Buddhism and Confucianism in the Tangut State
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A Hypothesis on the East Asian Beginnings of the Yersinia Pestis Polytomy
Epilogue: A Hypothesis on the East Asian Beginnings of the Yersinia pestis Polytomy Robert Hymes The Medieval Globe, Volume 1, Inaugural Double Issue 2015, pp. 285-308 (Article) Published by Arc Humanities Press For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/758494 [ Access provided at 24 Sep 2021 02:41 GMT with no institutional affiliation ] EPILOGUE: A HYPOTHESIS ON THE EAST ASIAN BEGINNINGS OF THE YERSINIA PESTIS POLYTOMY ROBERT HYMES Yersinia pestis For tHe HiStorian of premodern Eurasia, the 2013 study of histori- cal variations in mutation rates by Yujun Cui and others signals a new departure in the cumulative study of the genetics of the Y. pestis bacillus over the preceding fifteen years. Whereas previous studies had been moving to define ’s place of origin and dissemination only in a broad chronological framework of up to 20,000 years (Achtman et Y. pestis al. 2004; Morelli et al. 2010), Cui and colleagues’ work makes a histori- cal claim of much greater precision: that the evolution of since its divergence from its most recent common ancestor may have occurred within the past three to four thousand years, and more importantly that a polytomy (simultaneous or nearly simultaneous genetic divergence of Y. pestis multiple lineage branches) or “Big Bang” that yielded most of the cur- rent strains of , as well as the 1348 Black Death strain, took place between 1142 and 1339 (Cui et al. 2013: 580, table 1; their time interval has a confidence level of 95%). Their further finding, that the bacillus originated in or near the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau, offers historians both a period and place to look for human events that could produce a punctu- ated genetic divergence. -
Qing Shi (The History of Love) in Late Ming Book Culture
Asiatische Studien Études Asiatiques LXVI · 4 · 2012 Zeitschrift der Schweizerischen Asiengesellschaft Revue de la Société Suisse – Asie Aspects of Emotion in Late Imperial China Peter Lang Bern · Berlin · Bruxelles · Frankfurt am Main · New York · Oxford · Wien ISSN 0004-4717 © Peter Lang AG, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, Bern 2012 Hochfeldstrasse 32, CH-3012 Bern [email protected], www.peterlang.com, www.peterlang.net Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Das Werk einschliesslich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung ausserhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und strafbar. Das gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen. Printed in Hungary INHALTSVERZEICHNIS – TABLE DES MATIÈRES CONTENTS Nachruf – Nécrologie – Obituary JORRIT BRITSCHGI..............................................................................................................................877 Helmut Brinker (1939–2012) Thematic Section: Aspects of Emotion in Late Imperial China ANGELIKA C. MESSNER (ED.) ......................................................................................................893 Aspects of Emotion in Late Imperial China. Editor’s introduction to the thematic section BARBARA BISETTO ............................................................................................................................915 The Composition of Qing shi (The History of Love) -
Iso/Iec Jtc1/Sc2/Wg2 N5064
JTC1/SC2/WG2 N5064 2019-05-27 Universal Multiple-Octet Coded Character Set International Organization for Standardization Organisation Internationale de Normalisation Международная организация по стандартизации Doc Type: Working Group Document Title: Proposal to encode nine Tangut ideographs and six Tangut components Source: Andrew West, Viacheslav Zaytsev (Institute of Oriental Manuscripts, Russian Academy of Sciences), Jia Changye (Ningxia Academy of Social Sciences), Jing Yongshi (Beifang University of Nationalities), Sun Bojun (Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences) Status: Individual Contribution Action: For consideration by JTC1/SC2/WG2 and UTC Date: 2019-05-27 1. Introduction At the Ad hoc meeting on Tangut held at Yinchuan, China in August 2016, under the auspices of the Script Encoding Initiative, Professors Jia Changye and Jing Yongshi reported that they had identified a number of misunified Tangut ideographs (see WG2 N4736; L2/16-243). The ideographs in question each have two unrelated meanings with separate entries in Li Fanwen’s 2008 Tangut-Chinese Dictionary (Xià-Hàn zìdiǎn 夏漢字典), but because they have identical glyphs in Li Fanwen’s dictionary and all other modern sources each of the two meanings were unified as a single encoded character. The recent research by Jia and Jing indicates that there are subtle but systematic glyph differences that distinguish the two readings and meanings of each of these encoded characters, as listed in their Xīxià zìfú jí shǔxìng biāozhù biǎo (cǎogǎo) 西夏字符及属性标注表(草稿) [Table of Xixia Characters with Annotated Properties (Draft)] (August 2016). Their document also identifies five components which should each be disunified into two encoded characters. -
The Etymology of Chinggis Khan's Name in Tangut'
THE ETYMOLOGY OF CHINGGIS KHAN'S NAME IN TANGUT' Ksenia B. Keppíng Chinggis Khan's fate is closely associated with the Tangut State: it is generally accepted that he met his death in the Great State of the \¡Vhite and hfty (= The Great state of Yab-Yum\z (982-1227), in the course of his Tangut campaign n 1226'27, when the once flourishing Tangut State had been completeþ subdued; shortly after it fell into oblivion. But in spite of this, the list of sources written in a variety of languages describ- ing Chinggis Khan's life and his military successes, lacks Tangut material, and this was and still is taken for granted, since it is widely held that Tangut historical records which, no doubt, had been compiled at the Tangut court, perished in the flames of the Mongolian invasion. However it may be' so far therc are no traces of any historical records written in Tangut script. The idea that some Tangut historical figures or figures connected with the Tanguts might appear in non-historical Tangut texts had nevef crossed my mind' That is why the mention of Chinggis Khan (as well as of two mof€ persons - the Tangut heir, the son of the last but one Tangut empefor De-wang, and 'Phags-pa lama3) in one of the Tangut poetic works (a ritual song) at first seemed to np unbelievable. As it proved to be, among Tangut ritual songs ltl4 tçiqs,which came to us in a cursive handwriting on the revefse sides of wood-block print pages, was one' I I would like to rhank my colleague Professor S. -
Introduction
Introduction Shi Jinbo Western Xia (1038–1227) was a dynastic empire in medieval China, based in the city of Xingqing, later Zhongxing (modern-day Yinchuan of Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region). At its height, the Tangut imperium encompassed most of Ningxia, Gansu, northern Shaanxi, western Inner Mongolia, as well as parts of today’s Qinghai and Xinjiang. In the eyes of a historian, one of the most crucial aspects of a bygone empire is its socio-economy. However, when Mongol officials in the Yuan government followed the Chinese historiographical convention to compile chronicles for the preceding Song, Liao and Jin dynasties, they left the history of Western Xia alone unattended. Although the History of Song, History of Liao and History of Jin devoted chapters to the Tanguts, they offer a far too concise account of so complex a regime. This lack of chronicling also means the absence of any specific historical treatise on various aspects of the Tangut society, notably the genre of economic history, known in Chinese historiography as the Records of Food and Goods (Shihuo Zhi). It is also not surprising that references to Western Xia in Chinese archives are made mostly in the contexts of dynastic changes, military conflicts, and inter-state relations between the Song, Liao, Jin, Huihu (Uyghur) and Tubo (Tibetan) regimes. Very little is addressed or even known about the socio-economic history of Western Xia. In the meantime, most of the scarce narratives on the Tangut economy available to historians have been exhausted and regurgitated into common knowledge by Tangutologists throughout the past decades. -
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Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, volume 368 3rd International Conference on Art Studies: Science, Experience, Education (ICASSEE 2019) Study of Imperfect Sheet of Tangut "Persuasive Poetry" (No. G21·002[13202]) Collected in Gansu Museum* Xiaoming Li Institute of Chinese Culture and Historical Records Jinan University Guangzhou, China Abstract—Two pieces of impefect sheets of Tangut has 6 lines and every line has 14 characters. From the "Persuasive Poetry" were unearthed from Xiuxing Cave in currently discovered and published Tangut literatures in the Zhangyi Town of Wuwei City. They are now collected in world, this literature should be called the only Tangut folk Gansu Museum and published in the volume 16 of the "Tangut poetry work beyond the literatures unearthed from Khara- Literatures Collected in China". This paper intends to Khoto. reinterpret and compile this literature and correct the interpretation errors that have occurred in the past on the Shi Jinbo once mentioned and introduced this literature basis of previous interpretations. On the basis of Tangut in the process of introducing and interpreting Tangut "Palace-style Poetry" unearthed in Khara-Khoto in the same literatures collected in China1. Since then, Teacher Liang period and studies on Dunhuang poetry literatures, this paper Jihong has explained the full text of the literature and tries to further discuss type or form of this literature, rhyming expounded the basic characteristics of the "Persuasive and other conditions of this literature. Poetry"2. The research results of the predecessors have made a great contribution to sorting out the content, characteristics Keywords—Tangut; Persuasive Poetry; Tangut literatures and significance of this literature; but the slightly imperfect collected in China thing is that the previous interpretation on this literature has some content interpretation error and some interpretation to I. -
The University of Chicago Practices of Scriptural Economy: Compiling and Copying a Seventh-Century Chinese Buddhist Anthology A
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRACTICES OF SCRIPTURAL ECONOMY: COMPILING AND COPYING A SEVENTH-CENTURY CHINESE BUDDHIST ANTHOLOGY A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE DIVINITY SCHOOL IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY BY ALEXANDER ONG HSU CHICAGO, ILLINOIS AUGUST 2018 © Copyright by Alexander Ong Hsu, 2018. All rights reserved. Dissertation Abstract: Practices of Scriptural Economy: Compiling and Copying a Seventh-Century Chinese Buddhist Anthology By Alexander Ong Hsu This dissertation reads a seventh-century Chinese Buddhist anthology to examine how medieval Chinese Buddhists practiced reducing and reorganizing their voluminous scriptural tra- dition into more useful formats. The anthology, A Grove of Pearls from the Garden of Dharma (Fayuan zhulin ), was compiled by a scholar-monk named Daoshi (?–683) from hundreds of Buddhist scriptures and other religious writings, listing thousands of quotations un- der a system of one-hundred category-chapters. This dissertation shows how A Grove of Pearls was designed by and for scriptural economy: it facilitated and was facilitated by traditions of categorizing, excerpting, and collecting units of scripture. Anthologies like A Grove of Pearls selectively copied the forms and contents of earlier Buddhist anthologies, catalogs, and other compilations; and, in turn, later Buddhists would selectively copy from it in order to spread the Buddhist dharma. I read anthologies not merely to describe their contents but to show what their compilers and copyists thought they were doing when they made and used them. A Grove of Pearls from the Garden of Dharma has often been read as an example of a Buddhist leishu , or “Chinese encyclopedia.” But the work’s precursors from the sixth cen- tury do not all fit neatly into this genre because they do not all use lei or categories consist- ently, nor do they all have encyclopedic breadth like A Grove of Pearls. -
Official Colours of Chinese Regimes: a Panchronic Philological Study with Historical Accounts of China
TRAMES, 2012, 16(66/61), 3, 237–285 OFFICIAL COLOURS OF CHINESE REGIMES: A PANCHRONIC PHILOLOGICAL STUDY WITH HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS OF CHINA Jingyi Gao Institute of the Estonian Language, University of Tartu, and Tallinn University Abstract. The paper reports a panchronic philological study on the official colours of Chinese regimes. The historical accounts of the Chinese regimes are introduced. The official colours are summarised with philological references of archaic texts. Remarkably, it has been suggested that the official colours of the most ancient regimes should be the three primitive colours: (1) white-yellow, (2) black-grue yellow, and (3) red-yellow, instead of the simple colours. There were inconsistent historical records on the official colours of the most ancient regimes because the composite colour categories had been split. It has solved the historical problem with the linguistic theory of composite colour categories. Besides, it is concluded how the official colours were determined: At first, the official colour might be naturally determined according to the substance of the ruling population. There might be three groups of people in the Far East. (1) The developed hunter gatherers with livestock preferred the white-yellow colour of milk. (2) The farmers preferred the red-yellow colour of sun and fire. (3) The herders preferred the black-grue-yellow colour of water bodies. Later, after the Han-Chinese consolidation, the official colour could be politically determined according to the main property of the five elements in Sino-metaphysics. The red colour has been predominate in China for many reasons. Keywords: colour symbolism, official colours, national colours, five elements, philology, Chinese history, Chinese language, etymology, basic colour terms DOI: 10.3176/tr.2012.3.03 1. -
"Brightening" and the Place of Xixia (Tangut)
1 "Briiighttteniiing" and ttthe plllace of Xiiixiiia (Tanguttt) iiin ttthe Qiiiangiiic branch of Tiiibettto-Burman* James A. Matisoff University of California, Berkeley 1.0 Introduction Xixia (Tangut) is an extinct Tibeto-Burman language, once spoken in the Qinghai/Gansu/Tibetan border region in far western China. Its complex logographic script, invented around A.D. 1036, was the vehicle for a considerable body of literature until it gradually fell out of use after the Mongol conquest in 1223 and the destruction of the Xixia kingdom.1 A very large percentage of the 6000+ characters have been semantically deciphered and phonologically reconstructed, thanks to a Xixia/Chinese glossary, Tibetan transcriptions, and monolingual Xixia dictionaries and rhyme-books. The f«anqi\e method of indicating the pronunciation of Xixia characters was used both via other Xixia characters (in the monolingual dictionaries) and via Chinese characters (in the bilingual glossary Pearl in the Palm, where Chinese characters are also glossed by one or more Xixia ones). Various reconstruction systems have been proposed by scholars, including M.V. Sofronov/K.B. Keping, T. Nishida, Li Fanwen, and Gong Hwang-cherng. This paper relies entirely on the reconstructions of Gong.2 After some initial speculations that Xixia might have belonged to the Loloish group of Tibeto-Burman languages, scholarly opinion has now coalesced behind the geographically plausible opinion that it was a member of the "Qiangic" subgroup of TB. The dozen or so Qiangic languages, spoken in Sichuan Province and adjacent parts of Yunnan, were once among the most obscure in the TB family, loosely lumped together as the languages of the Western Barbarians (Xifan = Hsifan). -
Sir Gerard Clauson and His Skeleton Tangut Dictionary Imre Galambos
Sir Gerard Clauson and his Skeleton Tangut Dictionary Imre Galambos Sir Gerard Leslie Makins Clauson (1891–1974) worked most of his life as a civil servant and conducted academic research in his spare time.1 Only after retiring in 1951 at the age of 60 was he able to devote his full attention to scholarly endeavours, which were primarily focussed on Turkish languages. Thus as a scholar, today he is primarily remembered for his contribution to Turkish studies, and his Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth-Century Turkish is still an essential reference tool in the field.2 Yet in addition to his study of Turkish and Mongolian linguistics, he also worked on a number of other Asian languages, including Tangut. Even though his extensive list of publications includes a small number of items related to Tangut studies,3 he devoted an incredible amount of time and effort to studying the language and to compiling a dictionary. He never finished the dictionary but deposited a draft version along with his notes in seven large volumes at the Library of the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), so that they would be available to anyone who wished to study Tangut and perhaps continue his research. Eric Grinstead, who used the dictionary when working on the Tangut manuscripts at the British Museum, called it “a paragon of excellence” in comparison with high level of errors in dictionaries available at the time.4 Indeed, the erudition of Clauson’s dictionary is obvious even upon a cursory look at the manuscript version and had it ever been published, it would have undoubtedly made a major impact on scholarship. -
On the Reconstruction of the Shenxian Zhuan
On the reconstruction of the Shenxian zhuan . School of Oriental and African Studies The Shenxian zhuan is a biographical (or hagiographical) collection of great importance to our understanding of the formation of the Taoist religion in the early centuries of the Common Era. A text of this name was put together by Ge Hong (283–343), but it has long been suspected that the best-known version currently available was actually confected for commercial rather than academic purposes in the sixteenth century from quotations in other sources, and that the direct tradition of the text has been lost. The careful reconstitution of a reliable version of the original work—or at least of an ancient version—has been the goal of a number of scholars, and the appearance of such a work of scholarship in the form of a translation, as part of what will doubtless prove to be a standard reference series for Taoist texts in English, certainly gives full occasion for congratulating not only the author, Robert Ford Campany, but also the series editor and indeed the press that has made the publication of this typographically complex and lengthy monograph possible.1 There is indeed much to admire here, right from the ‘Foreword’ by the series editor, Stephen R. Bokenkamp, which provides (on p. xxii) a stout defence of academic translation against those, including tenure and promotion committees, who see it as ‘just a skill, like taking dictation’.2 This publication does, however, give an unrivalled opportunity for assessing how much we have learned concerning the reconstitution of lost texts from the period of disunion following the collapse of China's first period of imperial unity, and it is on this question of how to go about the work of reconstitution that the following remarks will concentrate. -
Artificial Languages Across Sciences and Civilizations
Journal of Indian Philosophy (2006) 34: 87-139 © Springer 2006 DOl: 10.1007/sl0781-005-8189-0 FRITS STAAL ARTIFICIAL LANGUAGES ACROSS SCIENCES AND CIVILIZATIONS anupiisitavrddh iilJiilfl vidyii niitiprasTdati "science does not smile on those who neglect the ancients" Bhartrhari, Viikyap adfya INTRODUCTION Beneath this essay lies a philosophic question: how can language, natural or artificial, assist us in knowledge of the world (which includes ourselves)? I shall not try to contribute to the answer of this question by mere speculation, but start with some facts: artificial languages are at least as universal as natural languages and are neither restricted to one civilization, viz., the so-called Western which I call Euro-American; nor are they confined to mathematics, physics and a few other sciences that in English are often referred to as 'exact.' My paper consists of four parts. Parts I and 11 pave the way for Ill and IV. Part I deals with ancient and medieval science. Its theatre is Asia, the large continent to which Europe is appended. Part 11 sketches the sciences of language that developed there and provides a background for the emergence of artificial languages that will be-treated in Parts Ill, 'Early Artificial Languages' and IV, 'From Natural to Artificial Language.' Definitions come in the end, but the concept of artificial language that is used here must be clarified at least to some extent. Artificial languages contrast with natural languages such as English or Thai. An artificial language is not natural- or so it seems. But the opposite does not hold. Natural languages may be artificial and artificiality admits of degrees.