: through a Masters thesis on moral values in Polybius, a PhD thesis on the changeability of fortune as a moral topos in Greek historiography, and much teaching, thinking and writing, to the larger and more fundamental topic of Greek historiography as a moral-di- dactic genre. Along the way I have incurred many debts, and this is the place to acknowledge them. Firstly, I must thank the man without whom none of this would have happened: my Greek teacher at Odense Katedralskole, Henrik Nisbeth, who showed me the beauty of Greek and the joy of studying Classics. Secondly, my surrogate family for seven years of studying at the University of Aarhus, the students of Classical Philology from 1995 to 2002, and espe- cially the members of my Polybius reading group, Jesper Thomsen Lemke and Thomas Hemming Larsen. From those same years, I am grateful to my teachers Erik Ostenfeld, who hired me as editorial assistant and introduced me to the world of academic publishing, and Marianne Pade, who didn’t laugh when I said I wanted to study for a PhD, and who supported my decision to do so abroad. I must also thank Mogens Herman Hansen, who, although he had never taught me, helped me make contact with a potential PhD supervisor in Britain and supported my application. During my PhD years at Royal Holloway, University of London, I was magnificently supported on an academic and a personal level both by my supervisor, Lene Rubinstein, and by her husband, Jonathan Powell. My PhD examiners, Tim Cornell and Tim Rood, encouraged me to think I could take the topic further. As for the present book itself, I am immensely grateful to those scholars and friends who read through the manuscript or parts of it and commented viii Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus on it at various stages: Emily Baragwanath, Alexander Meeus, Chris Pelling, Ian Ruffell, Catherine Steel and Kathryn Tempest. The result is infinitely better because of them, and any imperfections it contains are, of course, entirely my own responsibility. I also owe a debt of gratitude to colleagues at the University of Glasgow and elsewhere who have helped me clarify my thoughts on various aspects of the argument and suggested new ways of looking at it, especially Christopher Burden-Strevens, Art Eckstein, John Marincola, John Moles and Jan Stenger. Finally, I want to end the list of acknowledgements as it began: with a man without whom the book would never have happened – my husband, Morten. Without his love, patience, equal sharing of parenting responsibil- ities, and more than equal sense of humour, I would not have been able to write a single chapter. Introduction τοῖς δ᾽ ἱστορικοῖς διὰ πολλὰ ἀνάγκη τὸν πολιτικὸν ἄνδρα μετὰ σπουδῆς ἐντυγχάνειν, ὅτι καὶ ἄνευ τῶν λόγων τὸ ἔμπειρον εἶναι πράξεων καὶ εὐτυχιῶν καὶ δυστυχιῶν οὐ κατὰ λόγον μόνον, ἀλλὰ ἐνίοτε καὶ παρὰ λόγον ἀνδράσι τε καὶ πόλεσι συμβαινουσῶν σφόδρα ἀναγκαῖον πολιτικῷ ἀνδρὶ καὶ τὰ κοινὰ πράττειν προαιρουμένῳ. ὁ γὰρ πλεῖστα ἑτέροις συμβάντα ἐπιστάμενος ἄριστα οἷς αὐτὸς ἐγχείρει διαπράξεται καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἐνόντων ἀσφαλῶς, καὶ οὔτε εὖ πράττων παρὰ μέτρον ἐπαρθήσεται, δυσπραγίαν τε πᾶσαν οἴσει γενναίως διὰ τὸ μηδ᾽ ἐν οἷς εὖ ἔπραττεν ἀνεννόητος εἶναι τῆς ἐπὶ τὸ ἐναντίον μεταβολῆς. But as for the historians, for many reasons the statesman must read them attentively, because, even apart from the speeches they contain, it is most essential that the statesman, the man who chooses to conduct public affairs, should be experienced in events and successes and failures, which happen not only in accordance with reasonable expectation, but also at times contrary to it, to both men and states. For it is the man with the widest knowledge of what has happened to others who will carry out his own undertakings in the best way and as safely as possible in the circumstances, and who will both avoid becoming unduly arrogant in his good fortune and bear every misfortune nobly because he remains aware even in his good fortune that his situation might well change to the opposite. (Dio Chrysostom 18.9; transla- tion modified from Cohoon) In this way Dio of Prusa, writing in the first century AD and nicknamed Chrysostom, ‘golden-tongued’, for his eloquence, encourages men of pol- itics to read history. Dio explicitly intends the history-reading statesman to learn from the narratives of the past. More precisely, he assumes that the reader will become better at handling state affairs from reading about ‘successes and failures’ that have happened in the past to ‘both men and states’. He also expects that reading history will teach the statesman to avoid arrogance in times of success and undignified behaviour in times of misfortune because the historical narratives will show him that such situ- ations are often quickly reversed.
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