The Generic Structure of the Thai Prime Minister's Weekly Address
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The Pluralistic Poverty of Phalang Pracharat
ISSUE: 2021 No. 29 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 12 March 2021 Thailand’s Elected Junta: The Pluralistic Poverty of Phalang Pracharat Paul Chambers* Left: Deputy Prime Minister and Phalang Pracharat Party Leader General Prawit Wongsuwan Source:https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Prawit_Wongsuwan_Thailand%27s_Minister_of_D efense.jpg. Right: Prime Minister and Defense Minister General Prayut Chan-ocha Source:https://th.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E0%B9%84%E0%B8%9F%E0%B8%A5%E0%B9%8C:Prayu th_2018_cropped.jpg. * Paul Chambers is Lecturer and Special Advisor for International Affairs, Center of ASEAN Community Studies, Naresuan University, Phitsanulok, Thailand, and, in March-May 2021, Visiting Fellow with the Thailand Studies Programme at the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. 1 ISSUE: 2021 No. 29 ISSN 2335-6677 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • Thailand’s Phalang Pracharat Party is a “junta party” established as a proxy for the 2014-2019 junta and the military, and specifically designed to sustain the power of the generals Prawit Wongsuwan, Prayut Chan-ocha and Anupong Paochinda. • Phalang Pracharat was created by the Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC), and although it is extremely factionalized, having 20 cliques, it is nevertheless dominated by an Army faction headed by General Prawit Wongsuwan. • The party is financed by powerful corporations and by its intra-party faction leaders. • In 2021, Phalang Pracharat has become a model for other militaries in Southeast Asia intent on institutionalising their power. In Thailand itself, the party has become so well- entrenched that it will be a difficult task removing it from office. 2 ISSUE: 2021 No. -
Thailand White Paper
THE BANGKOK MASSACRES: A CALL FOR ACCOUNTABILITY ―A White Paper by Amsterdam & Peroff LLP EXECUTIVE SUMMARY For four years, the people of Thailand have been the victims of a systematic and unrelenting assault on their most fundamental right — the right to self-determination through genuine elections based on the will of the people. The assault against democracy was launched with the planning and execution of a military coup d’état in 2006. In collaboration with members of the Privy Council, Thai military generals overthrew the popularly elected, democratic government of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, whose Thai Rak Thai party had won three consecutive national elections in 2001, 2005 and 2006. The 2006 military coup marked the beginning of an attempt to restore the hegemony of Thailand’s old moneyed elites, military generals, high-ranking civil servants, and royal advisors (the “Establishment”) through the annihilation of an electoral force that had come to present a major, historical challenge to their power. The regime put in place by the coup hijacked the institutions of government, dissolved Thai Rak Thai and banned its leaders from political participation for five years. When the successor to Thai Rak Thai managed to win the next national election in late 2007, an ad hoc court consisting of judges hand-picked by the coup-makers dissolved that party as well, allowing Abhisit Vejjajiva’s rise to the Prime Minister’s office. Abhisit’s administration, however, has since been forced to impose an array of repressive measures to maintain its illegitimate grip and quash the democratic movement that sprung up as a reaction to the 2006 military coup as well as the 2008 “judicial coups.” Among other things, the government blocked some 50,000 web sites, shut down the opposition’s satellite television station, and incarcerated a record number of people under Thailand’s infamous lèse-majesté legislation and the equally draconian Computer Crimes Act. -
Major Developments in Thailand's Political Crisis
Major developments in Thailand’s political crisis More unrest and policy paralysis are likely as Thailand prepares for early elections. The country has suffered five years of political turbulence and sporadic street violence after former premier Thaksin Shinawatra was ousted in a 2006 coup. Thaksin currently commands a powerful opposition movement, standing in the way of current prime minister, Abhisit Vejjajiva. SET index GDP growth – % chg y/y 1200 15 1000 10 I 800 H O 5 D B PQ C G E F 600 J 0 N M 400 KL -5 A 200 -10 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2001 2008 cont... A January 6 J September Thaksin Shinawatra’s Thais Love Thais (Thai Rak Thai) party wins Samak found guilty of violating constitution by hosting TV cooking 248 of 500 seats in parliamentary election. shows while in office and had to quit. Somchai Wongsawat, Thaksin’s brother-in-law at the time, is elected prime minister by 2005 parliament. B February 6 K October 21 Thailand voters hand Thaksin Shinawatra a second term with The Supreme Court sentences Thaksin to two years in jail in expanded mandate. absentia for breaking a conflict-of-interest law. C September L November 25 Sondhi Limthongkul, a former Thaksin business associate, starts PAD protesters storm Bangkok’s main airport, halting all flights. Up the yellow-shirted People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD) street to 250,000 foreign tourists are stranded. campaign to oust Thaksin. M December Constitutional Court disbands the PPP and bans Somchai from 2006 politics for five years for electoral fraud. -
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“PM STANDS ON HIS CRIPPLED LEGITINACY“ Wandah Waenawea CONCEPTS Political legitimacy:1 The foundation of such governmental power as is exercised both with a consciousness on the government’s part that it has a right to govern and with some recognition by the governed of that right. Political power:2 Is a type of power held by a group in a society which allows administration of some or all of public resources, including labor, and wealth. There are many ways to obtain possession of such power. Demonstration:3 Is a form of nonviolent action by groups of people in favor of a political or other cause, normally consisting of walking in a march and a meeting (rally) to hear speakers. Actions such as blockades and sit-ins may also be referred to as demonstrations. A political rally or protest Red shirt: The term5inology and the symbol of protester (The government of Abbhisit Wejjajiva). 1 Sternberger, Dolf “Legitimacy” in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (ed. D.L. Sills) Vol. 9 (p. 244) New York: Macmillan, 1968 2 I.C. MacMillan (1978) Strategy Formulation: political concepts, St Paul, MN, West Publishing; 3 Oxford English Dictionary Volume 1 | Number 1 | January-June 2013 15 Yellow shirt: The terminology and the symbol of protester (The government of Thaksin Shinawat). Political crisis:4 Is any unstable and dangerous social situation regarding economic, military, personal, political, or societal affairs, especially one involving an impending abrupt change. More loosely, it is a term meaning ‘a testing time’ or ‘emergency event. CHAPTER I A. Background Since 2008, there has been an ongoing political crisis in Thailand in form of a conflict between thePeople’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD) and the People’s Power Party (PPP) governments of Prime Ministers Samak Sundaravej and Somchai Wongsawat, respectively, and later between the Democrat Party government of Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva and the National United Front of Democracy Against Dictatorship (UDD). -
Thailand Calls for Enhancing Connectivity Between India and ASEAN (30/12/2011)
Thailand Calls for Enhancing Connectivity between India and ASEAN (30/12/2011) Thailand has called for enhancing connectivity between India and ASEAN and it sees ASEAN-India relations as a significant factor leading to peace, stability, and dynamism in the rise of the greater East Asia region. Foreign Minister Surapong Tovichakchaikul expressed Thailands appreciation for Indias commitment to forging closer links with ASEAN and East Asia during the past 20 years, which is a vital component of Indias "Look East policy. He touched on the issue in his statement at the Sixth Meeting of the ThailandIndia Joint Commission, held in New Delhi on 27 December 2011. The meeting discussed many issues concerning economy, culture, tourism, security and defense, science and technology, and natural resources and environmental management. Regarding connectivity issues, both countries discussed cooperation on the construction of the Trilateral Highway project linking India, Myanmar, and Thailand and on the linking of Dawei Deep Sea Port in Myanmar to ports along the Bay of Bengal, Chennai, and the Pak Bara Deep Sea Port project in Thailand's southern province of Satun. Foreign Minister Surapong said that Thailand and India should work together to enhance connectivity through bilateral and regional undertakings, such as the Trilateral Highway project and the expanded economic corridor by way of a sea link from the port of Dawei to South Asia. He cited the expanding of Thai-Indian relations as a central part of Thailands "Look West policy. According to his statement, bilateral trade between the two countries has grown from 4.7 billion US dollars in 2007 to 6.7 billion dollars in 2010. -
The Two Faces of Thai Authoritarianism
East Asia Forum Economics, Politics and Public Policy in East Asia and the Pacific http://www.eastasiaforum.org The two faces of Thai authoritarianism 29th September, 2014 Author: Thitinan Pongsudhirak Thai politics has completed a dramatic turn from electoral authoritarianism under deposed premier Thaksin Shinawatra in 2001–2006 to a virtual military government under General Prayuth Chan-ocha. These two sides of the authoritarian coin, electoral and military, represent Thailand’s painful learning curve. The most daunting challenge for the country is not to choose one or the other but to create a hybrid that combines electoral sources of legitimacy for democratic rule and some measure of moral authority and integrity often lacked by elected officials. A decade ago, Thaksin was practically unchallenged in Thailand. He had earlier squeaked through an assets concealment trial on a narrow and questionable vote after nearly winning a majority in the January 2001 election. A consummate politician and former police officer, Thaksin benefited from extensive networks in business and the bureaucracy, including the police and army. In politics, his Thai Rak Thai party became a juggernaut. It devised a popular policy platform, featuring affordable universal healthcare, debt relief and microcredit schemes. It won over most of the rural electorate and even the majority of Bangkok. Absorbing smaller parties, Thai Rak Thai virtually monopolised party politics in view of a weak opposition. Thaksin penetrated and controlled supposedly independent agencies aimed at promoting accountability, particularly the Constitutional Court, the Election Commission and the Anti-Corruption Commission. His confidants and loyalists steered these agencies. His cousin became the army’s Commander-in-Chief. -
The International Court of Justice Has Ordered Thailand and Cambodia To
The International Court of Justice has ordered Thailand and Cambodia to create a demilitarized zone around an 11th century Hindu temple, which has become a flashpoint for deadly clashes in a long running border dispute. By Jared Ferrie, Chiang Mai The July 18 ruling comes after a request from Cambodia that the ICJ clarify a 1962 judgment that granted Cambodia ownership of the temple and demarcated the border. Thailand accepted Cambodian sovereignty over Preah Vihear temple, but has maintained that the court had no jurisdiction to rule on the border. Cambodia asked the ICJ to issue a clarification on the 1962 judgment in the hope that a more precisely worded judgment would pressure Thailand to accept the frontier. On Monday, the ICJ said it would review the 1962 judgment as requested – a statement that can be seen to favour Cambodia over Thailand, which initially demanded that Cambodia withdraw its request to the ICJ. Cambodia had also asked the ICJ to order Thailand to remove troops from the disputed area. The court instead issued a map outlining a demilitarized zone and ordered both countries withdraw troops from the area. Many analysts welcomed the even-handed nature of the order “By removing troops from the border and its immediate surroundings, nationalist sentiments will hopefully be diffused and issue can be dealt with in a more sober and reasonable way,” said Ou Virak, president of the Cambodian Centre for Human Rights (CCHR). Leaders on both sides of the border have used the dispute to stoke nationalism for their own political gain. Politicians in Thailand are particularly vulnerable to nationalist groups that accuse them of ceding Thai territory to Cambodia. -
The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics by Zachary Abuza
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 6 The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics by Zachary Abuza Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, Center for Complex Operations, and Center for Strategic Conferencing. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, and publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Unified Combatant Commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Thai and U.S. Army Soldiers participate in Cobra Gold 2006, a combined annual joint training exercise involving the United States, Thailand, Japan, Singapore, and Indonesia. Photo by Efren Lopez, U.S. Air Force The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics By Zachary Abuza Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 6 Series Editors: C. Nicholas Rostow and Phillip C. Saunders National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. -
Thailand's First Provincial Elections Since the 2014 Military Coup
ISSUE: 2021 No. 24 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 5 March 2021 Thailand’s First Provincial Elections since the 2014 Military Coup: What Has Changed and Not Changed Punchada Sirivunnabood* Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, founder of the now-dissolved Future Forward Party, attends a press conference in Bangkok on January 21, 2021, after he was accused of contravening Thailand's strict royal defamation lese majeste laws. In December 2020, the Progressive Movement competed for the post of provincial administrative organisations (PAO) chairman in 42 provinces and ran more than 1,000 candidates for PAO councils in 52 of Thailand’s 76 provinces. Although Thanathorn was banned from politics for 10 years, he involved himself in the campaign through the Progressive Movement. Photo: Lillian SUWANRUMPHA, AFP. * Punchada Sirivunnabood is Associate Professor in the Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities of Mahidol University and Visiting Fellow in the Thailand Studies Programme of the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. 1 ISSUE: 2021 No. 24 ISSN 2335-6677 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • On 20 December 2020, voters across Thailand, except in Bangkok, elected representatives to provincial administrative organisations (PAO), in the first twinkle of hope for decentralisation in the past six years. • In previous sub-national elections, political parties chose to separate themselves from PAO candidates in order to balance their power among party allies who might want to contest for the same local positions. • In 2020, however, several political parties, including the Phuea Thai Party, the Democrat Party and the Progressive Movement (the successor of the Future Forward Party) officially supported PAO candidates. -
วารสารวิจัยราชภัฏพระนคร สาขามนุษยศาสตร์และสังคมศาสตร์ Phranakhon Rajabhat Research Journal (Humanities and Social Sciences)
วารสารวิจัยราชภัฏพระนคร สาขามนุษยศาสตร์และสังคมศาสตร์ Phranakhon Rajabhat Research Journal (Humanities and Social Sciences) ปที่ 13 ฉบับที่ 2 กรกฎาคม - ธันวาคม 2561 Vol.13 No.2 July - December 2018 ISSN : 2286-7171 เจ้าของ มหาวิทยาลัยราชภัฏพระนคร วัตถุประสงค์ของการจัดพิมพ์วารสาร วารสารวิจัยราชภัฏพระนคร สาขามนุษยศาสตร์และสังคมศาสตร์ จัดท�าเป็นวารสารราย 6 เดือน (ปีละ 2 ฉบับ) มกราคม - มิถุนายน และ กรกฎาคม - ธันวาคม โดยมีวัตถุประสงค์ ดังนี้ 1. เพื่อเผยแพร่บทความวิชาการ บทความวิจัย บทความปริทรรศน์ และบทวิจารณ์หนังสือ ในสาขาวิชาที่เกี่ยวข้องกับ มนุษยศาสตร์และสังคมศาสตร์ เช่น รัฐศาสตร์ รัฐประศาสนศาสตร์ พัฒนาชุมชน การบริหารและพัฒนาเมือง ประวัติศาสตร์ ภาษาไทย ภาษาอังกฤษ นาฏศิลปและการละคร ดนตรี นิติศาสตร์ ศิลปกรรม บรรณารักษศาสตร์และสารนิเทศศาสตร์ การจัดการทั่วไป/คอมพิวเตอร์ธุรกิจ การจัดการทรัพยากรมนุษย์ การตลาด การท่องเที่ยวและการโรงแรม นิเทศศาสตร์ เศรษฐศาสตร์ บัญชี บริหารการศึกษา การศึกษาปฐมวัย หลักสูตรและการสอน เทคโนโลยีการศึกษา จิตวิทยาการศึกษา และ สาขาวิชาอื่น ๆ ตามการพิจารณาของกองบรรณาธิการ 2. เพื่อเป็นสื่อกลางแลกเปลี่ยนข่าวสาร สาระส�าคัญ ประสบการณ์ด้านการวิจัยแก่นักวิจัย นักวิชาการ และบุคคลทั่วไป ที่สนใจ นโยบายการจัดพิมพ์ของวารสาร 1. บทความที่น�าเสนอเพื่อขอตีพิมพ์ ต้องเป็นบทความวิชาการ บทความวิจัย บทความปริทรรศน์ หรือบทวิจารณ์ หนังสือ ซึ่งอาจเขียนได้ทั้งภาษาไทยหรือภาษาอังกฤษ 2. บทความที่จะได้รับการตีพิมพ์ต้องเขียนตามรูปแบบของ วารสารวิจัยราชภัฏพระนคร สาขามนุษยศาสตร์และ สังคมศาสตร์ และต้องผ่านกระบวนการพิจารณากลั่นกรองโดยผู้ทรงคุณวุฒิในสาขาที่เกี่ยวข้องก่อน ทั้งนี้ บทความที่ตีพิมพ์ จะต้องเป็นบทความที่ยังไม่เคยรับการตีพิมพ์เผยแพร่มาก่อนหรืออยู่ระหว่างการพิจารณาจากวารสารอื่น -
ኄʼࡓ˗ڎúˌᄪҭˁઆᠫ͘ the 3 China-ASEAN Business And
úˌᄪҬˁઆᠫ͘ڎ˗ኄʼࡓ The 3rd China-ASEAN Business and Investment Summit ࠒᮗ̡ڎѣࣞन࣫रᄊ State Leaders at the Opening Ceremony ࠧᯫᄱ ӿएࡉ᜵̎ፒ Ꮵေۥေ ᖈᔚ˝ ಌڎ˗ ພࠒࠃ ֻጪ࠷eӰ࠷۳̎ᬐʾ ห೨ ᔚ᜵ว ฉ H. E. Wen Jiabao His Majesty Sultan Haji Hassanal H. E. Samdech Hun Sen H. E. Susilo Bambang H. E. Bouasone Premier of China Bolkiah, Sultan and Yang Di- Prime Minister Yudhoyono, President of Bouphavanh Pertuan of Brunei of Cambodia Indonesia Prime Minister of Laos ေ ᡕӯေڎေ ฑڹᯱ᜵̎ေ ፵ႅေ ᖧ॥ࠖፒ ழҫ ࣅ፥ ພ ᬁᎭጞ ౄ௭ᴝ ጉઢᐲ ௰һ H. E. Abdullah bin Haji H. E. Soe Win Madame Gloria Macapagal- H. E. Lee Hsien Loong H. E. Surayud Chulanont H. E. Nguyen Tan Dung Ahmad Badawi Prime Minister of Arroyo, President of the Prime Minister of Prime Minister of Prime Minister of Prime Minister of Malaysia Myanmar Philippines Singapore Thailand Vietnam ᒱൔᤁᣯᮗ न࣫र˟ે̡ Leader Giving Welcome Remarks Chair of the Opening Ceremony úˌᄪҬˁઆᠫ͘ڎ˗ ᝮnj˺ނᒭӝЗீܥࣹ᜵ڎ˗ ᬅڎڎ˗͘˟͊njނ͘˟͊ ጸނ̡ܸ Ѷ݉ᗁ Ψᤉނր᫂͘͘ H. E. Liu Qibao ʺߣᮻ Secretary of the CPC Guangxi H. E. Wan Jifei Committee and Chairman of Chairman of the Organizing Guangxi People’s Congress, Committee of CABIS and CCPIT China úˌᄪҬˁઆᠫ͘˟ᮥ֗ำүڎ˗ኄʼࡓ Theme and Main Events of the 3rd CABIS NjNjᫎὉࣲథெ Time: October 31, 2006 ˟NjNjᮥὉСՏᄊᭊ᜶ἻСՏᄊళ Theme: One Need, One Future úˌᄪᒭႀӝઆ Topic 1: Improving Investment Environment and Stimulatingڎ˗ἻүܒᮥʷὉஈؓઆᠫဗ˄ Two-way Flow of Investment within the CAFTA ᠫᄊԥՔืү Topic 2: Construction of the CAFTA —Opportunity and Challenge úˌᄪᒭႀӝथúú᥅ˁ્੍ڎ˗ᮥ̄Ὁ˄ Main Events: dž Opening Ceremony ˟ᮥำүὉdžन࣫र dž Dialogue with State Leaders I džᮗ̡˄ᮥࠫភʷ -
Board of Editors
2020-2021 Board of Editors EXECUTIVE BOARD Editor-in-Chief KATHERINE LEE Managing Editor Associate Editor KATHRYN URBAN KYLE SALLEE Communications Director Operations Director MONICA MIDDLETON CAMILLE RYBACKI KOCH MATTHEW SANSONE STAFF Editors PRATEET ASHAR WENDY ATIENO KEYA BARTOLOMEO Fellows TREVOR BURTON SABRINA CAMMISA PHILIP DOLITSKY DENTON COHEN ANNA LOUGHRAN SEAMUS LOVE IRENE OGBO SHANNON SHORT PETER WHITENECK FACULTY ADVISOR PROFESSOR NANCY SACHS Thailand-Cambodia Border Conflict: Sacred Sites and Political Fights Ihechiluru Ezuruonye Introduction “I am not the enemy of the Thai people. But the [Thai] Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister look down on Cambodia extremely” He added: “Cambodia will have no happiness as long as this group [PAD] is in power.” - Cambodian PM Hun Sen Both sides of the border were digging in their heels; neither leader wanted to lose face as doing so could have led to a dip in political support at home.i Two of the most common drivers of interstate conflict are territorial disputes and the politicization of deep-seated ideological ideals such as religion. Both sources of tension have contributed to the emergence of bloody conflicts throughout history and across different regions of the world. Therefore, it stands to reason, that when a specific geographic area is bestowed religious significance, then conflict is particularly likely. This case study details the territorial dispute between Thailand and Cambodia over Prasat (meaning ‘temple’ in Khmer) Preah Vihear or Preah Vihear Temple, located on the border between the two countries. The case of the Preah Vihear Temple conflict offers broader lessons on the social forces that make religiously significant territorial disputes so prescient and how national governments use such conflicts to further their own political agendas.