Media-Government Relations During Musharraf, Zardari and Nawaz's

MEDIA-GOVERNMENT RELATIONS DURING MUSHARRAF, ZARDARI AND NAWAZ’S REGIMES

Ghani Rahman Roll No. BG-833376

ALLAMA IQBAL OPEN UNIVERSITY 2019

MEDIA-GOVERNMENT RELATIONS DURING MUSHARRAF, ZARDARI AND NAWAZ’S REGIMES

Ghani Rahman Roll No. BG-833376

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy Degree in Mass Communication at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Allama Iqbal Open University, Islamabad

Supervisor: Dr. Saqib Riaz August 2019 Co-supervisor Dr. Babar H. Shah

DEDICATION

Reverently dedicated to my parents, teachers

and all my family members

DECLARATION

I, Ghani Rahman solemnly declare that, this research work entitled “Media-Government

Relations during Musharraf, Zardari and Nawaz’s Regimes” is solely the result of my own personal efforts under the supervision and guidance of my Supervisor and

Co-supervisor. No portion or part thereof, has been plagiarized, copied or reproduced from others’ research works or dissertations. I do faithfully believe that this topic in its entirety, has not been approved and worked for the fulfillment of any academic degree in any university of Pakistan.

Ghani Rahman

Research Scholar

August, 2019

STATEMENT OF SUPERVISOR

It is certified that this research work entitled as “Media-Government Relations during

Musharraf, Zardari and Nawaz’s Regimes” has been conducted by Ghani Rahman under my supervision and co-supervision of Dr. Babar Hussain Shah, and is therefore, accepted and approved for submission in fulfillment of the requirement for the award of the degree of Doctor of Mass Communication at Allama Iqbal Open University, Islamabad.

Dr. Saqib Riaz,

(Supervisor)

Chairman, Department of Mass Communication,

Allama Iqbal Open University Islamabad

August, 2019

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Acceptance by the Viva Voce Committee

Title of Thesis: Media-Government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari and Nawaz’s Regimes

Name of Student: Ghani Rahman

Accepted by the Faculty of Social Sciences, Allama Iqbal Open University Islamabad in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy Degree in the Mass

Communication.

Viva Voce Committee

______Dean

______Chairperson

______External Examiner

______Supervisor Co-supervisor

Members______

ABSTRACT

This study explores media-government relations in Pakistan during the regimes of Pervez Musharraf, Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif. Under the ambit of Framing theory, two generic frames, responsibility and conflict from Semetko & Valkenburg Model (2000) and some issue-specific frames i.e. pro-government, pro-media, anti-government, anti-media and facilitation were analyzed. Dependent variables were the three regimes and coercion, violence against media, regulation, facilitation, responsible and irresponsible media were independent variables to see the impact of their relationship. Quantitative and qualitative content techniques were used to analyze the data with two separate code sheets as primary instruments. Descriptive statistics, ANOVA and multiple regression tests were conducted in SPSS Version-21 and Nvivo::12 Plus software was used to explain relationship among relevant concepts in qualitative analysis. The sampling frame of quantitative data of four newspapers was 2880 days (102 weeks).

Analysis revealed that genres predicting worst media-government relations jointly formed a sum of 1404 (69.50%) and items signifying good/normal relations were 538 (26.63%) out of the total 2020 genre. The highest degree of media suppression and interestingly, maximum media facilitation, both were reported during Musharraf era. ANOVA test with the mean difference; Musharraf 2.61(lowest of the three), Zardari 3.17 and Nawaz 3.50, supported the notion of the worst media-government relations during Musharraf era as compared to the other two regimes. Test of the 2nd hypothesis, “presumed greater media criticism over Musharraf’s regime”, with mean scores; Musharraf 4.55 (comparatively larger), Zardari 4.11, and Nawaz as 4.19 indicated that Musharraf’s regime was less criticized by the media as compared to Zardari and Nawaz regimes and hence, the assumption was not supported. Multiple Comparisons test showing a significant difference of 0.000 between comparison of Musharraf’s era with Zardari and Nawaz regime and relatively less significant difference of 0.005 between Zardari and Nawaz regime, partially supported the 3rd hypothesis.

Keywords: Media-government relations, violence, coercion, regulation, facilitation

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

In the name of Al-Mighty Allah, the Greatest Beneficent the Most Merciful, Who bequeathed upon me, His exceptional and unparalleled mercy, guidance and invisible help to complete this study. With profound reverence, I pray for my beloved late parents whose kind parental urge, moral training and all-time support during my entire up-bringing and educational life enabled me to reach to this position. I render immense gratitude to Dr. Saqib Riaz Chairman, Department of Mass Communication, Allama Iqbal Open University Islamabad for his all-time support, jovial manner, painstaking guidance and professional supervision as my Supervisor for this study. I am sincerely thankful to Dr. Babar Hussain Shah Lecturer, Department of Mass Communication, Allama Iqbal Open University Islamabad for his always friendly and scholastic counsels and proficient supervision as Co-supervisor throughout this research work.

I also got valuable input and theoretical & methodological support from Dr. Bakht Rawan, Associate Professor, Dr. Saadia Pasha Assistant Professor, Dr. Shahid Hussain, Assistant Professor and Dr. Asad Munir, Lecturer, Department of Mass Communication, Allama Iqbal Open University Islamabad. I am obliged to all of them. Furthermore, I offer earnest thanks to my fellow scholars Ms. Hayyam Qayyum, Abdur Rahman Qaisar, M. Sher Juni, Mian Muhammad Ramzan and Muhammad Yousaf Alamgarian for their all-time, friendly and helpful discussions during the entire process of this degree programme. I am grateful to my entire family members for their continuous support during the completion of this research project. I am sincerely indebted to all the attached staff members of the Department of Mass Communication, Allama Iqbal Open University Islamabad for their friendly behavior constant cooperation and procedural support in all official and academic matters.

In the last, let me thank the management and staff of National Library of Pakistan for their sincere cooperation in collection of newspapers data, and Mr. Maqsood Shaheen of The American Center, Embassy of the USA, Islamabad for his earnest cooperation and practical help in extraction of data from the LexisNexis Data base.

TABLE OF CONTENTS Contents ...... Page No Dedication ...... i Declaration ...... ii Statement of Supervisor ...... iii Acceptance by the Viva Voce Committee ...... iv Abstract ...... v Acknowledgements ...... vi Table of Contents ...... vii List of Tables ...... xi List of Figures ...... xiii List of Abbreviations...... xiii

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 Historical Background of Media-government Relations ...... 4 1.1.1 Traces of Press-Government Relations in Ancient Period ...... 4 1.1.2 Press-Government Relations in Early Modern Europe ...... 5 1.1.3 Press-Government Relations in Europe after the 20th Century ...... 9 1.1.4 Press-Government Relations in the North American Continent ...... 12 1.1.4(A) Press-Government Relations in America ...... 12 1.1.4(B) Press-Government Relations in Canada ...... 16 1.2 An Over-view of Press-Government Relations in Pre-Partitioned India ...... 18 1.2.1 Press Acts and Laws Introduced by the British India Regime ...... 23 1.3 Press-Government Relations in Post-Independence Pakistan (1947-2000) ...... 36 1.3.1 Quaid’s Vision of the Press ...... 36 1.3.2 Press-Government Relations in Pakistan during 1947-1958 ...... 38 1.3.3 Press-Government Relations during Ayub Khan’s Era (1958-1969) ...... 42 1.3.4 Press-Government Relations during Yahya Khan’s Regime (1969-1971) ...... 45 1.3.5 Press-Government Relations during Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s Era (1972-1977) .....46 1.3.6 Press-Government Relations during General Zia ul Haq’s Era (1977-1988) ....47 1.3.7 Press-Government Relations during the Turbulent Civilian Era (1988-1999) ...49 1.4 Statement of the Problem ...... 52 1.5 Significance of the Study ...... 53 1.6 Objectives of the Study ...... 53 1.7 Research Questions ...... 54 1.8 Delimitations of the Study ...... 54

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CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW 55 2.1 Various Theoretical Approaches and Media-Government Relations ...... 55 2.2 Media-Government Relations under Different Media Systems/Models ...... 60 2.3 Media’s Different Roles/Functions and Relationship with Government ...... 64 2.4 Scale, Techniques and Impact of Media-government Relations Research ...... 67 2.5 Coverage of Corruption & Media-Government Relations ...... 68 2.6 Media’s Watchdog Role, Accountability & Relations with Government ...... 70 2.7 Media-Government Relations in a Suppressed Media Environment ...... 75 2.8 Media-Government Relations in Pakistan in a Subdued Media Situation ...... 76 2.9 Various Approaches & Tactics to Control the Media ...... 82 2.10 Media-Government Relations & Pro-democratic Media ...... 85 2.11 Responsible Portrayal or Sensationalism & Media-regimes Relations...... 91 2.12 Media’s Influence on Public and Policy Agendas ...... 92 2.13 Freedom of Expression & Need to Revisit Pakistan’s Media laws ...... 97 2.14 Challenges to the Media Growth in Pakistan ...... 100 2.15 Calamities & Disasters - A Test for Media-Government Relations ...... 103 2.16 Harassment of Journalists and Media-Government Relations ...... 104 2.17 Press-Government Relations in Pakistan (Experiences & Observations of Some Veteran Journalists/Personalities) ...... 107 2.18 Theoretical Framework ...... 116 2.19 Hypotheses ...... 117 CHAPTER 3 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 118 3.1 Methodology ...... 118 3.2 Research Designs ...... 121 3.2-A Quantitative Content Research Design ...... 121 3.2.1 Population ...... 122 3.2.2 Sampling ...... 122 3.2.3 Time Frame ...... 122 3.2.4 The Technique of Constructed Week ...... 123 3.2.5 Delimitations of the Study ...... 126 3.2.6 Units of Analysis ...... 126 3.2.7 Content Categorization Scheme (Quantitative) ...... 127 3.2.8 Coding Scheme ...... 132 3.2.B Qualitative Research Design ...... 136

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3.2.9 Categorization Scheme (Qualitative) ...... 137 3.2.10 Conceptual Model/Map of Key Themes/Concepts ...... 141 3.2.11 Population ...... 143 3.2.12 Sampling ...... 143 3.2.13 Data Collection...... 145 3.2.14 Procedures of Analysis ...... 145 CHAPTER 4 DATA ANALYSIS 146 Part-1 Quantitative Data Analysis ...... 146 4.1 Newspapers Coverage of Respective Regimes ...... 146 4.2 Regime-wise Frequency of Newspapers Genre ...... 147 4.3 Regime-wise Coverage by Respective Newspapers ...... 147 4.4 Newspaper-wise Number (Frequencies) of Genre ...... 148 4.5 News Impulsion ...... 149 4.6 Regime-wise Impulsion of Genre ...... 149 4.7 Newspaper-wise Impulsion of Genre ...... 150 4.8 News Source-wise Coverage of Regimes ...... 151 4.9 Topics/Issues Covered by Newspapers ...... 152 4.10 Regime-wise Coverage of Topics/Issues/Events ...... 153 4.11 Slant in Newspapers Items ...... 155 4.12 Length of Published Items ...... 156 4.13 Frequency of Various Genres ...... 156 4.14 Regime-wise Frequencies of Genres ...... 157 4.15 Placement of Newspapers Items ...... 158 4.16 Placement of Topics/Issues/Events ...... 159 4.17 Frames in Items ...... 161 4.18 Regime-wise Frames ...... 162 Part-2 Hypotheses Testing Through Quantitative Data Analysis ...... 163 4.19 Testing the Hypothesis-1 (H-1) ...... 163 4.20 One-Way ANOVA to Detect Mean Values of Groups (H-1) ...... 164 4.21 ANOVA test to find out Difference between & within the Groups (H-1) ...... 164 4.22 Robust Tests of Equality of Means (H-I) ...... 165 4.23 Testing the Hypothesis-11...... 165 4.24 One-Way ANOVA to Detect Mean Values of Groups (H-II) ...... 165 4.25 ANOVA test to Find out Difference between & within the Groups (H-II) ...... 166

4.26 Robust Tests of Equality of Means (H-II) ...... 166 4.27 Testing the Hypothesis-III (H-III) ...... 167 4.28 Tukey Post Hoc Tests of Multiple Comparisons (H-III) ...... 167 4.29 ANOVA for Tukey Post Hoc Tests of Multiple Comparisons ...... 169 4.30 Multiple Regression Test for Co-relationship ...... 169 4.31 Regime-wise Percentage of Ratios of Predictors ...... 171 4.32 Area Graph of Ratios of Predictors ...... 171 Part-3 Qualitative Data Analysis ...... 172 4.33 Nature of Source ...... 172 4.34 Source Category ...... 172 4.35 Source Credibility ...... 173 4.36 Regime, Source & Category-wise Frequency of Reports ...... 174 4.37 Context-wise Frequency of Reports ...... 175 4.38 Regime-wise Context of Reports ...... 175 4.39 Adjectives used in Reports ...... 176 4.40 Regime-wise Adjectives used in Reports ...... 176 4.41 Adjectives used By News Sources in Reports ...... 177 4.42 Tonal Qualities in Reports ...... 178 4.43 Government's Treatment of Media ...... 181 Part-4 Triangulation (Comparison of Quantitative & Qualitative Results) ...... 183 4.44 Comparison of Topics/Issues/Events with Adjectives in Reports ...... 183 4.45 Comparison of Topics/Issues with Government’s Treatment of Media ...... 184 4.46 Comparison of Frames in Items with Tonal Qualities in Reports ...... 185 4.47 Comparison of Topics/Issues/Events with Tonal Qualities in Reports ...... 186 4.48 Comparison of Slant with Adjectives in Reports ...... 188 CHAPTER 5 FINDINGS/RESULTS, DISCUSSION & CONCLUSION 189 5.1 Discussion over Findings and Results of the Study ...... 191 5.2 Conclusions ...... 197 5.3 Suggestions and Recommendations ...... 203 5.4 Limitations of the Study ...... 206 5.5 Implications of The Study ...... 206 References ...... 208 Appendices ...... 229 Appendix-A Coding Scheme (For Quantitative Content Analysis) ...... 229 Appendix-B Coding Scheme (For Qualitative Content Analysis)...... 230

LIST OF TABLES

Table No Table Name Page No.

Table 3.1 Selection of Days and Construction of Weeks 125 Table 4.1 Newspapers Coverage 146 Table 4.2 Regime-wise Frequency of Newspapers Genre 147 Table 4.3 147 Regime-wise Coverage by Respective Newspapers Table 4.4 Newspaper-wise Number (Frequencies) of Genre 148 Table 4.5 News Impulsion 149 Table 4.6 Regime-wise Impulsion of Genre 149 Table 4.7 Newspaper-wise Impulsion of Genre 150

Table 4.8 News Source-wise Coverage of Regimes 151

Table 4.9 Topics/Issues Covered by Newspapers 152

Table 4.10 Regime-wise Coverage of Topics/Issues/Events 153 Table 4.11 Slant in Newspapers Items 155 Table 4.12 Length of Published Items 156 Table 4.13 Frequency of Genres 156

Table 4.14 Regime-wise Frequencies of Genres 157

Table 4.15 Placement of Newspapers Items 158

Table 4.16 Placement of Topics/Issues/Events 159 Table 4.17 Frames in Items 161

Table 4.18 Regime-wise Frames 162 Table 4.20 One-Way ANOVA for Mean Values of Groups (H-1) 164

Table 4.21 ANOVA Test to find out Difference between & within Groups 164

Table 4.22 Robust Tests of Equality of Means (H-I) 165

Table No Table Name Page No.

Table 4.24 One-Way for Mean Values of Groups (H-I) 165

Table 4.25 ANOV Test for Difference between & within Groups (H-II) 166

Table 4.26 Robust Tests of Equality of Means (H-II) 166

Table 4.28 Tukey Post Hoc Tests of Multiple Comparisons (H-III) 167

Table 4.29 ANOVA-Tukey Post Hoc Tests of Multiple Comparisons (H-III) 169

Table 4.33 Nature of Source 172

Table 4.34 Source Category 172

Table 4.35 Source Credibility 173

Table 4.36 Regime, Source & Category-wise Frequency of Reports 174

Table 4.37 Context-wise Frequency of Reports 175

Table 4.38 Regime-wise Context of Reports 175

Table 4.39 Adjectives used in Reports 176

Table 4.40 Regime-wise Adjectives Used in Reports 176

Table 4.41 Adjectives used by News Sources in Reports 177

Table 4.42 Tonal Qualities in Reports 178

Table 4.43 Government's Treatment of Media 181

Table 4.44 Comparison of Topics/Issues/Events with Adjectives in Reports 183

Table 4.45 Comparison of Topics/Issues/Events with Government’s 184 Treatment of Media

Table 4.46 Comparison of Frames in Items with Tonal Qualities in Reports 185

Table 4.47 Comparison of Topics/Issues/Events with Tonal Qualities in 186 Reports

Table 4.48 Comparison of Slant with Adjectives in Reports 188

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure No Figure/Chart Page No.

Model 3.2.10-a Conceptual Model (Key Themes/Concepts) 141

Model 3.2.10-b Conceptual Model (Key Themes/Concepts) 142

Graph 4.30 Multiple Regression Test for Co-relationship 170

Graph 4.31 Regime-wise Percentage Ratios of Predictors 171

Graph 4.32 Area Graph of Ratios of Predictors 171

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

Abbreviation Illustration APNS All Pakistan Newspapers Society CPNE Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editors CPE Council of Press Editors IMS International Media Support IFEX International Freedom of Expression Exchange PNEC Pakistan Newspapers Editors Conference PFUJ Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists PPF Pakistan Press Foundation PML (N) Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) PML (Q) Pakistan Muslim League (Quaid-i-Azam) PPP Pakistan Peoples Party RSF Reporters Sans Frontiers (Reporters Without Borders)

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Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 1

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

Media-Government relations, also referred to as Press-Government relations, have remained a debatable and burning issue since the birth of the first ever frequently published newspapers in German cities and in Antwerp (Belgium) around 1609

(Britannica). Stemming initially from minor controversies of criticism over the regime, ensuing suppression, and competition with rival newspapers turned the press-government affairs into an endless and inevitable tale of regular antagonism and mutual interdependence between the two. Later, this interconnection became a matter of constant concern for philosophers, scholars and the ruling class as well

(Yüksel, 2013).

Despite a long history of tussle with regimes and playing somewhat controversial part in state’s affairs, the press established its role and worth in human society with every passing day. That is why the elite class, strategists and policy makers started thinking as to what should be the possible, proper and acceptable function of the press in the state and in the social set-up. Under this backdrop, the four popular normative theoretical perspectives of the press i.e. Authoritarian, Libertarian, Social

Responsibility, and Communist were emerged. These concepts grew out of the question: “Why there exist different forms of mass media for different purposes and functions in different states?” (Nordenstreng, 1997).

The scientific and critical research approach that entered into the field of mass communication after 1950s challenged these normative concepts of the press systems. Nerone (1995) posited that, these four perspectives are not supposed to present four separate theories of the press; rather, they suggest a single theory along

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 2 with four different instances. This theoretical advancement influenced the vast field of media and communication. The concept of media-government relations got more attention in the 20th century, as media was used for propaganda purposes by big powers in World Wars to mould public opinion and the novel electronic forms of media (radio & TV) were established in government’s control.

Importance of the media in modern political systems is historically recognized as earlier as in 18th century, when its original form “press” had been termed as the

“Fourth Estate”. Carlyle (1993) in “On Heroes and Hero Worship” attributed the term to Edmund Burke-an Irish politician, who in 1787 said: “there were Three

Estates in Parliament; but, in the Reporters’ Gallery yonder, there sat a Fourth Estate

(the press) more important far than they all” (McGraw, 2008). Media as a political institution now speak for citizens and report on and give voice to those on positions of political, corporate, economic and social life (Schultz, 1998).

Media also play a watchdog role in keeping the government answerable to the masses, as they depend on the media regarding government’s performance and conduct (Woodring & James, 2012). The developed (Western) and Third Worlds have two different concepts of media’s role in state’s affairs. The Western media concept propagates a watchdog role for transparency and accountability of the government and its functionaries. The Third World media concept of partnership

(Asian Values) supports a pro-government and friendly media’s role for socio- economic and political development and stability of the country (Coronel, 2010).

The novel function of press and journalism is its watchdog role, to keep regimes to be honest, and to protect rights of citizens, (Wodrings & James, 2012 cited Kovach

& Rosenstiel, 2001). But many times, regimes and media have turned as each other’s

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 3 necessities, because, the media have a constant thirst for news about state’s institutions to ﬁll airtime and newspapers’ pages; the government needs the news- outlets to express its legitimacy and to foster its relationship with the public (Pratt &

Akhtar, 2013). Hence, this complex and ever changing bond is based on media- government antagonism on the one hand, and mutual interdependence on the other hand. Media not only manipulate the domestic socio-cultural, political, economic etc. issues, but also influence policy matters pertaining to external and diplomatic affairs. Tori (2006) poised that the media possess potential power to affect the external policy making process of governments. Thus, media’s role is extended to and affects all walks of life in modern states.

Pakistan has faced many upheavals in its political history of 72 years (up to 2019).

Sudden changes in regimes, drastic sacking of the civilian governments, and capturing the rein by successive military dictators have relentlessly affected press- government relations in Pakistan. Since 1947, the institution of press in this country suffered all types of doable tactics by the state to bring it under its subjugation and control. “All governments in Pakistan adopted the same policy to use state-run electronic media for its own publicity and projection” (Riaz, 2008).

The onslaught of satellite TV channels and revolution of internet-based social media changed the entire edifice of the Pakistani media in the new millennium. Even the strongest military ruler, Pervez Musharraf had to give some space, and eventually decided, what no ruler prior to him was eager to decide, and opened the gateway for private TV and FM Radio Channels in the country (Peshimam, 2013). Later in 2007, this newly independent media supported the famous anti-Musharraf Lawyers

Movement and so, democracy was again restored in Pakistan.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 4

In Zardari’s era (2008-2013), “Pakistan’s media achieved some gains in freedom of expression, but also were labeled with the charges of sensationalism” (Mezzera &

Sial, 2010). The fragile civil structure carried on the momentum for another five years, and the once mutilated PML (N) won the 2013 general elections under the headship of the then exiled leader, Mian Nawaz Sharif, who became a third time

Prime Minister of Pakistan till his disqualification by the apex court on 28 July 2017 in the famous Panama Papers Case.

1.1 Historical Background of Media-Government Relations

1.1.1 Traces of Press-Government Relations in Ancient Period

Being a facet of human society, the media (press) have also passed through an evolutionary process, and it took several centuries for them to adopt the present shape. Till the 16th century, no formal press system as a separate state institution was existed anywhere in the world. The initial and organized form of information & communication system mostly remained a royal subject and was directly controlled by the rulers. To keep a sharp eye on the day to day affairs of the state, the ancient monarchs had devised a sort of reporting system to collect information from across the kingdom through specially appointed informers. Important proclamations and imperial decrees from the royal courts and palaces were also communicated to the subjects through the informers. In ancient era, information was disseminated verbally, or in handwritten form on a piece of cloth, leather, stone slab, wood plank or papyrus., Communication in Greece was made by lighting fire at night or making smoke at mountain tops. Messages could be sent from 40 to 100 kilometers or more, through the use of fire at night and the sunlight reflected by mirrors, called as heliograph (writing with sunlight). The Chinese Han dynasty (206 BC–220 AD)

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 5 developed a most effective surveillance and communications system. Royal news- sheet, “tipao” was used to be distributed amongst court staffers of in the late 2nd &

rd 3 AD” (Smith, 1979).

The early postal service was also a sort of organized and official information & communication activity. Yet another facts & data collection system was the covert information gathering service, through which the ancient emperors or rulers used to monitor loyalty of the higher-ranking officials like governors, deputies, revenue collectors, judges, military heads etc. and watch the enemy. Hand-written newspapers had started in Europe some 2000 years ago (in Roman Empire before 59

B.C.), which were later called as Acta Diurna (Khurshid, 1964).

The ancient Romans were among the first to develop a written script for transactions and correspondence (Cohen, 2012). In the East, in China, during the reign of Tang Dynasty, a royal declaration entitled as “bao” or report was to be issued to state functionaries, which continued to appear with various names and formats till the end of the Qing Dynasty in 1911. As the old information gathering and reportage system (now journalism or media) remained a royal (state) job during the recorded human history up to the 16th century, therefore, the matter of media

(press) relations with the royal court or regime remained out of question.

1.1.2 Press-Government Relations in Early Modern Europe

The earliest European printed paper appeared in Cologne, Germany in 1588

(Stephens, 2007). The Times of India (2007) claimed that in 1605, the first printed weekly “Relation” was published in Antwerp (Belgium), which is recognized by the

World Association of Newspapers & News Publishers (WAN-IFRA) and several researchers, as the world’s first newspaper. Socio-cultural and industrial

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 6 development, enlightenment, conflicts and wars caused a lot of political news in

Europe in 16th &17th centuries. Press was such a development that intensely affected almost all walks of human life in Europe. The elite class busy in lofty politics, book traders, merchants, and ordinary citizens were confronted with a phenomenon that affected their business, their daily lives, and their view of the world. News in printed form, and liberalization of political information was, in particular, a double-edged sword for authorities. The ruling class started efforts to control the production and flow of news by patronizing some sections of the press and the local coranteers

(Groesen & Helmers, 2016).

In Antwerp city, the authorities granted monopoly to a compliant local news publisher Abraham Verhoeven, who turned the periodical press into a puppet of the

Archducal regime. According to Groesen and Helmers (2016), many European regimes tried to prevent printed news from publishing. King James I of England objected to the circulation of critical news on various issues and royal policies, and resorted to censorship. It was a difficult time for editors and publishers to formulate a balance between journalistic credibility & professionalism and appeasing their political patrons to sustain financial expenditures. Carlsson and Pöyhtäri (2017) referred to philosopher Peter Forsskål of Finland, who wrote in 1759: “A wise government will rather let the people express their discontent with pens than with other guns”.

It is an interesting analogy that while tracing out the beginning of the press- government relations, the first ever printed newspaper was found to be titled as

“Relation”. The first English language newspaper Curanto (1618) was published in

Amsterdam in modern Netherland (McNair, 2003). Although the printed pamphlets

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 7 and newsletters had commenced earlier in modern Europe, but newspapers in their true sense were introduced around the mid-17th century-the time of great turmoil of the Civil War (1642-1651) in the UK which had increased demands for news.

Around this time, publications known as “news-books” began to appear as the first viable method of sharing and spreading ideas & information to a mass audience in the Western culture.

However, power of the early press was suppressed by the English Ruler Oliver

Cromwell, when he curbed all news-books on the eve of Charles I’s execution in

1649, an early example of political interference and censorship of the press. He continued to stifle public debate as the news-books were his main target. By 1655, all publications other than the two state-run newspapers were suppressed (CEA, n.d).

But during 1640 to 1660 (Restoration of English Monarchy after Cromwell’s death in 1958) around 30,000 newsletters and newspapers were printed, and some of those copies are available in the British Museum (WAN-IFRA).

The first English newspaper launched on daily and regular basis was “Courant” in the era of Queen Anne in 1702 (John & Silberstein-Loeb, 2015). The First Copy

Right Act was passed in 1709 in the UK. The initial Stamp Act in 1712 imposed duties on advertisement, paper and stamp, which were condemned and termed as taxes on knowledge by critics. In 1835, the Libel Act was introduced and for the first time, truth was allowed as defence in Britain. The British Newspapers Society was formed in 1836, and Stamp duty was abolished in1855 in UK. The British Press

Association was re-sat as National News Agency in 1868. In 1889, the First UK

Official Secret Act was enacted.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 8

In France, the first weekly La Gazette appeared in 1631, and the first national daily newspaper, Le Journal de Paris, was published in 1777 (Britannica). In the 18th and

19th centuries, French press was confined to the elite class. Prior to the French

Revolution (1787–1799), censorship and many other royal restraints were imposed on the French press. Changes in censorship laws and authorial rights in Old and

Enlightenment Regimes paved the way for Revolution (Witsell, n.d). The

Revolutionary press acted as a herald for the new mass political culture, but

Napoleon reinstituted the censorship after the Revolution. However, the press strikingly differed with the Napoleonic Régime as well, and thus played a significant role in the rise and fall of the French Revolution (Witsell, n.d).

In the last quarter of the 19th century, the French press achieved in its true sense, the status of a mass medium. Since the collapse of the Second Empire in 1870 to the 1st

World War, it made enormous expansion in terms of diverse titles and increase in readership (Kuhn, 2011). The closing decades of the 19th century observed a radical change in relationship between the state and press in France. After a long history of state’s interference in editorial content and a range of means to ensure a compliant press, the 1881 Law on the Liberty of the Press began with the words: “Printing and publishing are free which guaranteed freedom of opinion and the right to publish and brought a formal end to a variety of anti-press practices, including state censorship, legal restraints on content and restrictive financial measures,….” (Perry, 2011).

This law was a collective effort from all the political forces in France and the new parliamentary regime to promote a political culture and encourage democratic institutions to cope with the conservative forces and impede radical ideas.

1.1.3 Press-Government Relations in Europe after the 20th Century

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 9

Significant developments occurred in Press-government relations in Europe after the start of the 20th century. In1906, a Newspapers Proprietors Association was founded for the British national dailies. In the following year (1907), the National Union of

Journalists was formed as a wages-earner union, and in 1931, the UK Audit Bureau of Circulation was shaped. The Guild of the British Newspapers (now Society of the

Editors) was formed in1946. In 1953, the General Council of the Press was established (News Media Association, n.d.). In 1955, in UK, the unions, comprising of 700 electricians and engineers of the newspaper printing machinery, went on strike for increase in wages. The strike kept newspapers off the presses for 26 days and cost the industry around £3m (BBC, 2005). In 1959, after a six-week long strike, workers of the regional printing press got for the first time, 40-hours working in a week (Eurofound, 2006).

In 1980, the Association of Free Newspapers was formed which was folded in 1991.

In 1993, the Calcutt Report termed the UK Press Complaints Commission less effective regulator of the press, as it was run by the (press) industry, and was more sympathetic to the industry. The Report recommended a Statutory Press Complaints

Tribunal (Calcutt, 1993). The Press Complaints Commission replaced the Press

Council in1991. The Phillis Report (2004) recommend more direct, unmediated communications, positive presentation of government’s policies and the use of all relevant channels of communication (Parliament of UK., 2004). In 2007, after huge criticism of the press, media watch dogs and civil society, government in the UK abandoned strategy to stiffen Freedom of Information laws and squeeze access of media to coroners’ courts (News Media Association, n.d.).

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 10

In 2013, significant progress was made by the newspaper and magazine industry to set up the Independent Press Standards Organization (IPSO) - the new regulator for the press, called for by Lord Justice Leveson. More than 90% of the national press, a vast majority of the regional press, along with major magazine publishers, signed contracts to establish IPSO. Meanwhile, politicians, publishers and global media freedom organizations railed against the British Government's Royal Charter for press regulation. The daily Guardian generated rigorous and critical discussions regarding surveillance of citizens after unmasking of facts from the leaks made by the then US National Security Agency contractor Edward Snowden (News Media

Association, n.d.).

Just before the World War-II, when the Nazi Germany and the USSR signed a non- aggression pact, in response, France banned the pro-Communist press in the country.

When the German forces occupied France in the World War II, several Paris-based newspapers were dislocated and shifted to the southern part. Many other newspapers stopped further publication. When Germany extended its sway to the

Southern France in November 1942, the dailies earlier shifted from North were closed. In the north of France, the Nazi authorized press was mainly consisted of the collaborationist papers during the entire period of French’s occupation by the

Germany (Perry, 2011). During the war, the pro-Nazi press was to some extent, offset by the publication of clandestine newspapers sympathetic to the views of de

Gaulle and the Resistance (Kuhn cited Jackson, 2001). Gradually, the under-cover press turned more active, organized and disciplined. Just before the close of 1943, when the signs of Nazis’ vanquish turned obvious, the clandestine French press formed a national federation (Perry, 2011).

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Revolutionary changes were introduced in the French press after the World War

II. Pro-Nazi newspapers and presses were shut down. Consequently, a small number of 28 newspapers, out of the total 206 in 1939 in France, could resume publishing in the post-war era (Kuhn cited Guillauma, 1988). A new press system of independent companies was devised. The 1944-Press Ordinance in France was very distinct from the press law of 1881, which was now termed as insufficient to ensure a pluralist ownership of press and diversified content.

Over the period, government-press relations in France witnessed dramatic change.

The 1881 reforms ended state’s repression and censorship which recurred during the two World Wars and the Conflict of Algeria in 1950s-1960s. Still, the French press exercised maximum editorial liberty in the 20th century as compared to the 19th century. The Freedom House (2018), a global media watch-dog also supports this argument saying that, “France has a strong tradition of independent journalism and a generally free media environment. However, defamation cases and new security laws have raised concerns about the media in recent years”.

According to the Media Pluralism Monitor (MPM), the French media regulation system is multifaceted and potential risks to media pluralism are satisfactorily under control level. Primary safeguards to the media have been protected, and their political freedom has been envisioned through several regulatory apparatuses and bodies which check and ensure law abidance. Some major threats to media pluralism in France are minorities’ meek access to the media as many communal factions are given little media coverage … More monitoring, prior judicial controls and adequate safeguards against abuse of government powers are needed…(Vedel, García &

Durán, 2017).

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1.1.4 Press-Government Relations in the North American Continent

The inception and growth of Press in the North America and press-government relations across the Atlantic Ocean is a later occurrence as compared to the Europe.

The initial news publishing sheets in colonies on the American Continent were also hand-written. John Campbell was the first American to start printing his Boston

News-letter in 1704. Atwood (1993) identified more than 250 handwritten periodicals in Canada and the United States through his research work. Brier, (1959) noted that the term “newspaper” was first specifically applied to a handwritten publication in the West (North America) by the editor of The Flumgudgeon Gazette

& Bumble Bee Budget…(it was) filled with political satire directed at the Legislative

Committee of the Provisional Government of the Oregon Territory. The original birthplace of the American Press was the European migrants’ colony in the

Massachusetts Bay in New England (Northeast America) in early 17th century.

“Tyranny of the class system, regime and church forced most of the people to migrate to the US eastern coasts and the first small news publications naturally dealt with these problems, but…were licensed and suppressed if they irritated authorities”

(Zinn, 2015).

1.1-4 (A) Press-Government Relations in America

The first regular American newspaper was published in 1704, about 80 years afar the establishment of migrants’ colony. Before the American Revolution, some other regular magazines also emerged which played a key role in struggle against the

British Imperialism. Revolution activists spread the uprising message and strategy through verbal communication; the press and journalists did so in the printed material. In the post-revolution era, a partisan press was emerged in the USA and

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 13 various political factions formed their own newspapers. The opposing views in

1790s between the Federalists led by Alexander Hamilton, who represented the urban mercantile interests of the seaports, and the Anti-federalists, led by Thomas

Jefferson, who spoke for the rural and southern interests and advocated an agrarian

US republic, are examples (U.S. Department of State, n.d.).

This political antagonism led the editors and publishers to come out of the political influence and ownership. The Penny Press conceived and introduced by Benjamin

H. Day, founder of “The Sun” in New York around 1833, enabled the lower and middle class to read a newspaper, and thus journalism became a mass activity. (Its) low price, dependence on advertisements and out-reach to the masses set a precedent for the newspapers operate today (Aftab, 2013).

Founding fathers of America consented and endorsed a republic that was to be accountable and answerable to the citizens, i.e. “Government of the people, by the people, for the people…Abraham Lincoln” (Epstein, 2011). The people could hold regimes accountable in such environments, in which they had free and fair access to information, could make decisions and convey their aspirations and concerns to those in higher echelons of the US state (Krinsky, 1997). This idea was incorporated into the American Constitution as the very first of 10 amendments in 1791, around four years after the endorsement of the Document. Amendment-I ensure a liberal society, freedom of religion, free expression of ideas and thoughts and independence of the press (Corwin, 1920).

One of the American founding fathers, Principal Author of the Declaration of

Independence, and two terms President (1801-1809), Thomas Jefferson, viewed the

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 14 press as such: “If I am left with the choice to have a regime with no press, or the press but without regime, I will accept the latter option without a moment” (Online

Library of Liberty, 2018). Ironically two decades later, inside the White House,

Jefferson seemed to be totally ignorant of values of the press. He wrote: “Anything published in a newspaper is not believable….Truth itself becomes suspicious by being put into that polluted vehicle” (The New York Times, 2018). In 1861, President

Abraham Lincoln allowed the military officers to muzzle certain elements of the press who were impeding the Union’s war efforts. Later, he remarked that if it was unavoidable to cut a limb to save the whole body, it must be imputed immediately to save one’s life (Maihafer, 2001).

On foreign policy issues, the US media have mostly upheld and propagated the official stance. Critics say that during wars and US military operations, this Fourth

Estate and watchdog, has proved to be a lapdog. Right from the World War-I (1914-

19) to the Afghanistan expeditions, the US has excessively used media-outlets as propaganda tools to mould the masses in favor of war. Aday, (2017) posits that the

US media coverage on foreign policy is based on racial stereotype of enemies, elite- driven, uncritical (run-up to & early stages of war), and episodic (usually cover other states when senior US officials travel to or otherwise prioritize them)… There exists counter-argument to this. The Vietnam expedition (1955-1975) was initially supported by the US Media, but when some souring facts were reported, the media changed stance on the war and thus altered the public opinion in the US. The

American media absolutely played a role to alter masses’ opinion and losing

Vietnam War (Čihánková & Hana, 2014).

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Despite constitutional guarantees and charming lures of press freedom, every US regime tried to tame the media. During the era of Bush Jr., all possible attempts were made to manage the media, and the pre-packaged propaganda disclosures, were key part of that trend. The White House managed the media in day-to-day state business and policy with several tactics i.e. making payments of thousands of US dollars to selected journalists to prop-up state’s policy; utilizing the services of film/TV actors as dummy journalists; manipulated news packages; false & fabricated news reports, and plagiarized articles.

However, the US media have many times locked horns with several regimes on the domestic front, mainly over issues of larger impacts on masses. In the famous

Watergate Scandal (1974), the media forced Nixon to resign (The Washington Post, n.d.). Other mega political scandals getting extensive media attention and coverage in recent US history are: Iran-Contra Affair Scandal of Reagan’s selling arms to Iran

(1985-1987), investigation into the real estate investments of Bill & Hillary Clinton

(1992) and Clinton & Monica Scandal (1998).

Since, in his office from 20 January 2017, relations between President Trump and the media have stayed tense. Many events of Trump’s snubbing the reporters or fixing allegations against the media have occurred. CNBC (2018) reported ban by the White House on CNN Reporter Jim Acosta after a row with Mr. Trump. The

CNN sued President Trump and multiple White House aides for revoking press pass of its White House Correspondent, and violating his fundamental rights guaranteed under the First and Fifth Amendments. Reporters Without Borders-RSF, 2018) degraded the US media’s level on its Freedom Index from 43 in 2017 to 45 in 2018.

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1.1.4 (B) Press-Government Relations in Canada

At first, newspapers to Canada were transported from the European migrants’ initial settlements at the Eastern Atlantic Coast. History of the Canadian Press and its relations with government has four periods. During the First Period (1752-1807),

John Bushell, a printer in Boston issued the first ever Canadian newspaper, The

Halifax Gazette on 23 March 1752. The press was totally submissive to the regime which was the only source of revenue for newspapers in this era. News contents were official statements, messages, and foreign news. These early news leafs were of four pages and published once in a week (Kesterton, 1967).

In the 2nd Period (1807-1858), the arrival of settlers from Europe and America raised the number of news-sheets in the Upper, Lower and the Maritimes Canadas. The press found an egress from government’s influence by getting revenue from advertisers and consequently, self-reliant editors also emerged. However, many newspapers leaned to different political parties as several politicians also became editors. They labeled their papers as per their political thoughts and stands (e.g.

Reform or Tory). In 1835, Joseph Howe, a Nova Scotian journalist argued in his own defence in a trial for having printed a sarcastic criticism of the Halifax police and magistrates in his newspaper. At last, the jury acquitted him, “as responsible government evolved (in Canada), a new climate of intellectual tolerance and newspaper freedom was introduced” (Granatstein, 1968).

In the Third Period (1858-1900), the Act of Union-1840, and the Canadian

Confederation-1867 swelled the quantum of political and foreign news. The press expanded towards the West of Canada with the constant arrival of fresh settlers. In

1858, the discovery of gold in the sands of the Fraser River in the interior British

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 17

Colombia (The Canadian Encyclopedia) attracted more people to the Pacific Coast region, and as a result, more newspapers emerged in the east of Canada. The

Montreal Gazette was founded in 1855 by P.D. Ross (News Media Canada, 2018).

Press freedom became clearer in the newly framed statutes.

Revolutionary changes occurred in Canadian Press in its Fourth Period after the 20th

Century. Newspapers formed a co-operative body, the “Canadian Press” in 1917 to ensure availability of news in all parts of the country. In 1938, daily newspapers reached to 138. By the mid-1980s, there were 110 dailies in Canada; today (2018), this number is 105. The combine circulation of French and English languages newspapers reached beyond 5.7 million in 1989. A recession in newspapers’ circulation occurred in 1990’s with the outburst of other means of communication.

The current subscription of daily newspapers is around 5.2 million per day (News

Media Canada, 2018).

Reporters Without Borders (RSF) placed Canada at 18th position in its 2018 World

Press Freedom Index improving its ranking by four points as compared to 2017. It observed that free media is guaranteed under Canada's 1982 Constitution, but despite recent positive steps, (forming an Inquiry Commission to investigate Quebec police surveillance of many journalists, adoption of a federal press-shield law to protect the secrecy of journalists sources etc.), disappointment exists over court proceedings against two Canadian Journalists. A draft controversial Bill C-51 uses national security as an excuse to chill the free flow of information online, while the recent closure of more than forty independent newspapers following an agreement between two of the country's largest publishers, risks media pluralism in the country (RSF,

2018).

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1.2 An Over-view of Press-Government Relations in Pre- partitioned India

The thread of Press-government relations in pre-partitioned India can be stretched to the time of East India Company (EIC) in the 18th century. No press system was existed prior to the European nations’ trade and colonial adventures into the region.

The Sanskrit language ancient book “Arthasástra” mainly authored by Kautilya-

Chankya (deputy of Chandra Gupt Moria) mentioned in detail, about a stately organized espionage & information system (Shamasastry, 1956) to collect intelligence for both internal and external security purposes (Jackson, 1906).

Many worldly renowned travelers like Megasthenes also mentioned about this

Information and espionage system in their travelogues. In Ashoka’s period (273-232

B.C.), those officially designated informants (spies) enjoyed greater socio-economic and courtier status. The Muslim rulers, especially Mughals had further organized the spying structure and also developed the Postal system and both these worked as a sort of reporting system. Some researchers have mentioned about private handwritten newspapers during the reign of Aurengzeb and Alamgir who had given those papers both freedom and patronage (Khurshid, 1964).

After their first arrival at the start of the 18th century, the British merchants of East

India Company rapidly established their position in the Southern coastal regions of

India. At the close of the 18th century, after annexing most of the Southern Indian peninsula, the Company’s occupation had been stretched up to Delhi till the dethroning of the last Mughal ruler Bahadur Shah Zafar in 1857 (Marshall, 2011).

Initially, Newspapers from the UK were to be brought to India for reading by the

Company’s officials, which would take months to reach here.

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In the last quarter of the 18th century, some retired and dissenting employees of the

EIC started publishing news pamphlets, mostly criticizing its wrongdoings. The

Company’s loyalists also responded to critics in similar pattern, and thus newspapers were pioneered in India. William Bolt was the first Englishman who, after having served the EIC for 13 years and resigned in 1768, tried to bring out a Newspaper in

Calcutta. He had nailed down a poster on the Council Hall of Calcutta in September,

1768, instigating someone to launch the printing press and also offering secret news to the English people at his home. “Bolt tried to launch his paper in India in 1776 in order to beat a retreat under the disapproving gaze of the Court of Directors of the

Company” (Padmanabhan, 2011). Bolt was arrested and then expelled to Europe.

Niazi (1986) argued that since its inception, journalism in the United India was of non-conformist nature and the pioneers paid heavily. Even the first ever idea of launching a newspaper in the Sub-continent was thought upon in prison by James

August Hickey. He is also credited with the pioneering of scandalous reporting and outright vulgarity. The first issue of Hicky’s Bengal Gazette or Calcutta General

Advertiser went on 20 January 1780, with a promise to revolutionize news in the

Sub-continent with neutrality and strict adherence to facts and accuracy in the prevailing circumstances of the Company’s rule (Thomas, 2018). When the EIC sponsored the launching of a pro-Company newspaper to counter Hicky’s newspaper, and also allowed its free post, Hicky thought that he was being punished, and after a week, he launched a very harsh campaign against the Company with publishing of anti-Company stories (Otis, 2018).

Critics have questioned Hicky’s claims of truth and neutrality, as he drastically attacked most of the pro-EIC Englishmen, but spared Sir Filip Francis, a key supporter of Hicky, the leading opponent of Governor General Warren Hastings

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 20

(1773-1785), and a member of the four-man council appointed by Prime Minister

Lord Frederick North to rule British possessions in India. Hicky’s two-sheet newspaper devoted large space to scurrilous attacks on the private lives of EIC’s servants including the Governor General Hastings (Natarajan, 1955). Hicky was the first-ever journalist and editor in the Sub-continent to be fined and imprisoned, and so was his newspaper to be seized and finally closed.

Hicky also assaulted the first Church Missionary at Calcutta, John Zachariah

Kiernander, whom Hicky blamed for selling of printing type machine to his opponent and a pro-EIC newspaper, India Gazette which was jointly owned by two

British merchants B. Messenk and Peter Reed. India Gazette worked as a spokesperson for the EIC, vehemently responded to the allegations of Hicky’s magazine and even counterattacked him. Hicky’s Gazette ceased publications from

23 March 1782 after Warren Hastings issued orders to confiscate his printing types.

According to Wadhwa (2018), Hicky’s Bengal Gazette lived for a brief, if eventful, span from 1780-1782.

Another prominent Anglo-Indian paper Bengal Journal and its American-origin editor William Daune, also got fame in locking horns with the EIC rulers. On his arrival to Calcutta, Duane associated with the Bengal Journal – launched in 1785 by

Thomas Jones. In the beginning, Duane was more conciliatory. He made a commitment with Hastings to print official ads in return for concessional postage rates. The French Revolution of 1789 also affected French colonies in Asia. On 3

May 1790, in Chandernagore, at a distance of few miles from British Calcutta, the

French administrators were ousted by an instantly structured citizens’ assembly which is called as “Petit Revolution” by the historian Nigel Little, (2015).

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At that time, Duane wrote in support of the French Revolution. He also published an unverified report of the British Commander Lord Cornwallis’ death in a campaign against Tipu Sultan, a news item Duane attributed, in turn to Canaple-a French commander (Kumar, 2018). Hastings’s successor, John Shore (1785-1786) took fury over it and asked Duane to express regret before Canaple, failing which; he was arrested and confined to a cell at Fort William for some time. Duane fervently protested the connivance of the local British and French chiefs, to suppress press freedom in British India…(Tise, 1998). Duane left the editorship of Bengal Journal and launched another paper titled as Indian World. He continued objective, upright and professional journalism, and frequently published news about the offenses of the

EIC, but was ultimately forced to announce auctioning of his assets including the newspaper. On 17 December 1794, he published the last issue of Indian World.

Duane was detained, his house was searched, all his property was confiscated, and he was finally deported back to England in 1795.

Critical of EIC’s policies, Dr. Charles Maclean, editor of the Bengal Hurkaro was also exiled from India in 1798. The Madrass Gazette launched in 1795 by R.

Williams was disliked by the EIC chiefs for its fairness and criticism over them. In

1795, censorship was imposed over the Madrass Gazette and the Madras Courier founded by Richard Johnson, a Government’s Printer. All sorts of official instructions were to be scrutinized by the Military Secretary prior to publication.

Their complimentary postage was halted. On protest of the journals, the levy was imposed at the delivery side to be paid by the end readers (Chaudhuri, 1955).

The Bombay Gazette launched by W.S. Cooper and the Bombay Herald, commenced in1790, propagated interests of the British nationals. They evaded any spar with the regime, always tried to get official recognition and favour, and thus survived

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 22

(Somasekhara, 2018). Another non-Indian, James Silk Buckingham launched a bi- weekly Calcutta Journal which was recognized as a finest newspaper, both in term of content and presentation. He also exposed crimes of the EIC and its officials through a reasonable and well-founded criticism. Buckingham elucidated responsibilities of an Editor as “to admonish Governors of their duties, to warn them furiously of their faults, and to tell disagreeable truths”… Buckingham’s license was revoked and he was deported to England in 1823 (Reddi, 2017).

The EIC had happened to be more than merely a trading company. Between 1780 and 1800, 24 weekly or monthly magazines came into existence … The total circulation of English-language publications was put at 3000 (Sonwalkar, 2015). In

1795, R. Williams started the Madras Gazette, followed a few months later by the

India Herald, which was published without authority by one Humphrey, who was arrested for unauthorized publication, but escaped from the ship on which he was to be deported to England (Natarajan, 1955).

During the period of Richard Wellesley as Governor General (1798-1805), the EIC’s regime interpreted any criticism in journals as lurking Jacobinism (Sonwalkar,

2015). In 1799, new press regulations were introduced stipulating that, no newspaper be published until the proofs of the whole paper, including ads, were submitted to the government and approved; violation invited deportation to England.

Padmanabhan (2011) added: “its (EIC’s) officials were suspicious of journalists and newspapers from the very beginning and were also intolerant of any kind of criticism”. The early press in India somewhat succeeded to function, just because, it was at the hands of Englishmen who obtained strength and inspiration from the

UK’s free press.

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1.2.1 Press Acts and Laws Introduced by the British India Regime

Despite facing a lot of punitive measures, the pioneer English press acted freely and

fearlessly during the initial three decades. The Vernacular Press emerged in the 19th

century, also contributed to the 1857 War of Independence. It was intensely involved

in assembling the people against the ever expanding EIC’s Raj. Native newspapers

played a key role in setting the stage for a nationalistic revolt. Until 1799, the

British-origin press was handled and controlled without any press laws. When the

number of these publications increased, it was felt necessary to have certain laws to

regulate them. Some important are mentioned below:

i. The first ever law initiated by the foreign rulers was the Censorship of Press Act

brought forth by Lord Wellesley (1789-1805). It required all newspapers to carry

the names of the proprietor and editor, and examine the content in advance.

Journals, pamphlets and books were also brought under the ambit of this law in

1807. Non-compliance to this act would lead to instant deportation. Lord

Hastings revoked this act later.

ii. In 1823, John Adam (January-August, 1823) enacted the Licensing Act, making

it mandatory for all publishers to obtain a license from the authorities, failing to

which would cost them Rs. 400 fine. In addition to fine, the government would

also cease the press. This act ended the press freedom granted by Lord Hastings.

It was repealed by Charles Metcalf (1835-36). iii. In 1878, the Vernacular Press Act-IX was launched by Lord Litton (1876-1880)

to block such content which would interrupt peace or result into security threats.

A security guarantee of a certain fixed amount was compulsory to be paid by the

Indian-origin publishers and the English Press was exempted. It was a

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 24

discriminatory law and hence was also named as Gagging Act. It was later

abolished by Lord Ripon (1880-1884) in 1882 (Worldatlas, 2018). iv. The 1908 Indian Newspapers Act empowered magistrates to impound press

equipment and property if they published objectionable material. Authorities

could cancel declaration of any newspaper found violating the Press &

Registration of Books Act of 1867. However, the right of appeal in the High

Court within fifteen days of the penalty was granted.

v. The Press Act of India was enacted in 1910 to enforce a strict censorship and

restraint on every kind of publication. This law was excessively used against the

press. Many Muslim leaders and journalists like Muhammad Ali Jauhar,

Muhammad Hussain Azad, Zafar Ali Khan drove a consistent campaign against

this draconian law. At the close of World War I, a Press Committee, under Tej

Bahadur Sapru was formed. On its proposal, the Press Acts of 1908 and 1910

were repealed in 1921 (Mitrasias, 2018). vi. In 1931, the Indian Press (Emergency Powers) Act, was employed which

bestowed upon the provincial governments, extensive powers to curb any move

for launching civil disobedience movement. In 1932, all other political activities

to challenge authority of the British regime were also brought under the domain

of this law, which further amplified it. vii. During the World War II and to overpower the Congress-led Quit India

Movement, the Press Regulating Act was launched in 1942 to curtail propagation

of announcements about civil disobedience and prevent actions of disruption.

The Colonial regime was all empowered to censor any type of content it deemed

necessary (Worldatlas, 2018).

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 25

Apart from taking on the Colonial rulers, the initial Muslim and Hindu-owned newspapers were also patronized for social reforms, enlightenment and against the religious bigotry. Two prominent of these pioneers of reforms and journalism were,

Sir Sayyed Ahmad Khan in U.P. and Raja Ram Mohan Roy in Bengal. After complete sway over India by the British Raj, Sir Sayyed was the first Indian Muslim to be a vocal and practical spokesperson for socio-cultural and religious reforms in the Indian Muslim society. When he launched “Tehzeeb-ul-Akhlaq”, in its very first edition, he described the prime purpose of this journal as to motivate the

Muslims to reform their society and culture with modern scientific education.

When Sir Sayyed sat up the Scientific Society, he was given the epithets of Kafir

(atheist), Zindiq (sceptic), Anglophile, apologist and propagandist of the Colonial masters (Naeem, 2017).

Mohan Roy sat-up Sambad Kaumudi (Bangla), Mirat-ul-Akbar (Persian), English

Magazine Brahminical and united both the Indian and European editors to force

Lord William Bentinck to liberalize the existing press laws (Padmanabhan, 2011).

He filed a petition in the Supreme Court and next to the Privy Council against the

1823 Press Ordinance, and went further to close his Persian journal Mirat-ul-Akhbar as a token of protest. He organized the native laureates against any intrusion on the press or people’s basic rights. He also struggled against the Jury Act, which legalized judicial discrimination against the press. Roys’ petition is remembered as

“The Charter of the Freedom of the Press” (Niazi, 1986).

The beginning of 19th century also witnessed rigid control over the press by the

Colonial regime. Lord Wellesley (1798–1805) was personally very harsh on the press. Regulations of his era required newspapers to scribe printer, editor and proprietor’s names, proving their identity to the Regime’s Secretary, and to put

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 26 forward all publishing material to him for prior scrutiny. Newspaper’s publication on

Sunday was barred. Non-compliance to laws was swift exile from India. Re-printing of European papers’ content was also prohibited. The press could not progress during Wellesley and Minto’s times (1807-1813), (Nataranjan, 1955).

Personal attitudes of the British rulers played a pivotal role in press-government relations during the Imperial rule. Lord Hastings (1813–1823) having liberal and progressive views relaxed restrictions over the press and education. Hastings introduced some general rules for editors to avoid publication of news affecting royal authority or damaging general public interests (Grover & Mehta, 2018). The situation reversed when John Adam, the ex-Chief Censor of the EIC, succeeded

Hastings as the new acting Governor General (January-August, 1823). He withdrew government’s leniency towards the press (Crane, 1966).

When the Bombay Gazette and Bombay Courier augmented their anti-Company coverage, Adam had to introduce the 1825 press regulations, barring employees of the EIC to have any type of connection with the press. Like Adam, Lord Amherst

(1823-1828) also continued to gag the press viewing that the Court of Directors of

England never liked a free press in Indian Colony. The press witnessed another period of respite when, William Bentinck (1828-1835) succeeded Adam in 1928. He initiated reforms in press regulations. He was also in favour of the Indian languages press. When his popularity as a reformer for the press grew, the vernacular press of

India also started flourishing (Karkhanis, 1981).

Lord Metcalf (1835-36) also believed in the press freedom. On his invitation and initiative, Lord Macaulay, a renowned liberalist drafted a Press Act supposedly to be amalgamated into the code drafted by the Law Commission. On August 3, 1835,

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 27

Metcalfe, unanimously supported by the Council, passed the new Press Act, which is termed as the most liberal Press Act in Indian history. It supported the development of press in India. Lord Auckland (1836-1842) also liked the liberal press and kept a harmonious relationship with editors in Calcutta. Since 1870, the Colonial regime continuously carried on the Indian Penal Code for coping with the law & order issues created by the press. Some of its vital features have lasted beyond a century and are still a part of the law (Karkhanis, 1981).

The vernacular press played a vital role in the political struggle of Indians against the

Colonial occupation. The Hindi language Patriot formed in 1853, the Mirror, the

Bengali Weekly Amrita Bazar Patrika vehemently criticized the British Raj for its excesses, highlighted hardships of the masses, and demanded for political rights and share in top government positions. “…It is credited as the first Indian-owned,

(Bengali language turned into) English newspaper to foray into investigative journalism” (Press Institute of India, 2018).

The 1857’s Mutiny resulted the Gagging Act by Lord Canning (1856-1862) imposing all types of curbs on the press, and equally affecting the Anglo-Indian and

Vermicular papers. Canning, feeling to improve his reputation in India, permitted the

Gagging Act to expire on 13 June 1858 (Karkhanis. 1981). The tragic episode of

1857 also led to a clear-cut racial division among the British Press and the Indian

Press. “English journalists with one voice, cried blood for blood after the Mutiny”

(Narain, 1970). It caused the native press to turn nationalistic and caught attention of the Indians, as it offered news in the Indian languages (Agrawal, 1970). A few restraints were put on the Anglo-Indian Press and the Vernacular Press was sternly gagged. Some native papers also backed restrictions on the anti-regime press, which

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 28 included the Punjabi, Lahore Chronicle, Mofussilite and Bengal Hurkaro (Khurshid,

1963).

An English daily Friend of India in Seerampur was warned over publishing of an essay on the centennial anniversary of the Battle of Plassey. License of the Hindu

Intelligencer of Calcutta was cancelled. Urdu and Persian Newspapers Doorbeen,

Sultan-ul-Akhbar and the first Hindi daily, Samachar Sudhavarashan, were also prosecuted for inciting of mutiny. License of Gulshan-i-Naubahar was cancelled and the equipment was ceased (Padmanabhan, 2011). By and large, the Urdu newspapers had adopted an anti-British and pro-Rebellion attitude throughout the struggle.

Governor General Lord Canning commented on their tone as such: ‘The vernacular press has inculcated the bold and aggressive attitude in the Indian people under the guise of publishing news’…(Shodhganga, 2018).

Talik launched a Marathi Weekly Kesri in 1881, which was very vocal for the cause of freedom. The Sedition Ordinance was critically opposed by Talik and Agarkar that led to their convection and subsequent exile for six years. This laid the foundation of the Indian nationalism, and Hindu nationalist leaders like Raja Ram

Mohan Roy, Subash Chandra Bose, C.R. Das, Dadabhai Naoroji, Surendranath

Banerjee, Moti Lal Nehru, M.K. Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru used it as a tool for instilling, provoking and mobilizing nationalist sentiments in the largest chunk of

Hindu public across the entire India (Shodhganga, 2018).

Maulana Muhammad Baqir, Editor of the Delhi Urdu Akhbar was the first Muslim

Journalist who was shot by the British Raj on the suspicion of having killed an

Englishman, Principal of Delhi College Mr. Tailor (Qadir, 1947). Editor of Sadiqul

Akhbar Jamil-ud-Din was tried and jailed for three years. The Muslim Press was

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 29 severely hit by the uprising of 1857. Many of the papers were forcefully closed either by the Colonial regime, or purged due to fiscal crunch. Nataranjan (1955) figured 35 Urdu papers in 1853, and after the Mutiny in 1857, this number reduced to 12 only. Just one paper was under the editorship of a Muslim (Khurshid, 1963).

Tahir and Baloch, (2009) stated that before the War of Independence, the total number of India’s Urdu newspapers including printing presses was 103, while according to them, another scholar Dr. Tahir Masood, listed this figure as 122 all over India prior to the uprising of 1857.

In the beginning of the 20th century, the number of vernacular newspapers multiplied rapidly, that helped a lot in creating national consciousness. From 1910 to 1914, in a short period of four years, the regime opened around 355 cases in the form of cautions, security confiscations and trials. Gopal Krishna Gokhali, during his trial, depended freedom of the press, termed it as custodian of the public interests like the government and suggested that any legislation to restrict freedom of the press would have a fall back over the government itself (Nataranjan, 1955).

The Press Association of India cited: “From 1910 to 1919, the British Raj proceeded against 991 papers and Presses, 286 papers were warned, security was claimed from

705 press outlets, and 173 new presses and 129 fresh papers could not be launched due to this act which virtually stopped growth of press in India” (Khurshid, 1963).

Maulana Sirajuddin Ahmed, launched Zamindar from Lahore in 1903. After his death in 1909, his son Zafar Ali Khan gave it a new direction making it a Muslim’s voice. “Gaining an unprecedented popularity, it became a daily in 1911, but displeasing the colonial rulers resulted into imprisonment of the editor followed by ban over the paper’s publication” (Parekh, 2011).

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 30

During the Caliphate Movement, Muslim journalists and editors such as Maulana

Muhammad Ali, Maulana Shoukat Ali, Hasrat Mohani, Abul Kalam Azad, Zafar Ali

Khan etc. were house arrested. Zamindar was again started in 1919 , but during the

Caliphate Movement, its security was confiscated, its Editor Zafar Ali Khan was arrested due a controversial speech at Hazro (District Attock, Punjab), and after some days, Akhter Ali Khan and Maulana Abdul Majeed Salik were also taken into custody. In 1921, the Muslim Printing Press was also seized and around one dozen editors of the Zamindar were arrested. (Khurshid, 1963).

Zafar Ali Khan even went to the UK to convey sentiments of Indians to the British regime. Siasat was censored on the pretext of supporting the Caliphate Movement, and its editor Maulana Syed Habib was jailed for three years. Later, Zamindar, became an arch advocate of the idea of Pakistan and robustly supported the League’s course of action and demands (Khan, n.d). Another pro-Congress paper Pratab, in

Lahore was closed after a few days of its publication in 1919, and its editor Mahashe

Crishan was jailed. The paper had to suspend its publication many times between

1919 and 1936 (Shodhganga. 2018).

Pro-Khilafat newspaper, Zamana in Calcutta, edited by Muhammad Akram Khan, shelved publication in 1920, as the regime ordered a surety of Rs. 2,000/. Its editor had to launch another newspaper Al-Asrar. Tarjuman from Calcutta by Gholam

Hyder Khan was coerced to deposit a bond of Rs. 1000/- and to change its title as

Sadaqat. Rozanma-i-Hind started by Abdul Razzaq Malihabadi in 1930 from

Calcutta, received a lot of warnings along with confiscation of its security. As an anti-communal paper, it advocated Hindu-Muslim unity and constantly criticized the

British regime for its divide & rule policy. Hind-i-Jadeed published from Calcutta by the same editor since 1932, was of the same line (Shodhganga. 2018).

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 31

Milap of the Arya Samaj in Lahore, edited by Gauri Shankar was a pro-freedom

Hindu newspaper. Feeling the brunt of the 1947’s partition, it was shifted to Delhi.

Editor of Jamhoor was expelled from Bengal under the Defence of India Act (Iqbal,

2005). Editor of Aligarh-based Urdu-e-Moalla, Hasrat Mohani, was jailed for two years along with a fine of Rs. 500. He in his book, Mushahidat-i-Zindan, he wrote that the local authorities were very well aware of his poor financial status to pay a huge fine of Rs.500, so the paper and his precious library were seized. About 5000 valuable books were stuffed in gunny bags without making any inventory, and auctioned for a paltry sum of Rs. 50 only (Niazi, 1986).

The Urdu press played a pivotal role to stir nationalism, inculcate the fervor of freedom, and buttress determination in masses (Siddique, 1988). The editors, publishers and owners of the Urdu newspapers suffered massive hardships from the

British rulers in the struggle for freedom, as the Urdu press had been the explicit target of the Colonial regime. Niazi (1986) stated that, from 1923 to 1930, the press functioned without many restraints. But according to (Shodhganga, 2018), during

1920 to 1946, the British regime made intense surveillance of the native press especially the Urdu newspapers and magazines. Newspapers were fined on lame excuses and their securities were frequently forfeited. Court litigations were order of the day. The very survival for the Urdu press was at stake owing to an unending witch-hunt and terrible oppression. Multiple methods, direct or indirect, were applied to penalize the Urdu Press at every cost.

In the famous Meerut Conspiracy Case, 26 persons and five journalists were arrested on 20 March 1929, on charges of conspiring and waging war against the emperor and preaching Communism. Editors were, Muzaffar Ahmad of Bengali Janvani

(People’s voice), Calcutta; S.A. Dangi, of Socialist (English daily), Bombay; Sohan

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 32

Singh Josh of Punjabi Kirti (Worker), Lahore; S.S. Mirajkar of the Marathi Kranti

(Revolution), Bombay; and P.C. Joshi of the Hindi Krantikari (Revolutionary). It was a longest case in the judicial history of British India. The trial ended on 3

August 1933. Muzaffar Ahmed was given life term. Under the Public Safety

Ordinance & Press Ordinance of May 1930, 131 papers were struck. The Secretary of State for India on 4 July 1932 informed the House of Commons that, actions were taken against 109 journalists and 98 printing presses. In 1935, 450 papers ceased publication, because they could not deposit the security money. From 1937 to 1939, over 1000 newspapers were victimized. In August 1942, 92 journalists were stifled during the Quit India Movement (Niazi, 1986).

On the eve of World War II, the British regime passed the Defence of India Act to enhance its powers in dealing with seditious content, and sat-up a Censorship mechanism under a Chief Censor & other censors and advisory committees in all provinces. Printed substance was strictly scrutinized by the regime (Shodhganga,

2018). To suppress the Quit India Movement, further restrictions were placed on the press and newspapers offices were stormed by the police.

At the dawn of the 20th century, around 70 Urdu newspapers and journals were in regular or interval publication in United India. In 1921, this figure rose up to 151. In the first quarter of the 20th century, Muslim publications reached to 220 in nine languages, majority of them in Urdu across the Sub-continent (Niazi, 1986). Maulvi

Mohammad Inshaullah Khan started Watan from Lahore in 1902. Being a nonpolitical magazine, it followed a moderate policy. As Watan had commercial interests, hence it kept cordial relations with the regime and always evaded all sorts of conflicts with the administration. Monetarily, it was a sound newspaper.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 33

Another veteran campaigner Muhammad Ali Jauhar launched two newspapers,

Comrade in English from Calcutta on 1st January 1911, and Hamdard in Urdu. On the start of the World War I, Maulana in an editorial in Comrade, under the caption,

“Choice of the Turks”, supported Turkey in the Balkan War. On this pretext, the

Regime forfeited the security of both Comrade and Hamdard and Ali Brothers were proceeded under the Defence of India Ordinance. Comrade again twilighted for a little while, but ultimately, it had to shut down (Rao, 2018).

Maulana Abul Kalam Azad started Al-Hilal from 13 July 1912. During the World

War I, due to publishing of some articles in favour of Germany, the security of Al-

Hilal was forfeited. Moreover, it was directed to deposit another sum of Rs. 10,000 as security, which ultimately resulted into closure of the newspaper. Maulana Azad launched another weekly, Al-Bilagh which soon closed in 1916, when he was expelled from Bengal (Hasan, 1986). Agonies of the Muslim Press by the Imperial

Raj can be judged from Dr. Mukhtar Ahmad Ansari’s address to the 11th session of the All India Muslim league at Delhi in December, 1918, who lamented strangling of the Muslim press at the hands of the rulers preventing it to convey the message of

Muslim leaders to the public and formation of the Muslim public opinion (Niazi,

1986).

At the dawn of the 20th century, the Hindus-owned press had primarily focused on

Hindu revivalism and Hindu-Muslim antagonism which had alarmed the Muslims.

This Hindu revivalist conception was practically adopted during the Congress Rule from 1937 to 1939 in many of provincial governments, which was reported in detail in the Sharif and Pirpur Reports published in 1938 and 1939 respectively (Buur,

2017). This led to a marked change in Muslims thinking and struggle. By then, they came out with a clear stance and demand that was made in historic 23 March, 1940’s

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 34

Lahore Resolution. The Muslim press also adopted a new tone and mood. Despite a harsh strangulation by the British regime and strong opposition from the Hindu- owned press, the Muslim Press, particularly the Urdu newspapers transformed its role and became a voice for the Muslims and the Muslim league.

Founded in 1940, Nawa-i-Waqt played a dynamic role in the Pakistan Movement.

The Muslim-owned Press in the Punjab province, except the daily Ehsan, was in control of the Unionist Party. The British and Hindu Press were strongly opposing the Muslim League leadership. Nawa-i-Waqt under the editorship of young Hameed

Nizami worked very hard to contest on this front of the “war of words and ideas”.

Another Muslim paper Ehsan, founded in 1934, and run by Maulana Murtaza Khan

Maikash, mustered useful support for the Pakistan Movement. Muhammad Shafi, popularly known as “Meem Sheen” and T.K. Durrani amply projected and consolidated the stand of Muslim League, despite strong opposition from the Hindu

Press and the British Regime (Khan, n. d.).

Quaid-i-Azam founded Dawn newspaper which was published from Delhi since

1942 to meet the pressing requirements of the Muslims, and to compete with the

Hindu press. In the interim government formed in 1946, Vallabhbhai Patel was

Incharge of Information and Home ministries, who had clear designs to crush the

Muslim Press by making three consecutive but abortive attempts. Lord Wavell,

Viceroy of India recorded in his journal:

26 November (1946): Earlier I had seen Patel who was frankly communal as usual.

To him, control of the press means suppression of Dawn….; 2 January, 1947- (In)

Cabinet meeting….We had discussed the Press Ordinance, which was directed mainly against Dawn and seemed unnecessarily drastic; 21 January (1947)-Three

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 35 hour meeting of the Cabinet. The matter of a Press Ordinance…took nearly one and a half hour,…The Muslim League is convinced, that it is simply a device of Patel’s to muzzle Dawn…(Niazi, 1986).

Dawn gained significant Muslim readers in the North of India and went stronger day-by-day. Before equipment and record of Dawn could be shifted from Delhi to

Karachi ahead of 14 August 1947, the office and printing press of Dawn were burnt by Hindu and Sikh hooligans. What was actually brought over, were the name

Dawn, and the editor, Altaf Hussain (Ispahani, 1967). On September 6, 1947, the

Dawn Delhi office was ransacked by a Hindu mob to erase its existence permanently from the soil of post-partitioned India (Aziz & Hasan, 2008).

Delhi-based Al-Aman and Wahdat edited by Maulana Mazhar-ud-Din played a pivotal role in promoting the cause for Pakistan with fervent exhibition of the idea of the two distinct nations, (Muslims & Hindus). It led Maulana Mazhar-ud-Din to meet a martyr’s death. Abdul Jabbar Waheedi editor of Asr-e-Jadeed, Calcutta was killed in 1946 (Niazi, 1992). Two Staff members of the Tribune were also killed.

Ranbir Sing, editor of Milap was also stabbed (Parthasarathy, 1989).

Alongside the main centers of the Muslim Press in Lahore, Bombay and Calcutta, other hubs of Muslim newspapers and periodicals were Quetta, Karachi, Lyallpur

(Faisalabad), Sindh, NWFP (now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa), and Baluchistan. The

Muslim Press was quite active for the Pakistan Movement and remained engaged in an enduring and fierce battle against the British Raj as well as the pro-English and

Hindu press (Khan, n.d.). It became a vanguard of the freedom movement and operated as a crusader against the British rulers (Niazi, 1992). Muslim and Hindu journalists awakened their own communities for distinct purposes before them.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 36

1.3 Press-Government Relations In Post-Independence Pakistan (1947-2000)

Relations between the government and press in Pakistan after its independence on 14

August 1947 remained profoundly affected owing to the constant political instability that not only inflicted very negative effects on the Pakistani press, but also influenced the entire social fabric of the country. Being a remnant slice of the combating press in the British India against the Imperial rule, while crusading the cause of a separate Muslim state, the early Press in Pakistan carried the legacy of constant struggle and criticism.

1.3.1 Quaid’s Vision of the Free Press

The press in Pakistan also got inspiration from the great leader Quaid-i-Azam, who once advised a young editor (Aziz Beg, Weekly Star Bombay) who had shown him a transcript of his editorial, as such: “My dear boy! Write in the light of your own thinking; don’t take instructions from any one, write with truth and fearlessness”

(Zeshan, 2012). Jinnah was an ardent and life-time advocate of individual liberties and freedom of the press. Niazi (1986) termed him as a practicing lawyer, who appeared before courts to contest the cases of journalists, and unequivocally spoke for freedom of the press on several occasions. Being a member of the Imperial

Legislative Council, Jinnah very strongly and plainly lamented curbs over the press and forcefully spoke in its support in 1913 with these words: “I remember Sir, when the Press Bill was introduced at Calcutta much as we felt that our most prized liberty, mainly the liberty of the press was going to be curtailed, our hands were tied, our mouths were closed” (Niazi, 1986).

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 37

Quaid-i-Azam had vividly opposed the British Indian Government’s decision in

1919 to deport editor of Bombay Chronicle, B. G. Horniman (Pirzada, 1989). Niazi

(1986) quoted Altaf Hussain (former Editor of the Daily Dawn) that being a founding father of the (Dawn) paper; neither he interfered in its affairs, nor issued any directive. He considered disloyalty to the Quaid’s fundamental principles (one of them-the freedom of the press), a grim betrayal with his soul, and a major cause of the bisection of Pakistan in December 1971. On 12 March 1947, a few months before the creation of Pakistan, Quaid-i-Azam in a speech to the Bombay Provincial

Muslim Journalists Association expressed his vision regarding the fundamental duties of the press. He remarked:

You have great power. You can guide and misguide people. You can make or mar the biggest personality. The power of the press is really great, but you must remember that this power, which you are wielding, is a trust. Look upon it as a great trust and remember that you are guiding honestly and sincerely the progress and welfare of your nation. At the same time I expect you to be completely fearless. If I go wrong, or for that matter, the League goes wrong in any direction of its policy or program, I want you to criticize it…. (Khan, 2008, para.24).

Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah in an interview with Mr. Weldon James of the

Collier’s Weekly Magazine, on 25 August 1947, said: “…As I have said many times before, Pakistan guarantees the just and equal treatment of all citizens, Muslim or non-Muslim, with freedom of worship, speech, press and assembly” (Pirzada,

1989).

Such was the level of a firm and clear commitment shown by Father of the Nation for freedom of the press in this new country.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 38

1.3.2 Press-Government Relations in Pakistan during 1947 to 1958

According to Aziz and Hasan (1991), although Quaid-i-Azam (Founder of Pakistan) all over his life had remained a staunch advocate of freedom of speech and civil liberties, mala-fide intentions had surfaced to gag the press even during his Governor

Generalship era. Recalling the Quaid’s speech of 11 August 1947, which is also termed as a policy statement about individual liberties, they referred to Zamir Niazi, a veteran journalist saying that, immediately after it (Quaid’s Speech) was over, the

Principal Information Officer (PIO) of the newly established Government of

Pakistan Col. Majid Malik phoned the (Daily) Dawn Office (at Karachi), that the portion relating to citizens rights and religious beliefs should be omitted (from the story to be appeared in next day’s issue). It was the first ever “Press Advice” in our history, which was originally perpetrated by Chaudhary Muhammad Ali, the

Government’s Secretary General even during the Quaid’s life. Dawn foiled this malicious attempt with utmost bravery and success.

Niazi (1986) mentioned that on 11 September 1948, only one month after the

Quaid’s death, the Public Safety Ordinance was enacted in October 1948. It was legitimized as Public Safety Act in 1952 and then excessively used against the press, editors and journalists during the 1950s. Later, through a well-suited amendment in this Act, the Ayub’s regime took over the Progressive Papers Limited (PPL) in 1959.

Niazi also quoted former Dawn’s editor Altaf Hussain’s views that, prime pretexts to gag the press were the two hoax dangers i.e. “Communism” and “India”. The

Government also tempered with the Quaid’s sister, Miss Fatimah Jinnah’s message over the radio on eve of his 3rd death anniversary in 1951. Fatima Jinnah’s speech over Radio Pakistan was suppressed owing to her criticism on Liaqat Ali Khan’s government, which infuriated her so much, that she decided not to speak over the

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 39 radio again. Z.A. Bukhari, former Director General Radio Pakistan apologized in writing to Miss Fatima Jinnah while trying to prove this engineered censorship as a technical fault. Fatima Jinnah vehemently rejected Bukhari’s explanation (Baloch,

2015).

The first ever action taken against a newspaper in Pakistan was the Civil & Military

Gazette. In May 1949, it had carried a story from its New Delhi reporter that, both the premiers of Pakistan and India (Liaqat & Nehru) in their Dehli meeting had agreed to divide the State of Jammu & Kashmir. The Pakistani press in a bid to demonstrate its patriotism, turned very angrily against the newspaper; published a joint editorial on the issue, and called for a strict action against it …The government on 13 May 1949, promptly banned the paper for six months. It never fully recovered from the blow (Rahman, 2017). Closure of the Civil & Military Gazette turned to be a precursor for an endless campaign against the free press in Pakistan (Aziz &

Hasan, 1991).

Although an instance had already and informally happened while Quaid-i-Azam was still alive, the “Press Advice” system in Pakistan was formally initiated by Khawaja

Shahabuddin, Information Minister of Premier Liaqat Ali Khan, through direct approach to the newspapers editors for asking them which news stories were to be prioritized and which were to be ignored (Niazi, 1986). Nawa-i-Waqt was targeted by the Daultana rule in Punjab over a minor technical fault in 1951 and its declaration was cancelled. Its editor tried to start another newspaper Jihad, but the printing press was coerced not to print it. Nawa-i-Waqt was restored after a hard struggle and facing heavy financial costs. The regime ended the conflict in June

1952, and Nawa-i-Waqt re-started its graceful publication (Abbas, 2012).

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 40

Z.A. Sulehri, editor of the Evening Times was arrested over a controversial essay and a cartoon. The Sindh Chief Court termed him innocent after four months trial. The intra-magazine rivalry between Chatan and Asia led the government to close both of them for one year. Zamindar, Al-fazal, Azad, Tasneem, and Tameer each were closed for one year on charges of creating incitement in people during the Khatm-i-Nabbout

Movement. During 1952-1953, around 50 dailies and journals were issued warnings over publishing of objectionable content (Khurshid, 1963). Official advertisements to such antagonistic newspapers were also denied. Dawn faced similar situation in

November 1953, when it criticized the Interior Minister over his failure in search for assassins of Liaqat Ali Khan.

The government denied newsprint quota to all the critical newspapers. The Pakistan

Observer of Dhaka criticized the Prime Minister Khawaja Nazimuddin in February

1952 on the language issue and provincial autonomy. Under the Provincial Safety

Act, its owner, printer and editor were arrested. After two years of litigation, they were absolved from the charges, but during this time, the paper could not be published.... In the early 1960’s, again the same newspaper was black-listed and was deprived of government’s advertising by the regime of General Ayub Khan (Alam,

2017). Periodicals such as Saveera edited by Zaheer Kahsmiri, Naqoosh edited by

Ahmed Nadeem Qasmi and Adab-i-Lateef edited by Mirza Adeeb were also proscribed in 1948 as the Leftist (Progressive) Movement in Pakistan, leftist ideologists and the progressive press faced a constant and systematic suppression by the establishment in the past (Usmani, 2016).

From 1947 to 1954, after getting freedom, 31 newspapers were proscribed in Punjab only. In an official statement on the floor of Constituent Assembly, it was disclosed

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 41 that around 50 newspapers were warned in 1953 and 1954. The provincial government of Khan Abdul Qayyum Khan conducted a merciless crack-down against the press in the NWFP (now KPK), except some pro-Muslim League newspapers. Consequently, Mujahid, Al-Jalal, Azadi, Sarhad and Naujawan-i-

Sarhad ceased publication (Niazi, 1986).

Pre-censorship, press advice system and all other techniques of choking the press prevailed during Governor General Ghulam Muhammad and President Iskander

Mirza’s eras. President Ayub Khan further tightened screws over the press with the introduction of Press & Publication Ordinance (PPO) in 1960. Unfortunately, a section of the press and some journalists also got stuck as stooges at the hands of a hoard of opportunists and anti-democratic elements. Prime Minister Khawaja

Nazimuddin was slashed with anti-Qadiani riots and famine scare through a press campaign, calling him as “Quaid-i-Qillat” (Leader of Scarcity).

Hameed Nizami’s Nawa-i-Waqt even demanded resignation from Nazimuddin, and yet went further suggesting that, if he refuses to resign, the Governor General should sack him. Thus, a very unlucky and unconstitutional demand came forward from a veteran editor (Hamed Nizami) and his popular daily (Nawa-i-Waqt). This fatal demand was ultimately fulfilled by the opportunist and power-lusted Ghulam

Muhammad and the hostage section of the press conferred upon him the title of

“Mohafiz-i-Millat” (Savior of the Nation). This action also divided the press, as newspapers in West Pakistan except Dawn, hailed the decision, while the press in the East Pakistan strongly condemned the unconstitutional act of the Governor

General. During 1956-57, around 39 newspapers and magazines were forced to deposit security deposits, while issuing their declarations (Niazi, 1986).

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 42

The 1956 Constitution in Article-8 guaranteed liberty of thoughts and views to the entire population of Pakistan irrespective of religion, sect, colour, sex etc., except rational restrictions entailed by the law. I.I. Chundriger, the then Law Minister during a debate on the said article in the Constituent Assembly had explained that, the press freedom was included in the term freedom of expression. Various famous judgments of courts conserved in PLD folders, prove that whenever the press found a noose around its neck, it always sought protection from the judiciary under this article. Chaudhary Muhammad Ali, in a foreword to a book wrote that, the press in

Pakistan enjoyed much freedom in the initial 11 years (1947-1958) of the country’s history, than it has ever been since (Niazi, 1986).

1.3.3 Press-Government Relations during Ayub Khan’s Era (1958-1969)

Field Marshall Muhammad Ayub Khan had a horrific opinion about the press and journalists while terming them as money-makers, opportunists and black-mailers.

Inam Aziz, a journalist, during a visit to Turkey to cover the tour of Iskandar Mirza’s visit, also met Ayub Khan and noted his negative outlook about the press. Leveling the ground for the 1958 coup, Iskandar Mirza and Ayub Khan, met Alaxender

Symond, the British High Commissioner and told him two main reasons for the planned takeover. The second one was that, nine out of ten dailies were on the payroll of the Communists (Aziz & Ḥasan, 2008). Out of the two alleged culprits, was the treacherous press whose combine circulation in both East and West Pakistan was not more than 100,000 copies daily (Niazi, 1986).

The first martial law of 7 October 1958 resulted into censorship on every printed word, and all sort of criticism was totally prohibited. The Colonial era fighting spirit of the press had already eroded in the first decade after independence. Hence the

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 43 press did not raise any major concern over the Martial Law of General Ayub Khan in

1958 (Iqbal, 2010). Editor of Lial-o-Nahar Syed Sabt-e-Hasan, editor of Imroze,

Ahmed Nadeem Qasmi, and editor of Pakistan Times, Faiz Ahmed Faiz were detained under the Safety Act. The lone voice and source of remedy for civil liberties and protection of the press from the ruthless martial law was Justice M.R.

Kiani, who ordered release of above detained editors in February 1959. “His fight for freedom of expression and against the rule of Ayub Khan was very fierce, and he hardly missed a chance to point out the dictatorial policies under the martial law in an interesting and extemporaneous way” (Pirzada, 2015).

Mian Iftikharuddin, a former comrade of India’s Communist Party had founded The

Progressive Papers Limited (PPL). Its Editors and writers were mostly hailed from the Progressive Writers Movement (1936).When Pakistan joined the anti-

Communist Bloc, the PPL was targeted. “In 1953, Communist Party was banned; from 1947 to 1953, almost 58 magazines and books were barred and removed from the market” (Mushtaq, n.d). The Progressive newspapers, i.e. Lail-o-Nahar, Imroze,

Pakistan Times and Sports Time were dealt with the pre-censorship and the press advice system, but the Ayub’s regime was still not contented. Thus, on 18 April

1959, these publications were captured by the regime. “The whole group was stood accused now of receiving policy guidance from foreign sources and of endangering the security of Pakistan” (Saeed, 2011).

In 1964, a body, National Press Trust (NPT) was created that purchased the PPL newspapers, which by that time had become the mouth-piece of the military rule and later, carried forward this nasty job. The long-ailing Associated Press of Pakistan

APP) was also brought under the official control on 15 June 1961. It also met the same fate as the PPL. Ayub’s regime is credited with introducing the first ever media

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 44 laws in Pakistan with the Press & Publication Ordinance (PPO) in 1960. “A considerable corpus of laws had already been introduced in the Pakistan Penal Code, all of them prescribing punishments for communication activities that were deemed harmful to the stability of the country” (Batra, 2012).

PPO was released on 26 April 1960 after proposals of the Press Commission headed by H.B Tayyabji ex-Chief Justice of Sindh Chief Court. Its provincial versions for

East & West Pakistan were issued in 1963 (Pan, 1972). Prior to PPO, many laws and regulations were already existed to deal with the press and journalists like: Section

124-A of the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) punishes authors & publishers for seditious writings; Section 153-A penalizes writings that promote hatred or enmity; Sections

499 & 500 fix libelous publications; Section 295-1 forbids writings to outrage religious feelings; and Section 505 protects the armed forces. Niazi (1986) termed the PPO as “the blackest of the black ordinance”.

After a period of seven years, Ayub Khan in 1964 felt it necessary to legitimize himself. Therefore, 2 January 1965 was fixed as date for presidential elections.

Miss Fatima Jinnah was nominated as presidential candidate by majority of the opposition parties. Her election campaign in Presidential Elections of 1964 in the

Western Wing was mainly led by the Urdu daily Nawa-i-Waqt, with the discourse focusing on the revival of parliamentary system, adult franchise, and the restoration of fundamental rights of the people (Tariq, 2016).

However, the press at large was used as a tool for Ayub Khan’s presidential campaign. A formal organized campaign was launched in his favour. The ruling party used officially controlled print and electronic media to their favour and expanded the charges leveled against the Combined Opposition Parties (COP)

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 45

(Hussain, 2018). Thanks to the overwhelming control over the press and all other state resources, using the anti-woman religious sentiment and support of the Basic

Democrats, Ayub Khan got elected himself as President. Press advices were conveyed to the newspapers offices on phone from the Information Bureau. They were to be transcribed on a piece of paper which later became unmanageable, so,

Niazi (1986) records, “a register was maintained in the newspapers’ office and all advices were transcribed into it date-wise”.

This murky environment dejected journalists, and their mental & professional nourishment and growth of a healthy & competent journalism in the country was seriously hampered. On the contrary, a sort of sponsored, partisan and pro-regime press system emerged. Journalists were also bribed as disclosed by Altaf Gouhar, a former civil servant & writer, during a trail in 1972. A clear division in the press led to two distinct groups of editors. Pakistan Newspapers Editors Conference (PNEC) was headed by Altaf Hussain and the Council of Press Editors (CPE) was led by

Hameed Nizami. Corrupting the press was also started during Ayub’s era.

1.3.4 Press-Government Relations during Yahya Khan’s Regime (1969-1971)

When the faded and ostracized Ayub Khan handed over power to another Military

General, Yahya Khan in 1969, journalists and newspapers under the shade of the

PPL welcomed the new military ruler. The PPL had acquired nine other more newspapers along with the former four newspapers (Mezzera & Sial, 2010). Khalid,

(2015) recorded that media censorship during the tenure of Yahya Khan led to the bisection of Pakistan in December 1971. However, Sydney H. Schanberg with his article titled “Pakistan Changes Under Yahya” which was carried by the New York

Times on 6 April, 1970, stated that Yahya Khan had relaxed the press. The reporters

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 46 would even dare to ask President Yahya Khan very tough questions. According to

Schanberg (1970) “No reporter would have dared to ask such questions during the

10‐year rule of Ayub Kahn”.

Yahya Khan’s era was a replica of previous regimes for the press in Pakistan. Inam

Aziz, recounted the climax of East Pakistan Crisis when as in-charge of the Daily

Jang at London, no credible source of news in Pakistan was available to him.

Eventually, a telephonic talk between him and his Editor-In-chief, Mir Khalil ur

Rahman was arranged by the Pakistan’s High Commission in London and in the

General Headquarters Rawalpindi. A communiqué of the Defense Ministry was read out to him detailing perpetual victories of Pakistan’s troops on all fronts. Based on this, he wrote the lead story under the headline “Pakistan Winning the War” for Jang

London, and set the paper for printing. At late night while returning from office to his residence, he entered the King’s Cross Tube Station London to board a train.

Aziz narrates, “I noticed the next day’s issue of the Time….One glance at the headline and I felt as if a slab of ice had fallen on my head. The headline (of Times) said, “Pakistan Army Surrenders” (Aziz & Ḥasan, 2008).

1.3.5 Press-Government Relations during Z.A. Bhutto’s Era (1972-1977)

According to Zeeshan (2012), the popular civilian ruler Z. A. Bhutto also could not tolerate any type of criticism and directed clamp down against the press by closing some newspapers and jailing pressmen, editors and publishers. He further noted that the period of Bhutto’s rule (1972-1977) was full of anti-press actions. “The Pakistan

Press International (PPI) met the same fate like the National Press Trust (NPT). Just one English Newspaper had been allowed to start publication in Bhutto’s rein”

(Zeeshan, 2012). Editors and publishers of newspapers critical of his (Bhutto’s)

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 47 policies were often roughed up and threatened (Zaidi, 2017). The government also captured the Pakistan Press International (PPI) on lines of the Associated Press of

Pakistan (APP). The Opposition was denied press coverage by coercive means.

During the first civil “Peoples Martial law”, despite the greave challenges caused by the splitting up of Pakistan in December 1971, Bhutto did not spare the press to go its own way. Niazi (1987) said that this unanticipated assault on the press by a civilian government compelled him to compile his work (the Press in Chains).

During the civilian era of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (1972-1977), the practice of corrupting journalists continued on a wider scale.

According to Reza (2012), a single phone call from Press Information Department was enough to hype a small issue or to totally drop a news story or photo that annoyed the government. Bhutto pledged full press freedom at the start of his

“Awami Raj-(Peoples’ Rule)”, but his first act was suspension of two editors of the

National Press Trust (NPT). He was not happy with the coverage of the news agency

Pakistan Press International (PPI). Initially, its official subscription was halted.

Failing to bow the PPI before official dictates, its management was replaced with the appointment of a Bhutto’s friend as its boss (Reza, 2012).

1.3.6 Press-Government Relations during Zia ul Haq’s Era (1977-1988)

Zia ul Haq’s regime (1977-1988) was another dark period for the Pakistani press, although, at the beginning, he had promised for a free press in these words:

No restrictions can be imposed on publications of facts and the press can take anyone to account….And I will be happy if our national press also makes constructive criticism on the martial Law Administration, so that we could overcome our shortcomings if any (Dawn, Karachi, 1977).

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 48

But the story of press in his rule describes the opposite narrative. Not even a single law or regulation of any progressive character about the press was formed by his regime. The only positive outcome was the restoration of the Pakistan Press

International (PPI) news agency to its original shareholders. “PPO was a draconian addition to anti-press during (Zia’s) era, according to which, the publisher would be liable and prosecuted if a story was not to the liking of the administration, even if it was factual and of national interests” (IMS, 2009). Many pro-democratic and progressive-minded journalists, columnists and writers like Habib Jalib were imprisoned and poets such as Faiz Ahmed Faiz and Fehmida Riaz left the country.

Zia shut down the Urdu daily Masawat, and Sindh-based daily Sadaqat with a circulation of about 500,000, before Bhutto was hanged, presumably as it was a pro-

Pakistan Peoples Party paper (Wisser, 2013). The Sun and The Morning News were also closed in 1978 and 1989 respectively.

Zeshan (2012) cited Zamir Niazi (1986) as: “13th May 1978 was the darkest day in the history of journalism when the military court announced the punishment of hunters for the four journalists, Masoodullah Khan, Nasir Zaidi, Khawar Naeem and Iqbal Jafferi’…for protesting for the freedom of the press”. Journalists would be probed regarding their source of funding. (Express Tribune, 2012). Some times after reception of official restraining orders in newspapers offices, blank spaces would appeared on newspapers pages which was a very meaningful and symbolic sign of protest against the regime’s censorship (Sarwar, 2001). Though the government used to gift veteran Journalist Zamir Niazi’s book “The Press in

Chains” to foreign journalists and delegates to impress them with the freedom of press in Pakistan, but on the other hand, it was banned in educational institutions and libraries. The Punjab government prevented intellectuals, journalists and literary

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 49 persons to attend any conference without permission. Niazi (1986) opined that actions against the press in Pakistan have always been taken, supported, depended, and even lauded in the name of supreme national interest, religion, ideology of

Pakistan and many other pretexts.

1.3.7 Press-Government Relations during the Turbulent Civilian Era (1988- 1999)

After Zia-ul-Haq’s tragic death in 1988, during the caretaker set-up of Ghulam Ishaq

Khan, the Registration of Printing Presses & Publications Ordinance (RPPO) of

1988 was enacted, which eased some restrictions i.e. mandatory issuance of receipt to the applicant by the District Magistrate for keeping it as a proof of printing press or publication, granting the right to be heard in person (of proprietor) by the authority before closure of the press, right of appeal and furthermore, compulsory publishing of the official press notes by the press was no more required. Cull,

Culbert & Welch (2003) viewed that the PPO promulgated in 1963, repealed & replaced by the RPPO in the mid 1980’s, is by far the strongest instrument used by the regimes to close down newspapers and silence the press.

The RPPO of 1988 remained enforced till 1997. Around 20 journalists were killed during 1985 to 1997, while they were performing their duty. In an Amnesty

International Report of February 1996, it was said that “journalists who reported critically on armed opposition groups were threatened with abduction and killing if they did not alter their reports. The report, cited twelve instances of the harassment of journalists monitored in the previous year” (Memon, 2011).

With coming into power for the first time, Benazir Bhutto liberalized policies regarding the press. However, she could not fulfill her promises and several

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 50 journalists and newspapers were humiliated at the hands of police and the PPP workers. While in Urban Sindh, especially in Karachi, the MQM terrorized the press.

According to Zeeshan (2012), during the first term of Benazir Bhutto (1988-1990), the press gained some strength, especially the Sindhi regional press, in term of freedom and the use of new technology. But Benazir’s most prominent act for curtailing the press freedom was to continue her father (Bhutto)’s obsession to ruin the Pakistan Press International (PPI), (Reza, 2012).

Corruption stories of Benazir Bhutto’s husband, Asif Ali Zardari were frequently carried by the press throughout the 1990’s, which affected press-government relations during her both terms. Benazir herself, several times lashed out at the critical press. During her 2nd tenure, Mr. Salahuddin, Editor of Takbeer was murdered in Karachi in December, 1994. Unending atrocities against the press led to observance of “Black Day” on September 16, 1995. The Sindh government banned five eveningers and one morning newspaper in Karachi on 29 June 1995. On 29

April 1995, the Registration of Printing Press & Public Ordinance (RPPPO) was introduced with an undemocratic way. No major reaction was displayed by the press (Iqbal, 2011).

Both leaders, Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, during their short periods of rule in the decade of 1990s, made all-out efforts to corrupt the press and journalists. The supportive newspapers were given huge sum of advertisement quota, duty relaxation and increase in newsprint quota. The critical newspapers were punished by cutting commercial aids and newsprint quota. Several journalists were appointed over lucrative posts like Mushahid Hussain Syed, Siddiq ul Farooq, Pervez Rashid, Azhar

Sohail, Khalil Malik, Anwar Khalil and many others. Many times, some journalists were sent on foreign tours on expenses from the public exchequer. Some journalists

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 51 were given plots, and many received cash payments. Some antagonistic journalists were also harassed and tortured.

In September 1992, sedition charges were brought against the reporter, editor-in- chief, and editor of the English daily, The News, for publication of a poem sharply critical of the Sharif Government. The case was referred to a Special Court for

Speedy Trial; however, universal and domestic condemnation led to withdraw the case (US Department of State, 1993). Amnesty International reported the ill- treatment of several journalists who were arrested while covering the PPP's

November 1992 “Long march”. Government’s silence over these events and public criticism of the press by some high-level officials, led to concern that the [Sharif’s]

Government was not doing enough to prevent violence against the press (Refworld,

1993).

Nawaz Sharif, during his first term (1990-1992) of government, used very heavy methods against the dissenting press and journalists to tame them. Zeeshan (2012) quoted Editor-in-Chief of the Jang Group, Mir Shakil-ur-Rahman, saying that,

Senator Saif-ur-Rahman, head of the government's Accountability Cell in the second tenure of Nawaz Sharif (1997-1999), frequently asked him to sack those senior journalists who were critical to the Sharif’s regime. Najam Sethi of the Friday Times was arrested on 8 May 1999 (PPF, 1999). Zahid Jhangavi of Daily Pakistan, Shakeel

Naich of Awami Awaz and many others were tortured. The Jang Group was also severely targeted. That is why, when General Pervez Musharraf oustered Nawaz

Sharif through a military coup on 12 October 1999, hardly any voice was raised by the media in his support (Kavita, 2000).

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 52

1.4 Statement of the Problem

The issue of media-government relations prevails worldwide since the birth of the press. This relationship in Pakistan during the regimes of Pervez Musharraf, Asif

Zardari and Nawaz Sharif, in the new millennium with changing media landscape, requires ample attention. This study has been planned to ascertain the nature and treatment of coverage of media’s connection with the three selected regimes.

Relevant thematic frames of generic nature, such as moral/social responsibility, and conflict have been taken from Semetko & Valkenburg (2000) Model. Some other issue-specific frames, such as facilitation, pro-government, anti-government, pro- media and anti-media have been incorporated. Quantitative and qualitative content analyses have been used to quantify the results after data analysis, and to explain narratives used in reports of some relevant local and global media bodies to ascertain the social, syntactical and semantic context of information.

Intro/lead of the newspapers’ items (news story, feature, editorial, Column & letter to editor) has been taken as the recording unit and the whole item (genre) from the selected Urdu and English Newspapers of Pakistan has been made as the contextual unit. These newspapers are: the English Dailies “Dawn” and “The News” and the

Urdu Dailies “Nawa-i-Waqt” and “Express”. Islamabad Editions of these newspapers have been opted for analysis. Time frame for this study is from January

2003 to June, 2018 (15 years, five years period for each regime). Although many studies have been carried out on press-government relations in the past, but no specific study on this particular problem has so far been made in Pakistan, which requires explanation through proper application of a scientific inquiry. This study has been designed to find out solutions to this problem.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 53

1.5 Significance of the Study

The debate over Media-government relations has remained a living topic for centuries, and its worth has continuously increased with the passage of time. This study will be significant to find out the nature of media’s relations with the selected three regimes. It will also be helpful to determine that which regime took media- friendly steps, which regime suppressed the media, and how media-government relations were framed in the Pakistani press. This study is also useful to explore relevant issues and topics in this area in future, and will be used for literature review by the academia and researchers. It is also significant for journalists and media workers who are directly affected by this problem, and the general public as well, to get insight into government-media relations. It may also work as a guideline for policy makers, government officials and the media houses.

1.6 Objectives of the Study

The main objectives of this study are:

1. To explore extent of coverage of four selected newspapers regarding media-

government relations during the regimes of Musharraf, Zardari and Nawaz.

2. To examine the nature of media-government relations in Pakistan in all three

selected regimes investigating that which of the three regimes kept tight control

over the media, and focused much on media related legislation, rules &

regulations and establishment of media regulatory bodies.

3. To ascertain, how the media treated all the three governments in coverage with

respect to media-government relations matters.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 54

4. To probe, whether the three governments facilitated the media by taking steps for

media freedom, development, and training & welfare of journalists, and which of

the three governments facilitated the media more.

1.7 Research Questions

RQ: 1 What is the extent of coverage provided to Media-government relations in

Pakistan during the regimes of Musharraf, Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif?

RQ: 2 Which of the three governments kept tight control over the media, and

focused very much on media related legislation, rules & regulations, and

establishment of media regulatory bodies?

RQ: 3 How did the media treat all the three governments in coverage with respect to

media-government relations issues?

RQ: 4 Which of the three regimes facilitated the media more by taking steps for

media freedom, development, and training & well-being of journalists?

1.8 Delimitations of the Study

The issue of Media-government relations is a world-wide phenomenon, which has existed in each and every modern-day state, but this particular study only pertains to the media-government relations in Pakistan. Out of 71 years long history (1947-

2018), the topic has been furthered delimited to the three regimes of Musharraf,

Zardari and Nawaz Sharif (15 years). Merely, a selected day of a week through the technique of “Constructed Week Sampling” has been taken for data collection.

Newspapers sample has also been delimited to only four dailies (two Urdu & two

English). Delimitation has been made owing to the restrains of time and resources.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 55

CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW

A vast stockpile of research-based knowledge is available regarding the subject matter of media-government relations. The most relevant studies to this topic have been reviewed under the following pertinent themes.

2.1 Various Theoretical Approaches and Media-Government Relations

Media-government relations have been investigated by scholars and researchers from various theoretical perspectives in different socio-political, cultural and economic settings across the world. Although the Democratic theory assumes that people could make rational decisions on public issues once they were aware of the facts, but Lippmann (1922) viewed that the masses cannot understand the modern day’s complex nature of the state and he deemed it crucial to manage the public opinion, as pictures inside people’s heads (pseudo-environment) are combinations of emotional factors, ego needs and stereotypes, and opinion formed with collective thinking of the people, is irrational and inappropriate force for the state. Lippmann opined that the public consent should be “manufactured” as appropriate opinion needed for modern state could only be formed by specially trained experts in the light of suitable information provided by intelligence agencies, but, he ignored that the specialists or trained experts do have pictures in their heads.

Lippmann posited that reporters, press, newspapers owners and advertisers help the regime to manufacture consent, and manage the public opinion in its favour, as instead of telling the entire truth about events, the press only signals about the key events in order to get united the public around matters of common concerns to them.

Lippmann believed that in today’s democracies, the press, propaganda and

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 56 censorship are stumbling blocks on the road to truth and news. According to

Lippmann, sometimes attractive words, phrases, ideas and symbols such as free world, unity, national security, etc. are also coined for manufacturing of consent, and thus plurality and divergence of opinions is limited with “yes” or “no” or either

“friend” or “foe” options for the public, hence the press (media) may not act as the fourth estate or as a watchdog in its relationship with the government.

Yüksel (2013) in his study of media-government relations, compared different media systems and theoretical approaches like the cascade model, indexing approach, propaganda theory and hegemonic perspective, and posited that the level of media commercialization, political parallelism and standards of media professionalism in different media systems manipulate the character and extent of this bond. He asserted that although each theory or model forms a unique map for making sense of some of the important factors in media-government relationship, the cascade model provides a more comprehensive picture. As suggested in this model, political actors, the media, and the public mutually influence and interact with each other at different levels and under certain conditions (Yüksel, 2013).

Mills’ (1956) notion of “the power elite” is an antithesis of his early (1951) concept of “white collar”. In the white collar, Mills noted how the property owners-led

America changed into a society of job holders-the middle class; and in the power elite, he finds that the Americans are being transformed from an independent thinking public into a mass society manipulated by some powerful individuals. Mills posited that when the means of power and information are centralized, some men occupy top-most positions, from where they look down, speak freely, and their decisions affect lives of ordinary citizens.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 57

Mills contends that power elite is a combination of the interwoven interests of the chiefs of the joint-forces, corporate and political elements of society who hold top command posts, possess shared values, remain in the limelight in everyday news, and sometime seem even squabbling among themselves on some issues, but their differences are mostly overshadowed by an overall agreement termed as a world view, which is a set of values, beliefs, and attitudes that shapes the elite's common insight of rule and to avert wider split from emergence. Mills holds that at the bottom are the largely disorganized, ill-informed, and virtually powerless masses, who are controlled and manipulated from above, and thus, other social facets such as family, educational institutions, religion, art & culture etc. have weaken.

According to Dye (1992) amongst the power elite, around 200 individuals run the three major TV networks and most of the national newspaper chains in the US. Mills faithfully links political apathy and the seeming lack of direction of majority of the population to that favorite whipping boy–the media. Mills identifies two important sociological characteristics of the mass media: first, very few people communicate to a great number; and, second, the audience has no effective way of feedback, and thus communication becomes a one-way process. Mills argues that media organizations are mostly bureaucratic, corporate or state-controlled in nature, and the media content is always regulated by governments everywhere, but the restrictions on media vary from very light advisory regulation in developed world to the most comprehensive forms of censorship in totalitarian societies.

Mills opines that mass media dictate the overall psyche of modern societies, and are therefore dominantly used for propaganda purposes by the power circle. The concept of mass society and findings of earlier media research added strength to his notion.

The propaganda and the power elite models endorse that mass media can be used to

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 58 reinforce the power elite’s position of might and interests as evident from the US invasions of Iraq (1990 & 2003) and Afghanistan (2001). Mills’ critics allege that he himself terms some historical circumstances as responsible for the rise of the power elite while he repeatedly acquits its individual members from any sort of charges.

Mills even does not seriously argue to prove incompetence of the power elite.

Despite having extreme level of pessimism and the charge of conspiracy-mongering,

Mills’ notion is still of great historical value.

Theoretical perspectives from other social sciences disciplines have also been utilized to explore government-media linkage. In one such study, Pratt and Akhter

(2016) accessed government-media relations under the framework of General

Theory of Relationship Management (GTRM). They quoted Ledingham (2001) describing GTRM as: “(It) emphasizes the importance of identifying and constructing exchanges that are based on shared interests…publics expect mutuality in their relationships with an organization, and that this reciprocity, maintains and fosters relationship and association within a society”.

They found that: economic concerns are the hub-spot of government-media relations; stiff intra-media competition to catch maximum government’s ads affected journalistic standards; higher official investment in commercial ads resulted into pro- regime coverage; and coercion of private media through state laws & regulations led to adversarial media-government ties; state strict control over media in Pakistan has somewhat eased, and private media have gained some liberty but they now face the challenges of growing sensationalism, the emergence of an anti-democratic media segment, anti-media laws & regulations, scarcity of qualified & skilled journalists and lack of professionalism (Pratt & Akhter, 2016).

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 59

State-media interactions have also been examined in the context of philosophical thoughts and approaches envisaged by eminent philosophers. Brennen (2000) evaluated the billions dollar US Anti-drug Media Campaign under the theoretical perspective of French Philosopher Louis Althusser. He quoted Althusser (1971) as rejecting the notion about the role of media for individual liberty, and maintained that, “in the modern-day capitalist world, the concept of freedom is merely an ideological construct used by both the power elite as well as those being oppressed to justify their specific conditions of existence”. Althusser considers all sets of specialized modern social institutions, such as worship places, educational centers, family units, political parties, sports and the arts, as Ideological State Apparatuses.

These institutions mainly work through the ideology, but in certain circumstances, also resort to the use of force and oppression under the garb of socialization, discipline, and censorship to enforce the state’s coerced ideology.

Brennen cited Culturalists rejection of Althusser’s structuralist conceptualization of ideology and referred to Angela Curran (2000), who asserted that films, an art genre, may influence and encourage spectators to launch resistance for change, as the irony, social satire, parody and imitation in Hollywood films are forms of societal disapproval, and invite spectators to defy the stresses of consumerist world. Brennen argued that despite a set of strong counter-arguments, queries still arise to the existing wisdom of American society about the relationship of individuals’ freedom and the media. It illustrates the way the American government inducts ideological- based propaganda in the country TV Channels prime time programmes with the complete support, close collaboration, and endorsement of the networks’ bosses.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 60

Zafar (2011) discourse analyzed ties of the media with various governments in

Pakistan under the functionalist conception of sociologists Herbert Spenser, Émile

Durkheim, Alfred Radcliff-Brown and Robert Merton, which is also termed as structural-functional approach. This theory posits that all social institutions in a given social structure work as sub-systems and parts of the whole. They hold mutual interconnectivity and help or hinder one another’s working reciprocally. Media also exist and function like other social institutions, i.e. politics, economy, religion etc.

Media affect all these social entities both ways and also get influence from them in similar passion. Zafar concluded the institution of politics as the main predictor in media and state relations, and the later was seen as independent variable. The government affected the media in many direct and indirect ways; despotic and martial law regimes applied direct means of coercion, violence etc., whereas, civilian rulers used indirect influence to subdue the media, like taxation, cuts in news print quota, and decrease in official advertisements.

2.2 Media-Government Relations under different Media Systems/Models

All media systems across the world are not similar owing to the diverse socio- cultural, economic, political and ideological set-ups. Even media systems in democracies differ in many ways. Hence, a globally uniform concept of media is misleading and media systems & models operating in democracies are analytically distinguished. Lasswell (1948)’s concept of “who says what in which channel to whom with what effect” is one of the earliest and more influential communication models, which has also become a famous phrase in the realm of mass communication. Lasswell got influence from the pragmatist notions of John Devi,

G.H Mead and Sigmund Freud, as depicted in his “Analysis of Propaganda and

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 61

Communication”. Earlier, in “Propaganda Techniques in the World War-1927, he elaborated the term propaganda with new dynamics, broadening its understanding, practice, objectives and forms. Lasswell pioneered the scientific and laboratorial study of propaganda and the use of content analysis technique in social sciences research, especially in the field of mass communication, after studying on massive basis, the war communication of the Axis as well as the Allied powers.

Critics term Lasswell’s communication model as propaganda-based, outdated, simplistic, static, linear and void of feed-back. That is why Braddock (1958) suggested inclusion of two more elements i.e. “for what purpose” and “under what circumstances” into it. Lasswell called for improvements and additions to his model and in 1968, he himself suggested some new categories in his construct for political communication as: “who, with what intentions, in what situations, with what assets, using what strategies, reaches what audiences, with what result?” Many scholars opine that Lasswell’s model is indigenous and un-borrowed one in the field of mass communication. McQuail and Windahl (1993) termed Lasswell’s concept as even older form the field of mass communication itself. Moreover, this Model establishes a strong relationship between the media and government i.e. “who” is usually the elite or government, “says what” is persuasion, opinion manipulation and propaganda by the elite or government, “what channel” is the entire media arena, “to whom” are the masses and “what effect” is the resultant attitudinal or behavioral change in masses in favour of the regime.

Hallin and Manzini (2004) posited three media models: i) the “Polarized Pluralist

Model” of the Mediterranean states (France, Greece, Italy, Spain, Turkey etc.) that experienced great transformations from despotic to liberal politico-economic

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 62 systems, mainly in last quarter of the 20th century, and still have largely polarized and plural societies and media systems. Media enjoy considerable freedom, and their relations with regimes are in a state of fraction, but media are not so corporate, advanced and developed as in the following two cases.

Hallin and Manzini’s second media model is the “Democratic Corporatist” form of the North/Central Europe, which exists in countries like Britain, Germany, Denmark,

Norway, Sweden etc. These countries enjoy greater democratic values and freedom of expression. Media systems are highly commercialized and based on the Laissez

Faire principles. Media’s watchdog role, accountability of regimes, and sense of responsibility is greater than the first case. Strong organizational structure, sound influence in political economy, responsible approach, hi-tech infrastructure, developed and well-established set-ups, highly trained & skilled staff, and partial global out-reach are some salient features of this media model.

The third case is the “Liberal Media Model” for the North Atlantic countries which basically include the USA and Canada. This media model is the strongest and most effective in the world, and is also the leader of the Western Global Media. It is highly capitalized, corporate and commercialized. It is also strongly professionalized, non-institutionalized, self-regulated, highly developed, well- established, has very strong organizational structure, enjoys very power-full influence in political economy, has super Hi-tech infrastructure, has highly professional, trained & skilled staff, and possesses maximum global outreach.

McQuail (2005) devised four media models based on the normative approaches of the media. These are: 1) The Liberal Pluralist or Market Model: in which mass media have an overall positive and productive role in modern societies. Media are

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 63 expected as tools of healthy debate and criticism, and disseminate content which has demand in society and market. 2) The Social Responsibility or Public Interest Media

Model calls for media’s right of criticism and democratic responsibility as a watchdog to keep informed the public, and to respond to society’s needs and interests …” (Uzuegbunam, 2013).

McQuail’s third type is 3) the Professional Media Model; an independent and instrumentalized media, where journalists enjoy a certain degree of autonomy.

Distinct journalistic professional norms and rules are developed. Journalists have an orientation to public service and the media prefer public service. The fourth one, 4)

Alternative Media Model differs from the mainstream media in content, ways & means of production and distribution. It may be print (non-commercial newspaper/magazine), audio (non-profitable community radio), video (community

TV), Internet (websites, blogs), Social media (Youtube, facebook, twitter, instagram etc.), street art media etc. It is mostly based on volunteer citizen journalism with critical form & content, has gross roots level organizations, and also has alternative distributions. The Alternative Media Model goes against the mainstream dominant consumerist genre of media production, media structures, content, distribution and reception. (Fuchs, 2010).

Scholars and researchers have distinguished some other media and mass communication models also, but the above-cited ones are most popularly debated in the mass media research. Although some resemblances and common characteristics in media-government relations exist across the world, but they all vary up to a larger extent, in all political systems.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 64

2.3 Media’s Different Roles/Functions and Relationship with Government

As mentioned earlier, the classification of media models is mainly based on the relationship of the media with the political and financial power set-ups that exist around the world. According to structural-functional approach, a social system is consisted of many complex and interrelated parts which perform their ascribed roles to run and maintain the system as a whole. Merton (1949) identified two key roles of social artifacts including the mass media, i.e. manifest functions, which are easily observable, deliberate, intended, and are willfully designed to be useful for the society; and the latent functions, which are unintended and could not be easily observed; they however, may cast a positive effect on society.

According to Merton, both manifest and latent functions may be beneficial in one or few aspects, and at the same time, may also be harmful (called as dysfunctions) in some other aspects, and likewise, some media content may be functional or dysfunctional for the entire society, for some individuals or factions. For example, a

TV crime show might be functional (informative & entertaining) for the audience as a whole, but could be dysfunctional (harmful) for children who may learn aggression from it. Merton contended that mass media allocate sufficient resources to the coverage of political activities; if the audiences pay no attention to this function of the media, the intended role i.e. “surveillance of environment” is failed and thus becomes a dysfunction. But if the people properly consume the coverage and responded with some sort of activity, it turns into a function.

Merton observed that the conscious and deliberate intention of the media is to inform the public of important news and events, so that they could play an active role in democracy. He posited that latent functions mostly go unnoticed or un-credited,

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 65 unless they cause some negative effects. Merton classified harmful latent functions as dysfunctions, because they cause disorder and conflict within society, and noticed that dysfunctions can also be manifest in nature.

Under the functionalist view, mass media’s key social roles are surveillance of the environment, correlation of the parts of society in an environment, and transmission of the social heritage from one generation to the next. Merton added some other functions as well. For instance in “the status-conferral function”, the mass media confer status on public issues, persons, organizations, and social movements.

Consequently, their social standing is raised after getting favorable attention in the mass media. Individuals or groups tend to violate social norms. In a mass society, this dysfunction is institutionalized in the role of “the enforcement of social norms” by the media which expose well-known deviations to the public and concerned authorities, and this exposure forces action against the offender (s).

Merton also noticed some dysfunctions of the mass media which are cited below:

Narcotization

Vast supply of communications and exposure to the flood of information may serve to narcotize rather than to energize the average media user. This causes desensitization in people with decrease of efficacy and increase of mass apathy.

Social Conformism

Since the mass media are influenced by the elite, governments and supported by great business concerns in the current global socio-economic order, the media mainly serve their interests, and contribute to the maintenance of the status quo.

Impact upon Popular Taste

The huge amount of entertainment on the media has affected masses popular taste.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 66

Propaganda for Social (and political) Objectives

Well connected to the preceding point, mass media have become a tool of propaganda for governments, elite and big sponsors.

Monopolization

In corporate world, the privileged class gives no or little space to opposing or counter arguments against the prevailing manipulated public narrative on the mass media, thus causing monopolization.

Canalization (Guiding towards a specific path or channel)

Once the regimes or advertisers succeed to establish some gross patterns of behavior or the generic attitude in masses, they can be easily canalized by the mass media, in one or another direction as resistance from the user is minimal.

Supplementation

Many methods such as social contacts, interpersonal communication, laws, rules, regulations, and all ideological state apparatuses are mainly used for persuasion, mind control and propaganda purposes. In addition to that, various forms of media are used for supplementation purposes to further prop up those efforts.

Christians, C. G., Glasser, T., McQuail, D., Nordenstreng, K., and White, R. A.

(2015) proposed four functions for the media which are based on “media relations with the dominant political-economic powers, and the citizens & civil society as well”. In “Monitorial Role” the media report and propagate in favour of the power elite, mainly serve the dominant class and disseminate what they want to dictate and disseminate although, the media perceive themselves as impartial witnesses in the society which are likely to report all events ‘objectively’, but the sources of information are mostly in the centers of power.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 67

The second one “the Facilitative Role” of the media to serve the civil society and citizens, is more democratic in nature and is based on media’s freedom. Here, the media go away from the power circles as to offer to the masses, a podium for free expression, and to take active part in the political arena. This category also includes the civic or public journalism. The third one is the “Radical Role” which is very much aggressive and critical of the political system. The Radical media support a revolutionary party, group or a leader which/who endeavour to change the status quo. They raise serious queries regarding the basic structure of the social, political and economic system of a given society and spur uprising and revolt. The fourth one is “Collaborative Role” for serving the state and other power institutions which is played by the state-influenced media. The media like “lapdogs” dedicatedly serve regimes and other centers of power in this kind.

2.4 Scale, Techniques and Impact of Media-government Relations Research

Pearson and Patching (2008) carried out a meta-analysis of previous studies on the issue of media-government relations in Australia and world-wide to explore the background and map-out the key themes in this research area by dividing their review into three major categories i.e. “scale, technique and impact”. They argued that the issue had not been tackled extensively in any particular study, as all key and relevant stakeholders i.e. the public, media-men, politicians and P.R. handlers need experimental data to compare and discuss this phenomenon and take appropriate decisions which indicates a substantial gap in this area.

About the scale of government-media relations, Pearson & Patching argued that several hundred thousand dollars are paid-out each year by various governments in

Australia to administer media coverage about official business, and all other regimes

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 68 in the world follow the same practice. They also referred to the theory of “political spin”, a technique and form of interaction between the press officers and journalists, governed by a set of mutually accepted rules, and a proactive approach to political relations that seeks to maximize favourable coverage.

Pearson and Patching argued that their work led to a new political communication theory “meta-communication”, which is simply the media’s coverage about their own interests and participation in politics. Impacts were, legal implications

(censorship) & consequences (jail terms, fines, contempt of court, defamation, confidentiality, anti-terrorism & sedition), physical dangers, ethical implications

(bribes, gifts), and policy & legislative implications. They suggested the use of modern techniques and digital tools to look into the government-media relations.

2.5 Coverage of Corruption & Media-Government Relations

A key role of media in today’s democracies is watch-dogging, i.e. to keep a check on rulers and to hold them accountable to the public. Tella and Franceschelli (2011) conducted a content study regarding reporting of corruption scandals of government in Argentina by four main newspapers on their front page for the period (1998-

2007), and correlated these news reports with government’s advertizing in the said newspapers under the perspective of “Affinity” and “Collusive” theories. Affinity theory implies that regimes benefit those media organs with advertizing money which are dubbed as pro-government, and which give least coverage to anti- government news. Collusive theory highlights concealing of regimes scandals from masses, because if reported, every scandal has a potential cost to the regime, low or high, it depends on the kind and magnitude of the scandal, and the audienceship depth of that media in public.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 69

The relationship among government’s financial transfers and coverage of corruption scandals vanishes when the dailies focus on reportage of scandals by other (private) actors. This study validated that media and government enjoy cordial relations when the latter disburses sufficient ads capital to the former. The media too reciprocate with pro-government content and minimize impact of corruption by ignoring or giving very small space/time to such reports. Thus, advertizing plays a pivotal role in media-government relations world-wide.

Many global organizations such as the World Bank, Transparency International, IMF and other IFIs highlight the importance of media freedom & plurality to curtail corruption. Färdigh, Andersson and Oscarsson (2011), replicated two early studies of

Freille et al. (2007) and Lindstedt & Naurin (2010) regarding the relationship of free press and corruption with three different indicators: Corruption Perception Index of

Transparency International (1995-2009), Freedom From Corruption of Heritage

Foundation (1994-2006) and Control of Corruption of the World Bank (1996-2007).

They identified that scientific analysis of the connection between corruption and press freedom is only one way, but it is still deficient and requires further approaches and techniques.

Färdigh and his associates applied the expanded mode of observation technique, and practiced three distinct gauges of corruption along with the latest estimation procedure to evaluate the data. They looked ahead of the existing simple models of direct effects of media independence and the level of corruption, as this connection is very much complicated. They deduced that: the role of free press in combating corruption remains different, whether the respective country has a well-established, newly-formed, or non-established electoral democracy; impacts of the press freedom

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 70 remain negative or minimal in states at the lowest ebb of democracy, and turn more positive or significant in a highly democratic society.

To examine the nature of coverage of corruption in Pakistan and potential impacts of the media in shaping public perceptions about this issue, Abid and Shah (2012) discourse analyzed corruption related reports of four Pakistani English dailies and found gapes therein, as the links between individual and systemic corruption and the relationship between the public and private sectors, were not amply explored by the press. They recommended; the practice of in-depth investigative reporting to explore and explain the systematic corruption; more emphasis on organizations and not individuals, and hiring of trained reporters to investigate corruption. Coverage of corruption has emerged as an important factor to influence media-government relations worldwide recently. The Panama Case, in which a setting Pakistani Prime

Minister (Nawaz Sharif) was not only removed from the office by the Supreme

Court on 28 July 2017, but he was also disqualified for life to hold any public office in future (Masood, 2017), is a prominent example.

2.6 Media’s Watchdog Role, Accountability & Relations with Government

The media’s watchdog role gained impetus in the decades of 1980s and 1990s, mainly due to globalization, the fall of autocracies & socialist regimes and the worldwide de-regulation of media. However, Coronel (2010) traced the idea of media’s watchdog role around 200 years back, and asserted that media was termed as the “Fourth Estate” in order to prevent the powerful regimes from transgressing their power and authority. Media’s watchdog role also won support from various global organizations, as since 1990s, the rich (donor) countries and International

Financial Institutions, like the World Bank and IMF also began to support the

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 71 freedom of media and their watchdog role in the Third World countries to have a check from the media to prevent the financial aid from corruption and misuse.

Coronel argued that government’s accountability is impossible, unless the masses are well-informed. She counted many faces of media’s watchdog reporting as they observe the daily business of regimes, criticize misdeeds, point-out the neglected areas and suggest appropriate action, expose minute malpractices of low-level officials and billions of dollars of political corruption scandals. Watchdogging is the disclosure of malpractices in the larger benefit of the people. Coronel further argued that the Western values of journalism propagate watchdogging for transparency and accountability, whereas, the Asian values of the media, support a pro-government and friendly role of media for development and stability.

Merely media’s private ownership cannot protect watchdogging from state intervention as market pressures have relegated watchdog reporting in favour of entertainment, and the structure & ownership, journalistic practices, cultures, norms, history and the relationship between the media and power elite also affect watchdogging. Private media out of the government control, but a bondservant of commercialism, are at best, episodic and unreliable watchdogs. Coronel posited that, the thirst for democracy, transparency, good governance, and free flow of information in the Third World during 1980’s and 1990’s, led to investigative journalism, where, investigative journalists are faced with great risks.

In another study, Woodring and James (2012) case-illustrated the relationship between the media’s watchdog role, people’s decision to protest and government’s retaliation with repression in Netherlands (an ideal democracy with comparatively free media) and Myanmar (a worst dictatorship with gagged media) in four

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 72 scenarios: freedom of media & democracy both exist, democracy exists but media freedom lacks, democracy misses (tyranny) & media freedom exists, and democracy

& media freedom both not present. They developed a tri-cone model of interplay among the media, citizens and the government, and posited that the free media play a significant part to keep the government responsible and liable.

In the context of Netherlands’ model, they predicted a high level of both watchdog reporting & protest, and a very low level of repression. They concluded that in accordance with the presumptions of their model, during the period from 2000 to

2009, the Dutch government by and large, respected human rights to physical integrity. During the same period, the Dutch journalists gave greater importance to their watchdog role, and usually the masses conducted protests to exhibit their anger over actions of the government. In the perspective of Myanmar’s model, the researchers envisaged that there would be a least amount of watchdogging, a few protests and greater level of suppression. The results supported the assumption, as even though, some mass-level protests were observed, which were promptly and ruthlessly quelled by the regime.

Protess et al., (1991) found that investigative reporting can produce three types of policy effects: 1) Deliberative: Official assurances occur to discuss the issues pointed out, and offer possible solutions, 2) In Individualistic effects, individuals or organizations doing wrongs, are embargoed or impeded, and 3) In Substantive effects, concrete changes are made in rules, laws, policies or new governmental units

& bodies are created or public funds are reallocated. Watchdog reporting on global level caused the downfall of regimes, making reforms in law or policy, and created new mechanism of government accountability.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 73

Besley, Burgess and Pratt (2002) analyzed the government’s accountability by the media, factors leading to the media capture (control) and hurdles to perform a monitor’s role. They assumed three key functions of non-captured (free) media: i)

Sorting of politicians with their social/financial position, previous track record, performance and integrity to the public, who ultimately select or reject them to the office; ii) Disciplining the politicians, to avoid malpractices on the fear of being exposed to the public; and iii) The media may also likely to affect those issues which are significant for voters, as the media propagate position of politicians on particular issues. The main obstacle to media eﬀectiveness is the possibility of political capture of media, as the government enjoys the power to motivate and influence the media through subtle means of bribery, threats, censorship or laws.

They built a simple model of media capture, having three main players: voters, politicians and the media, which make a simple linear relationship: “voters receive information about politicians with the media”. Anticipated scenarios in this model are: 1) media get/do not get veriﬁable information about the incumbent (politician);

2) The incumbent is aware of the information the media got and makes them transfer offers; 3) Each outlet chooses whether to accept or reject the offer; 4) the outlet accepting the offer suppress their information; the ones that reject it, report their information to voters; 5) voters re-elect the incumbent or replace her (him) with a challenger. The researchers’ theoretical predictions stated that (media) capture is more likely, if there is more state ownership of newspapers and the media capture is affected by media plurality. They expected that greater press scrutiny would be associated with lower corruption. Evidences from the study proposed that independent media in a mass democracy may result into responsible governments in developed, as well as, in developing countries.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 74

Methew (2016) evaluated the media’s self-regulation system with example of the

Press Council of India (PCI) which she termed as less effective. Media perform a vital role to collect and disseminate all sort of information, and thus hold a key position in state’s affairs. Hence, they must be extra careful to avoid dissemination of false, deceptive and distorted news. She mentioned four types of regulations.

1- Complete Regulation: Media have no freedom and are totally controlled. The government has the power to check media content. Examples are Turkey, China, Saudi Arabia, etc.

2- Co-regulation: In this mechanism, both the state (government) regulatory body, and media represented regulatory organ jointly watch over the media, for example, Australia.

3- Statutory Regulation: A state where media are regulated with provisions mentioned in the constitution. India and Pakistan are examples.

4- Self-regulation: The media organs regulate themselves with self-monitoring system under a mutually agreed mechanism. For instance, EU countries Press Councils function with four types of regulation i.e. co-operative, delegated, devolved and facilitated regulation.

Methew opined that media, under the free-market economy concept, usually indulge in intra-media race to capture a large share in advertizing market, to gain wide-range acceptance in the public and to get maximum rating points. Thus, instead of the national interest, self-interest becomes the main motive in news dissemination. In this background, Methew opined, that the current practice of awarding the mechanism of regulation to the media itself, may lead to the chances and opportunities of abuse of regulatory objectives by the media to their own commercial ends. The researcher concluded that smooth functioning of all human activities requires some sort of control, and merely self-regulation is not enough.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 75

2.7 Media-Government Relations in a Suppressed Media Environment

Jofee (2015) reviewed media-government relations in Tunisia to observe the occurrence of any paradigm shift in governance and changes in old narrative, and formation of new narrative about media’s ownership and role patterns after the fall of autocratic regime of Ben Ali in 2011. Tunisia remained a French colony up to

1956, and its political set-up and media patterns were largely influenced by, and resembled with the French model. About 90% of the print media are in private control, and electronic media (radio/TV) are state owned.

Jofee mentioned the Reporters Without Borders (RSF, 2014) observations that, although the new Tunisian Constitution framed in 2014, offers enough guarantees to people to freely express views & publication, and easily obtain information from information networks as well, but its article 125 confines rights of citizens. Burying all hopes, subsequent regimes found it very difficult to allow free and fair media operations considering the media as a prime tool of controlling and molding the public opinion, and suppressing the Opposition’s dissenting narrative.

He concluded that, no matter which personality or party comes to rein in Tunisia, media would face the same old, narrow and dominating approach as such mind-set changes very slowly. Despite constitutional guarantees, all governments in near future would view the free media as antagonistic, and term them as recalcitrant, if they do not conform to their authority. Hence, the media-government relations in

Tunisia would be frictional, and the media would be lacking impartiality and objectivity. There seems a lot of resemblance in the case and history of Tunisian and

Pakistani media, but the former are relatively freer than the later.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 76

To examine differences in government’s control of media, and media freedom across the world, especially in less developed and weak democracies over times, Gehlbach and Sonin, (2008) case-studied the post-Communist Russian media (the less democratic state model). They based the level of media freedom primarily on two variables, “the mobilizing character of the government, and the size of the advertising market” and hypothesized that, pro-government bias in media is larger and the chances of state’s getting hold of media increase, when the regime intends for greater social mobilization, like presidential elections in Russia.

This conceptual model faced a basic restraint, since bias in media coverage minimizes the media’s informational content which further curtails the chances for audience to consume it. Thus, it adversely affects government’s desire for greater social mobilization and shrinks the advertizing income. The results expressed that the media bias varied in both Boris Yeltsin and in Vladimir Putin eras owing to the mobilizing requirements of the regime. During the Putin regime, state control was further augmented with capture of private media by the regime, for which the researchers proposed two reasons: Putin paid serious attention to the media use for public support of his presidential rule, and advertizing industry in Russia also increased significantly.

2.8 Media-Government Relations in Pakistan in a Subdued Media Situation

The case of suppressing the media by regimes in Pakistan, and across the world is almost identical. Mezzera and Sial, (2010) recounted many techniques of media control by various Pakistani regimes as: “press laws, takeover of media outlets or publishing houses, creation of official media groups (e.g. the NPT), direct control of news agencies, unequal distribution of newsprint quota, the press advice system &

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 77 censorship, allocation of official ads to favorites, awards of cash prizes and allocation of government positions to some writers & journalists; and dispensation of monetary and other benefits to influential journalists and opinion makers”. Military regimes very much realized the potential role of the media as an agent of reform within Pakistan, as all the media related legislations, both in progressive and regressive terms, were introduced under military rules. Media laws, in other words, have never enjoyed the democratic privilege of a debate in the parliament.

Riaz (2008) surveyed 120 journalists to judge their perception about government’s influence on print media content in Pakistan due to governmental advertisements, in the perspective of Shoemaker & Reese’s model of theoretical approaches about influences on mass media content, the Neutral Journalist theory, the Manipulation of

Reality Theory and the Altschull’s (1984) Framework for Studying Variations

Within Owner Control of the Media. The main hypothesis was: In perspectives of media-men, huge quantum of governmental ads supply to the newspapers would lead to pro-government coverage. Results showed that 31% journalists highly agreed,

42% agreed, 17% agreed to some extent that the newspapers that gain more government ads offer more pro-government coverage, and only 07% respondents disagreed to the statement.

The International Media Support (2009) viewed the Pakistani media as struggling between the unfolding conflict of two drastically opposing phenomena of radicalism and democratism in Pakistan. The IMS survey report was based on interviews of journalists and persons of media related bodies, who marked Pakistan’s democratic journey after 2008 as a ray of hope. In front of several political, regulatory and economic pressures and challenges from non-state actors, it viewed the Pakistani

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 78 media as vibrant and somewhat liberal with unprecedented growth in television and

FM radio sectors as compared to the print industry. Tough media contest for business interests replaced quality journalism with sensationalism and media fragmentation.

The Urdu Press was termed as more popular in masses with relatively large circulation both in the cities and rural areas covering socio-cultural, political, economic, religious and other aspects of life. The English Press in Pakistan was considered as elite-centric with limited readership, however, it enjoyed a larger worth and influence within the powerful social circles of opinion makers, civil

&military bureaucracy, politicians, academia and the business community.

The IMS report also referred to the prolonged and complex conflict in former NWFP

(now KPK) Province and Tribal Areas, where, Journalists adopted self-censorship to avoid enmity with the government and the militant groups, the two contending parties. The report recommended: boosting the security of media-persons, improving the relations between the Pak-Afghan medias, rising accurate and factual information level in conflict zone through strengthening of the radio network, popularizing investigative reporting, and allowing a self-regulatory system by the media to improve the standard of Pakistani journalism.

Shah (2009) in his M.Sc. dissertation explored media-government relationship during the military regime of General Pervez Musharraf (1999-2007) with content analysis of the two popular English dailies, Dawn and The News, for two months.

From results, he concluded that at the beginning of his rule, Musharraf gave some sort of independence to the media, but he could not tolerate media criticism for a long time and especially during the last days of his rein, he exerted additional curbs

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 79 and restrictions on the media. Shah found that, The News remained more critical of the Musharraf’s regime by giving more space to related stories as compared to the

Dawn newspaper. The researcher concluded in light of his findings, that the overall relationship between the Musharraf’s government and the media remained tense.

Shamsuddin (1987) observed that the press in Pakistan faced the similar fate, as the press in African region and other Asian states met with, in various military, dictatorial, autocratic and weak democracies. He asserted that the notion of a free press does not necessarily mean complete freedom from the government. However, the press has to continue endeavour to inform the public with utmost accuracy and objectivity, and a mutual trust has to be developed between the government and the press which is still lacking in Pakistan.

Mujahid (1991) reviewed the overall growth of the Press System in Pakistan from historical, socio-political, ideological and economic perspectives, and concluded that the press remained a target of well-mannered plan all the times to restrain it, which perplexed the media-government relations. He called upon all the stakeholders for reasonable and courageous steps to overcome this situation for future betterment of the press and democracy in the country.

Memon (2014) evaluated attitude of the state towards the media and journalists in

Pakistan during the military and democratic regimes by conducting six focus group discussions with 30 journalists through a purposive sampling. He found that state’s approach with respect to the media remained different as per style and nature of the government in Pakistan, as most participants viewed that journalists and the media remained more restricted and censored during dictatorships with censorship, press advices and close media monitoring. From opinions of participants, it was also noted

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 80 that during democratic set-ups, the press and journalists remained free up to some extent, but they were influenced, pressurized and manipulated with the support of feudal lords, police and the civil bureaucracy.

Memon also inferred that the Pakistani media and journalists have so far not benefited from complete independence and fearless reporting, whether it is democratic government or military rule. He added that introduction of private media by Gen. Pervez Musharraf in 2002 was due to the inescapable compulsions of unchecked and fast-spreading globalization, internet, cable & global satellite TV channels, his intention to improve image of the country on international level, and to have sound and capable media response to the Indian hostile media. He concluded that the state and media in Pakistan are likely to be always on opposing ends, as the governments never like, and easily absorb criticism from media.

Iqbal (2012) evaluated media-government relations in Pakistan during Pervez

Musharraf’s rule (1999-2007) and recorded that, when the General captured power in 1999, only the state run electronic media (PTV & Radio Pakistan) and the private press were operational at that time. Unlike his martial law predecessors and despite rising militancy in Afghanistan & Tribal Areas, and border tensions with India after the Kargil episode in May 1999, Musharraf did not deem it necessary to bring the media under further confinement.

However, grabbing the 9/11 as an opportunity to legitimize his military rule and to gain support of the West, Musharraf framed the narrative of enlightened moderation.

To propagate this ideology, he decided to open the media epoch of Pakistan for private sector, and so the private media regulator “PEMRA” was established in

2002. After becoming a frontline state and the US-allay in the war against terrorism,

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 81

Pakistan again became the recipient of Western aid, and the 2005 destructive earthquake further enhanced financial downpour to the country, of which the media sector was also a beneficiary. Thus, the new media environment, increase in number of media consumers, satellite channels, internet expansion, spread of cellular communication and overall economic growth paved the way for private media in

Pakistan.

But this cordial atmosphere of media-government relations did not last longer. A number of episodic events i.e. the judicial crisis, the Lal Masjid (Red Mosque) issue

(2007) and constant criticism from political and religious parties, led to test the patience of Musharraf. Popular section of the media severely criticized his regime for mishandling these events. Zafar asserted that a sizeable chunk of private media and the State media supported the government stance, and a fairly significant portion covered the event in a balanced way. However, critic media was larger, and such a situation was not acceptable to Musharraf.

While some important cases were being heard in the Supreme Court like the petition against the re-election of Musharraf from the out-going assemblies, which had completed their terms, and the Missing Persons Case, Musharraf and his political & legal aides anticipated unfavorable outcomes of the cases. Hence, he declared emergency on 3 November 2007, introduced the Provisional Constitutional Order

(PCO), shut-down TV Channels, and took several punitive actions against the media and the journalists. The Dubai authorities were also influenced to drop uplink facilities of ARY and Geo Channels.

Iqbal added that the environment further aggravated with the introduction of two ordinances by the government to have more restrictions over the media. One was to

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 82 prohibit live TV coverage of violent incidents, and the other bound Cable Operators not to air such shows or news, which may scorn the state’s head, military, legislature and the judiciary. Three years jail term was fixed as punishment for its violation.

Despite serious efforts of systematic riggings, the king-party of Musharraf (PML-Q) lost the February, 2018 general elections. Foreseeing his own impeachment from the new government formed by the rival parties, he resigned from the office on 18

August 2008. Iqbal concluded that all military and political governments in Pakistan applied all the direct and indirect methods of controlling the media, but one notable method exercised by these regimes was to divide the media in order to weaken their voice.

2.9 Various Approaches & Tactics to Control the Media

Chomsky (2002) studied media’s propaganda model, the techniques of mind control and behavior change with disinformation by regimes and big enterprises. He offered two models of democracy i.e. truly public participatory democracy and Capitalist- based spectator democracy. He asserted that media is either controlled through regimes’ propaganda, or with the power of advertisers and sponsors.

Ali (2005) explored press-government relations during the second terms of Benazir

Bhutto (1993-1996) & Nawaz Sharif (1997-1999) and the initial three years of

Musharraf’s (1999-2002) regime. He adopted a descriptive and historical approach in chronological order with some sort of content analysis, interviews and survey method. He concluded that: tactics such as financial grants, allotment of plots, free foreign trips, appointment of journalists on key posts, cash payments etc. were used by the Benazir and Nawaz’s regimes to corrupt the Pakistani press and journalists; the news print and official ads were used as weapons to gag the press. It was noted

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 83 that Musharraf appeared to be relatively little harsh over the pres than the earlier military dictators, and the press-government relations during his regime were comparatively better than that of Benazir and Nawaz’s eras.

Shamsuddin (1987) recorded that governments have remained the chief sponsors and advertisers for the press all over the world, but in Pakistan, owing to this power, almost all regimes used the newsprint and advertizing as a tool to coerce and control the media. Intra-press competition to get government ads at all costs, weaken and compromised the independence of the press in Pakistan. The non-conforming press had to face all the negative consequences, which led to the utter destruction and closure of free press in the country.

The undeclared alliance and reciprocal link between the media proprietors and governments, and their overall acrimonious conduct towards the journalists, has badly damaged the media profession in Pakistan. To probe this supposition, Memon,

(2015) arranged six focus group discussions in selected districts of Sindh province to test his study’s assumptions i.e. professional (practical) journalism is a neglected area in Pakistan; media outlets and proprietors ignore the personal well-being of journalists; and media-lords and regimes seem to be knotted in a sort of alliance, which is the main cause of miserable conditions of journalists.

According to findings, newspapers owners, media tycoons and governments enjoy implicit cooperation, and fulfill their needs on reciprocal basis, but at the cost of the pressmen, and the journalistic ideology. Media owners gain highest facilitation and advertizing benefits from regimes, and in return, the regimes enjoy image building and publicity by the media. Memon recorded that non-implementation over the

“Wage Board Award” is a classic evidence in this regard. Moreover, media owners

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 84 as Editors-in-Chiefs, vehemently influence news content in stories prepared/filed by the reporters. Journalists face job insecurity and salary-delay from their bosses along with many overt and covert tactics of harassments, warnings, arrests, tortures, detention etc. from the governments.

Rasul & McDowell (2011) explored the relationship between media regulation process in Pakistan, and the concentration of media ownership in few hands in the

21st century. They case-studied four major media groups: Jang Group, Waqt Media

Group, Dawn Group and Express Group under the political economy perspective.

They recorded, that in 2002, PEMRA was formed to regulate the growing media industry, devise ample rules to facilitate a healthy and competitive media market, and provide multiple & diversified choices to the people, and support democratic institutions. However, grabbing the opportunity in their favour, most of the license applicants & recipients, especially the afore-cited four groups, were already key players in print media industry in Pakistan, before 2002.

After the introduction of new media policy, these media groups made a horizontal, vertical and diagonal expansion with induction of many news/entertainment TV &

FM radio channels, and captured above 50% advertisement market in Pakistan. It caused monopolization in few hands, low media credibility, and sensationalism in news, cartelization and commercialization. Rasul & McDowell posited that all this process in the Pakistan’s media arena falls within the ambit of political economy approach. The scholars also spotted various failed efforts of successive regimes to handle big media monopolies and cross business ownerships in Pakistan.

2.10 Media-Government Relations & Pro-democratic Media

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Free media play a crucial role in a viable democracy and their support is very critical for the reinstated civil rule in Pakistan in 2008, as Peshimam, (2013) posited: “from being heavily suppressed until 1988, the news media featured prominently during democratization in 1990s, and has an even greater role after 2000, thanks to the expanded platform of television”. It is believed in the past, critical press played antagonistic role against the fragile civilian governments in Pakistan. Peshimam argued: “In an act of redemption, the news media, which had never in history been as powerful and influential as is it today, came out in open and strong support for a directly-elected civilian-led system in 2013”.

Hassan (2014) examined the media-democracy relationship in Pakistan during 2004 in the perspective of portrayal of Civil Society in the Pakistani press, which is largely represented with private organizations (NGOs). With the theoretical view of

Libertarian concept, Hassan inquired, whether the press backs voice of the civil society or not. He analyzed news, articles, editorials and features of the Urdu and

English press in 2004, and categorized them under the themes, “anti-Pakistan, foreign agent & anti-Islam” (non-supportive categories), and “development agent, agent for democracy & tolerance” (supportive categories).

Hassan analyzed 73 news items, 38 appeared as non-supportive and 35 were supportive. He concluded that although the respective dailies negatively viewed the

NGOs, but the ratio between non-supportive and supportive news items was not that much significant indicating that, the Pakistani press has gradually built up a pro- democratic outlook. He suggested further inquiry into the attitude of private TV

Channels towards the relationship between the media and Pakistani democracy.

Niazi (1986), Khurshid (1963) Zafar (2011) and many other analysts have vividly

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 86 posited that having faced the Colonial brutalities and played a pivotal role in the freedom movement, in the beginning, press in Pakistan was somewhat free, fearless and pro-democratic, and later, it was enchained. Whereas, Hassan (2014) noted an incremental pro-democracy attitude in the Pakistani press, which indicates a contradiction with the assessments of previous studies.

A multifaceted and inter-woven relationship among the media, good governance, democratic system and peaceful social development is earnestly required. Coronel

(2003) explored some media approaches to support and strengthen modern democracy and socio-political & economic development. Media are not only state controlled and fettered with stern laws, but are also zipped with the monopolies of business tycoons and corporate partnerships. Coronel poised that sober, objective and investigative reporting is hampered and mostly replaced with hollow & sensational coverage and in many cases, media also become a part of surrogated battle among contending political factions.

Highlighting media’s patronage, Coronel referred to a 2001 World Bank study of global media structure, which reports that, “in a sample of 97 states, only 04% of media enterprises are broadly held; on average, family-control of newspapers account for 57% , and 34% is for TV stations. State ownership is vast and around

29% of newspapers and 60% of TV stations. The state owns a huge share, 72% of radio stations”. Coronel visualized that the good practices through which media promote democracy and good governance are, “the Media’s Investigative Reporting as a Watchdog, the Press as an information tool & forum for discussion, and the

Media as Peace & Consensus Builder”.

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Coronel further poised that despite all hurdles, media in several weak democracies are asserting their role to protect and promote democracy and highlight issues of the public. Investigative reporting has enhanced media credibility in public’s eye and has helped accustomed state functionaries. She concluded: the media freedom is ensured if media outlets are fiscally sound, independent of proprietors, sponsors and the state’s organs, and are accessible to a wider segment of society.

Faiz (2009) in his Master thesis content analyzed editorials of Nawa-i-Waqt (Urdu) and the The News (English) newspapers to explore the role of Pakistani press in the coverage and advocacy of the Lawyers Movement, that began after deposing of the then Chief Justice Iftikhar Choudhary by the President General Musharraf in March

2007. Findings of the study revealed that Nawa-i-Waqt gave more space to the

Lawyers Movement than The News, which indicates that the Urdu Press, the most popular in masses, gave greater coverage to that movement. One of the major causes of deplorable and declining relationship between the Musharraf’s regime and the media was the extraordinary and full-length media coverage and support to the

Lawyers Movement, which resulted into closure of some news channels, and restrictions over the media and journalists.

Muhammad (2009) in his Ph. D dissertation explored the role of the press in projecting and supporting the democratic process in Pakistan during the military rule of General Pervez Musharraf (1999 to 2005). He selected editorials from the three prominent English language newspapers i.e. Dawn, The News and the Nation regarding issues pertaining to the democratic process, as sample. It was a case study, but content methodology was utilized to quantify the editorials into respective categories, and then the relevant themes were analyzed qualitatively.

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He concluded that: the press effectively played their role for the cause of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law; criticized and checked the government’s undemocratic actions, and thus the opinion built in the press affected government policies; despite a military rule, the press enjoyed a high degree of freedom; out of

871 editorials, 393 (45.12%) were anti-government, 347 (39.85%) were neutral, and

131 (15.4%) were pro-government; the mainstream press played a responsible role i.e. whenever it was necessary, it criticized and appreciated the government, or remained neutral. The study examined the relationship of the press, government and the civil society and found that despite government influences, the media can play a vital role in propagation of transparency and democratic values.

Yusuf and Schoemaker (2013) made 23 in-depth interviews and 32 focus group discussions with media-savvy individuals to examine the deepening influence of media in Pakistan’s frail democracy. They argued that the 2013 general elections were believed to be the dawn of a new democratic era, which were held amid a vibrant, outspoken and diversified media, and for the first time in the history of

Pakistan, a popularly elected government completed five years term and more than

55% of voters out of 88 million registered electorates cast their vote, despite intense efforts by the militant groups through frequent threats, terrorist attacks and suicide bombings to disrupt the elections.

The researchers contended that the Pakistani media inherited a history of struggle, as in the beginning, the press in Pakistan was an off-shoot of the Muslim press, which was the voice of the Indian Muslims’ struggle for freedom & partition of India. A press free by birth was very soon, enchained by regimes to serve their vested interests. Pakistan’s media arena has, for most of the times, happened to be the

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 89 battlefield, sometimes for the power elite to control the national discourse, and in other times, a platform for those striving for civilian rule.

They viewed that Musharraf had to open the political and media fields, due to mounting global and national pressure for restoration of democracy, to repair image of the country and to boost Pakistan’s capability to compete with the India in media war, which had globally maligned Pakistan during the 1999 Kargil War. Besides,

Musharraf used media reforms as a tool to fortify his power and to appease the prodemocracy voices. After getting some freedom, the Pakistani media quickly earned the reputation for digging out official corruption, malpractices, and pitiable discharge of services by civic agencies, and thus emerged as a substitute political entity on country’s political arena.

Yusuf and Schoemaker (2013) wrapped up, that the media gained in terms of empowering diverse voices with the opening of regional TV channels, FM radios and proliferation of social media platforms. The media landscape became more inclusive which mobilized civil society and ignited public debates on key national, regional and local issues & politics. They also facaded the gloomy side, that in spite of some encouraging signs, Pakistan’s media watchdog, agenda setting and gatekeeping roles have decreased due to law & order situation, country-wide militancy, pressures from the military and secret services, political influences, government’s advertizing control, courts notices and litigation, PEMRA’s actions, pressures over the cable operators and censoring of cyber space by the PTA with blockade of thousands of websites.

The researchers posed that: due to poor economic conditions, several media outlets are financially un-viable and total dependency on government’s ads force them to

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 90 conformity, and the decentralization of private media and political division may lead to further polarization; another concern is that the regional media and social media may strengthen ethnic and extremist factions; media mainly criticize and demean politicians that may erode public trust over the political system of the country.

Javaid (2014) investigated the reaction of General Musharraf to the Pakistani

(private) media, and the impact the media had, to ouster him from power. She focused on the coverage of Judicial Crisis-2007 by the English dailies, Dawn and

The News. The first span of analysis was from 9th March (the date of disfunctioning the Chief Justice) to 20th July 2007 (the date of his restoration), and the second phase of analysis was from 3rd November (declaration of emergency) to 29th November

2007 (vacating the position of Army Chief by Gen. Musharraf). Javaid argued that

Musharraf took a bold step to liberalize the Pakistani media, perhaps with the realization, that the global blitz of satellite channels, internet expansion, fast advancing media technology, and the rising urge of Pakistanis for their consumption, would not allowed him to resist for a very long time.

Results inferred that: the Pakistani media was largely critical to the actions of

Musharraf; brought his errors before the people; functioned as accelerator that led to the unpopularity of the General and thus diluted his political pedestal. Demands of the civil society, lawyers and opposition parties with the strong support of media forced the dictator to step down. Javaid found that The News was very much vocal in its criticism of Musharraf from the very start while initially, Dawn remained balanced and careful to criticize him, and joined the anti-Musharraf stance several weeks later.

2.11 Responsible Portrayal or Sensationalism & Media-regimes Relations

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Responsible portrayal of issues by the media may help build normal ties of the media with government, and irresponsible depiction of issues may lead to soaring media- government linkage. Hanan and Saleem, (2014) content analyzed editorials of the dailies, The News and Dawn within the purview, “responsible portrayal or sensationalism of the internal and external policy issues by Pakistani leadership from

2008 to 2012”. The themes of external policy issues were Kashmir, Nuclear issue and Pak-US relations. The internal policy themes were energy crisis, democracy, judiciary-government tensions and domestic terrorism. It was found that: both dailies were sensational on the foreign policy issues; while covering the military, they used responsible frames to depict Pakistan’s image as positive and very soft; on good governance issues, both the dailies framed in general, a highly sensational image of

Pakistan: President Zardari’s performance was covered in a sensational way and that of Prime Minister Gillani was covered with neutral tone.

The 21st century ICT-based Social media are globally used by ordinary citizens, state

& private entities, and the mainstream media for information consumption, public relationing and image building, which have no centralized management, editorial control and geographical limits. Song and Lee (2016) probed the relationship of social media use in government’s day-to-day affairs, and resultant citizens’ perception of government using a national random-digit-dialed telephone survey,

“Government Online-2009” conducted by Pew Research Center’s Internet &

American Life Project. Results proved the hypotheses; “the use of social media platforms by government is significantly and positively associated with masses perceptions of government’s transparency”.

2.12 Media’s Influence on Public and Policy Agendas

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Literature appraisal of agenda-setting related studies depicts a division among the scholars over the question of mass media’s power to determine or co-determine political agenda. According to Walgrave, Soroka and Nuytemans, (2008) a section of researchers accept such role of the media, while others rule-out it. They conducted a longitudinal study about the relationship of media with the parliament and government in Belgium to analyze the media’s political agenda power. The study had three longitudinal data sets for the period 1993-2000 i.e. the mass media agenda, the parliamentary agenda and the government agenda.

Due to the types of political agenda under study, the media selected and the categories of issues covered, they found mixed and contradictory answers as; “the media do to some extent determine the agenda of parliament and government”.

Newspapers seemed to have cast greater impact than the TV; parliament up to a certain extent followed the media more than the government; and media effects were found to be larger for some issues e.g. sensational news about law & order and environment, than the other issues like foreign policy, administrative, economic, political, issues etc. They deduced a larger media influence on symbolic agenda as compared to the influence on substantive policy agendas, and asserted that newspapers appeared to have, a greater political agenda-setting effects in Belgium in the decade of 1990’s, which is not necessarily an indication, that TV news do not influence the political agendas as like does the CNN Effect.

Livingstone & Lunt (1994) explored the link between the laity (masses) and the established power under the perspective, that apart from disseminating elitist and critical view, the media also have sway over the construction, development, expression and consumption of public opinion. They observed as to what extent the

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 93 mass media provide a public sphere for citizens to debate on issues in a democracy, where those in power could be held answerable in an environment in which media face political linkage, advertizing and regulatory pressures to shift their role from public service to commercial service or official mouth-piece. The active and balanced use of media as a public sphere, both by the elite (regime) and the masses, may establish cordial relations between the media and government.

Livingstone & Lunt described that “in elite democracy, communication between the laity and established power is the dissemination of information and ideas from the powerful (only) and...(it) is termed as mass (level) opinion, while participatory democracy is a set-up, where legitimate power is involved in a form of dialogue with the masses”. Hence, elite democracy is one-way communication and participatory democracy is two-way traffic.

The researchers implied two methods to appraise the media’s role in public life.

“One based on the notion of Habermas “Public Sphere”, suggests that there is an ideal form of public debate which, if can find an institutional context, potentially, allows equality of access and equal rights to all citizens”. The media, as an institutional forum, provide every opportunity to citizens to participate in their programmes, develop critical opinion, promote consensus, or prop-up divergences among the least concerned groups. The other choice they mentioned is (Moufee,

1988 & Fraser, 1989)’s concept, that media have the ability to make possible, the portrayal of varied and multiple socio-political concerns, so as to lead to a practicable conciliation among the contending parties. This concept admits that as a bunch of divergent views, communication between all citizens at a single time like a family, as senders and receivers, is impossible.

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Riaz (2008) in his doctoral thesis evaluated in detail, the overall relationship between the Public (people) and Print Media Agendas on selected key national issues in Pakistan during the period from May 2007 to April 2008. He conducted his study mainly under the Agenda Setting along with its closely related Gatekeeping and Farming theories. He content analyzed 182 copies each of the English daily

Dawn, and the Urdu daily Jang, and surveyed 300 regular readers of these newspapers (150 readers of each newspaper) living in Islamabad.

Riaz also deuced that, whenever the news media obtained news from the official sources, the media expressed pro-government slant and frame, which further led to a pro-government public opinion, but where the media relied on un-official sources, the coverage mainly resulted in an unfavorable slant and framing, which ultimately resulted in an anti-government opinion. Riaz also recommended that during the ongoing era of media economy, most of the media outlets mainly desire monitory gains, and accordingly set their agendas, but even then, the fundamental principle of objectivity in journalistic practices should be observed in letter and spirit to actually and factually report all the issues.

Tori (2006) in her doctoral thesis studied media-government relations in the area of foreign policy to know the impact of media on political decision-making in the perspective of two Greek-Turkish conflicts (The 1987 Oil-drilling & The 1996 Imia-

Kardak Islets Crises), which took place in a time period of nine years and led to two different policy milieus for the media of both countries to operate within. These

Turkish-Greek conflicts also caused many shifts in the area of government-media relationship in both countries in that period, and are still exist on the policy and media agendas of both the states for the last around thirty years.

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Tori case-studied two different territorial crises and content-analyzed coverage of the

Turkish press mainly the Mililyet, Horriyet & Giallouddis, and the major Greek dailies, the Eleftherotyp & E. Typos. Analysis showed, the Turkish press seemed as united in the crisis, but less extensive in coverage, while a lack of consensus on stance on the issue and extensive coverage was noted in the Greek press, especially after the tension was reduced. Moreover, the Greek press blamed its own government for moving in accordance with the Turkish dictates. Press coverage of both countries offered two conflicting versions and analyses over the situation. Tori looked at the weight and importance the regime gave to the media while planning & making policies, and argued that in the framework of game-theoretic model, her study identified the media as an effective and decisive player in political affairs, and not merely as a passive tool in politicians’ hands.

Nordenstreng (2007) viewed the media as floating amid the three crucial pillars of society: “the state & its institutions, the market & its all commercial phenomena, and the civil Society made of citizens”. Media made an alliance with the civil society in modern democracy, but they are still firmly tied to the state, as after the World War

II, media at large, rushed to the capital driven markets. Despite all such conflicting positions, media are not totally delinked from either pillar of the society and not free from the state, market and civil society’s influences. He also viewed the media as a

“fourth pillar” in Montesquieu’s classic separation of power concept, i.e. the legislature, the executive and the independent judiciary.

Nordenstreng described the media’s self-regulation “as an alternative to the legal regulation, initiated by commercial markets”. It is a sort of soft law which emerged within the private domains of the media and is recognized as a part of the entire

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 96 regulatory structure. Now in the shape of co-regulation, it is a latest media sphere as stated in a European Commission’s study. He posited that in this globalized age, the state-media linkage is a real test for media research and despite being a top-most priority of the politicians, media experts and human rights activists, very little and serious research has so far been conducted in the area. Nordenstreng posed that various global organizations i.e. Freedom House, RSF, CPJ etc. gather data and publish reports on the global status of media, but their results are not properly verified with the principles of academic research.

The rapidly advancing and changing media & communication spectrum has far- reaching impacts globally, over governance delivery, but Deane (2015) observed that until recently, media and communication related issues have been paid very little attention in governance strategies. Thus, the existing conceptualization on media- governance relationship requires rethinking. He said that the current debate of the media’s role in governance matters consists of two counter arguments, whether the free media lead to improved governance outcomes, or they undermine the efficiency and stability of a government.

Deane concluded that development planners now emphasize on media support in their strategies, as a free and vibrant media system like a crucial podium for free expression, are mandatory in a democratic society; to boost-up accountability of regimes, to improve service delivery and to build government-citizens relations. He foresaw: the way the masses communicate and have access to information today, may impact socio-political effects both positively (improved democracy & socio- economic prosperity) or negatively (rising political polarization, extremism & violence), which may affect media-government relations.

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2.13 Freedom of Expression & Need to Revisit Pakistan’s Media laws

Paracha (2010) in his doctoral dissertation analyzed the overall media policy in

Pakistan. Respondents in his survey analysis were journalists, professional staff of the public & private media outlets and government information departments, and teaching faculty of mass communication in Pakistani universities. Paracha also conducted face-to-face interviews with 25 prominent personalities from media related fields with the technique of elite interview and investigated respondents’ knowledge, awareness and opinion about media policy in Pakistan with key focus on constitutional provisions regarding independence of the press, sections of the

Pakistan Penal Code (PPC), various press laws, judicial decrees & observations, press-government relations, and overall media environment in the country.

Paracha pointed out that: a greater number of respondents were somewhat satisfied with the guarantees of press freedom made in the article 19 of the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan and supported the exceptions to the press freedom in the Article-19; majority of them demanded access to information as part of Article-19, the need of a

Press Court and policy makers and media managers must improve operation of the state media organs; a large number (68%) of respondents termed the Press- government relations in Pakistan as not cordial; 83% opined that attitude of regimes towards the press is based on liking/disliking; 79% said that attitude of the government towards the press is not based on justice and 60% stated that attitude of the press towards the government is also not based on justice.

Alam (n.d.) in his report prepared for Centre for Peace & Development Initiatives

(CPDI), regarding the Right to Information and Media Laws in Pakistan, referred to the Article-19 of the UN Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) (which) states,

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“Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression...It also cited article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil & Political Rights (ICCPR) which declares,

“Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression….the right to free expression includes freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers”.

He noted that the basic right to free speech and expression has been accepted in all

Constitutions (1956, 1962 &1973) of Pakistan. The 1973Constitution contains

Article-19 about freedom of expression, but specifically, the Right to Information was declared as a constitutional right in the 18th Amendment in 2010. It noted that laws about freedom of information were already in practice at the federal level as well as in Sindh and Baluchistan provinces before the 18th Amendment. Punjab and

Khyber Pakhtunkhwa adopted the RTI laws in 2013. The report also cited other laws i.e. “Newspaper Employees (Service conditions) Act-1973, Contempt of Court Act-

1973, Pakistan Telecom. (Re-organization) Act-1996, Pakistan Penal Code-1860,

Telegraph Act-1885, and Post Office Act-1898”, which also have provisions about the freedom of media & expression and are still in practice.

The report unveiled that all media related laws in Pakistan were enacted prior to the ratification of Article-19A in the Constitution, which have rare semblance of right and freedom to information, except a few minute provisions. The report suggested that all laws of right and freedom to information, which predate the Article-19A, must be revisited to make them in consonance with the RTI law, and other relevant laws must also be amended to synchronize them with the spirit of the Article-19A of the Constitution. Moreover, the RTI law must be enforced in letter & spirit, and implementations status must be properly publicized.

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Freedom of expression-a fundamental human right, encourages divergent opinions before policy makers in democracies. To explore freedom of expression situation in

Pakistan and identify the key players and features who/which may help to improve the situation, Liaquat, Qaisrani and Khokhar (2016) made a qualitative analysis through the Key Informant Interviews in Punjab and Sindh provinces. Districts with more reported cases of blasphemy, forced religion conversion, and many other violations of freedom of expression were selected. They observed that Article-19 of the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan guarantees freedom of speech to the citizens, but state authorities and religious circles have regularly abused these exceptions.

Freedom Network (2015), cited killing of 14 journalists in 2014 in Pakistan, which shows large scale abuse of freedom of expression.

The researchers also cited Nizamani (2014) viewing that the PEMRA code of conduct-2015 also restricts journalists and masses to freely express opinions on political, religious or human rights issues. Respondents pointed that: citizens are not permitted to speak publicly on some issues; the key elements hindering the liberty of opinion are, government/bureaucracy, parliamentarians, military & spy agencies, foreign influence and religious intolerance; tactics like censorship, tapered legislation, misreading of laws & rules, attacks/harassments/killings of out-spoken media-persons & human rights activists; assault on minorities and oppression of individual ideas and religious views are practiced in the country.

The Working Paper recommended that interpretation of relevant laws and rules & regulations is required to be impartial, unbiased and fair, and the liberty of thoughts

& opinions, being a fundamental human right, should be protected with full devotion by the state. Moreover, the concept of freedom and freedom of expression should be

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 100 made more elaborative with clear-cut and defined boundaries for complete understanding and comprehension of the people. A mechanism of complete preliminary investigation must be devised before registering of the complaint under blasphemy laws. Media should also exhibit a more responsible and mature conduct to avoid sensationalism for rating and advertising money purposes. Governments and all relevant NGOs should work in close collaboration as partners, and not as antagonists.

2.14 Challenges to the Media Growth in Pakistan

Numerous challenges and obstacles exist in the way of Pakistan’s media development and their relations with the government. Shamsuddin (1986) made a comparison between the press in big cities and in small towns of Pakistan, and opined that in the metropolitan areas, the press got support from landlords, industrialists, regimes and politicians, and thus became well established, whereas, the press in small and neglected towns could not last longer.

Qadri, Suwaibah and Umer (2015), investigated the role and growth of mass media in Pakistan during the military and civilian governments positing the general perception that, media usually flourish in democratic set-ups, but in case of Pakistan, it is amazing to observe that the media’s success, growth and relevant legislations, laws, rules & regulations have been mostly documented during the military rules. In particular, the open media policy of Musharraf led to the beginning of private TV and FM radio Channels in Pakistan in 2002. Due to open air-waves and obtaining freedom up to certain extent, the Pakistani media got the leverage to be much vocal and critical even of Musharraf’s polices. They concluded that, as a leading part of the civil society, media’s pivotal role in Lawyers Movement, finally led to the fall of

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 101 the strong military ruler Musharraf, and later forced the civilian regime of Zardari to restore the deposed Chief Justice Iftikhar Choudhary. Thus the media played an influential role in state’s affairs.

Center for Civic Education, Pakistan made a brief review of Pakistani media in term of history, growth, demographic structure, operation, laws, rules, media-allied institutions, regulatory entities, Journalists bodies, and major media groups and their share in advertizing market in 2004-05. The report said that progress in the Pakistani media sector was much slower till the new millennium (2000). Global media watchdogs did not recognize even the partial-freedom status of Pakistani media up- to 2007. Freedom House ranked the Pakistani media as 61st in 2005, dropped its ranking from Partly Free to Not Free, that reflected an increased harassment of journalists and media-outlets by authorities…”

Similarly Pakistan was placed at 150th position by the Reporters Without Borders

(RSF) in its 2005 press freedom index, stating that “The struggle against Islamist terrorism…has given the authorities a pretext for cracking down on independent media”. Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) remarked: “Pakistani press is amazingly active and vocal, but journalists work very carefully and within limits to avoid state’s pressure and harassment. Official advertisement may be blocked any time, which is a major source of revenue for the press and is an effective tool to subdue the press. The report concluded that both legal and physical conducive atmospheres are prerequisite to gauge in true sense, the press freedom”.

Ricchiardi (2012) prepared a report about the challenges faced by the Pakistani media from the ethnic, political, extremist and militant outfits, and government, military and secret agencies. She opined that the Pakistani media started growth

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 102 since 2002, when Pervez Musharraf eased media laws to set out a media market boom. In this honeymoon stage, the media very excitedly exposed corruption scandals and abuses, which were never ever perceived to be unearthed, and thus set a country-wide new trend of vox populi. She cited Intermedia reporting that, the number of journalists increased from 2,000 in 2002, to 20,000 in 2011.

Ricchiardi stated that for the years 2010 and 2011, the global media watchdogs like

Committee to Protect Journalists etc. ranked Pakistan as the world’s deadliest country for the media. Eight journalists lost their lives in 2010, and seven were killed during 2011. Many private TV channels were forced to close transmission either by force or through litigation. She put that the low-paid reporters covering the Taliban factions in the tribal belt, and untrained for coverage in conflict zone, are the main source of information for the entire world. “The tribal journalists are heroes”, she quoted Umar Cheema, an award-winning investigative reporter of Pakistan.

“Without them, there would be no media voices from this part of the country”.

Ricchiardi admitted the incredible bravery of Pakistani media as a positive aspect, which stand firm to the higher standard principles of journalism in a country, where militants attacks and bloodshed is order of the day.

Assessing the numerous socio-cultural barriers faced by the Pakistani women journalists, Ricchiardi cited findings of International Women’s Media Foundation’s

2011 study that, very few female are hired by media outlets, female almost miss the vital decision-making role of top management, only 2 out of 50 top positions were held by women, at the middle and senior supervisory levels, women’s share is 16.7% and 13.8% respectively. However the report confirmed a sharp growth in women journalists in Pakistan.

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Risks to the Pakistani journalists multiply if they dig deep into the matters of security or the militants and cross the red-line. Ricchiardi painted a very dark picture of the Pakistani media with citing the brutal killings of many journalists. This turmoil has badly damaged the overall media psyche and journalist’s watchdog’s role. The self-imposed pre-censorship has thwarted impartial and objective journalism. Ricchiardi proposed physical safety and awareness trainings for the

Pakistani media with the help of foreign organizations, practical trainings along with requirements of modern media markets, and special trainings how to cover conflicts, which are pre-requisite for Pakistani journalists.

2.15 Calamities & Disasters - A Test for Media-Government Relations

During calamities and emergences, the news media grab the opportunity to evaluate the government’s performance in coping with the disaster, pin-point the loop-holes in government’s departments through criticism, and also inform the public regarding government’s rescue & relief efforts. Thus, the media coordinate between people and the regime, and in a way, help the government in disaster situation. Brunken,

(2006), content analyzed four U.S newspapers immediately after Hurricane Katrina for five weeks to search common frames, attribute agenda setting, and tone under the framework of Semetko and Valkenburg (2000) model. He found that the media’s tone of government response to the disaster was moderately neutral, as federal government was covered with positive, and the local government was negative tones. The study suggested that in disasters, the media project government in a particular way. They set the agenda, and thus make a choice, of what frames and issues deserve more or less coverage.

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The Relief Web, an on-line international hub of news & information regarding world-wide crises and disasters reported that, the local media in Pakistan was severely hit by the devastating earthquake of 8 October, 2005, as around 50 journalists were killed, injured or missed, their family members killed, injured or their homes were destroyed. Adnan Rehmat, associated with The International

Media Support (Internews), viewed the local media’s capacities as drastically reduced by the earthquake. However, Owais Aslam Ali, of the Pakistan Press

Foundation, said that the local media had played a key role in reporting the quake, in particular to other Pakistanis, both at home and abroad (Relief Web, 2005).

Iqbal et al., (2014) analyzed the role of Pakistani media in disaster reporting. They noticed media’s strength in these areas: Media conveyed people’s sufferings to the officials; diverted government’s attention to needs assessment; helped the authorities with the early warnings; showcased those agencies and officials, which worked on the front-line; realized government’s duties; assessed preparedness of authorities and exposed the fake medical camps which were rolled after the visit of VVIPs. Weak areas of the media were located as; Media personnel talked directly to the victims; depicted the victims as helpless and showed their anger on TV screens which jolted government’s credibility. Such contrasting media coverage of disasters might lead to tasty or souring state- media relations.

2.16 Harassment of Journalists and Media-Government Relations

There prevails up to a larger extent, a general agreement amongst the Media scholars and researchers, that the vague and indefinable relations between the media and governments, attacks on journalists, and the issue of freedom of expression is almost similar world-wide, hence research work of different scholars needs to be evaluated

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 105 together to better understand the issue and suggest remedies. Carlsson and Pöyhtäri

(2017) edited articles contributed to the International Conference under the title

“Safety of Journalists, Knowledge is the Key” held in Helsinki, Finland on 03-04

May 2016. The Conference showcased, the different methods applied for safety of journalists across the world, and how the issue is contextualized in diverse research settings and practices.

In its first part, the volume contains articles having analytical perspective for the rest of sections. The second section has two focus areas, one presents manifestations and plans of researchers. They stress the need for education, research and comparative statistics…media reforms & ethics systems, and media literacy & democratic development. In the other area, scholars re-examined the in-hand instruments to quantify safety and suggested some fresh tools for measuring the protection. The third portion contains two main themes, “Threats & Violence Against Journalists and

Its Effects”, and “Protection of Journalists & Sources”. Scholars believed that improved theorizing of journalists’ safety can only be done through the facts-based empirical knowledge. It exhibits that a new and vital interdisciplinary research field is emerging. The last section includes relevant statistics to devise a knowledge database regarding journalists’ safety.

Under the framework of New Institutionalism Theory, Jamil (n. d.) surveyed 75

Pakistani male/female journalists from 22 media outlets and five major ethnicities

(Sindhi, Balochi, Punjabi, Pashto & Urdu Speaking) to access journalists safety in

Pakistan. A highest number (92%) reported physical risks (killings/torture/injury),

87% reported psychological risks (org./govt. force of censoring news/litigation) 97% affirmed financial risks (job insecurity & low pay) and 87% informed about social

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 106 and emotional risks (depression/fear/anxiety). Such fears badly affect journalists’ performance. Results also revealed that investigative journalists are targeted in most cases, and according to the UN, around 71 journalists and media-related staffers were killed in Pakistan since 2001 up to 2015 in the line of duty.

Ashraf and Brooten (n.d) investigated the gruesome security challenges confronted by the Pakistani tribal journalists in the wake of armed conflict between the

Pakistani forces and the militant groups, drone attacks and the US-led ISAF anti-

Taliban actions in Afghanistan. Displaced tribal journalists in in-depth interviews rated the peculiar administrative status of the tribal area as the worst threat, which has led to passivity in officials’ receptivity, institutional apathy and subdued approach before the militants. Seeking help from authorities is useless and even dangerous to avert threats. Journalists had to negotiate with the local power brokers, took risky decisions, and journalistic ethics were compromised. They also suffered from massive emotional strains, mental disorders, insomnia and drug addiction.

They reported the following two types of threats:

Reporters’ murder brings a strong warning for journalists to be conformed to the warring parties. It is also the expression of anger for no pro-coverage or anti- coverage. Another risk to the families of tribal journalists is in terms of abduction, attack on homes or killing their family members. With a neo-liberal approach, the media use the best potential and capabilities of reporters to dig-out vital and valuable information, but leave them at the mercy of circumstances, and shift on them, the entire load of responsibility for the safety and well-being of their-self and family members. While dealing with the local journalists, although warring parties, both the security apparatuses and militant factions use identical tactics.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 107

2.17 Press-Government Relations in Pakistan (Experiences & Observations of Some Veteran Journalists/Personalities)

As a practicing journalist, Aziz (1991), (English version by Khalid Hasan, 2008), in his memoirs, articulated a clumsy picture of the Pakistani Press and its relations with different governments, since the birth of the country in 1947 up-to 1990. Having faced all oddities in journalistic profession in a country like Pakistan, he inferred dual meanings from the title of his work-Stop Press-A Life in Journalism: First, …a story that arrives late,...(and) the editor include(s) its important information in the space remaining under the “Stop Press” heading; second, in the context of undying volatile political situation in Pakistan, and unlimited restraints on journalism, the term “Stop Press” stands for the attempts made in countries like Pakistan, where political upheavals and military coups are the norm, to prevent a journalist from expressing his opinion.

Aziz cited the earliest attempts to censor and omit certain pieces about citizens’ rights and religious beliefs, from the Quaid-i-Azam’s 11 August 1947 speech, during his life-time. He recorded that the “Press Advice” system was formally initiated by

Khawaja Shahabuddin, Information Minister in the cabinet of Premier Liaqat Ali

Khan, and the pre-censorship, press advice system and all other press curbing methods also prevailed during Governor General Ghulam Muhammad and President

Iskander Mirza’s eras. Ayub Khan further choked the press through the launch of

Press & Publication Ordinance (PPO). Aziz also quoted the event, while he was editor of Daily Jang Karachi during Ayub’s martial law, and one night, he was picked up from his residence by the military persons and grilled by a local martial law administrator. During General Yahya Khan’s era, Aziz recounted the climax of the 1971 East Pakistan Crisis, when a full black-out of information prevailed in

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 108

Pakistan, and no credible news source was available. Journalists had to rely on official press notes and releases.

Aziz asserted that the Pakistani press has been targeted from all fronts, and in this backdrop, he mentioned a meeting with the then Chief Election Commissioner and

Chief Justice Lahore High Court during Zia era, Maulvi Mushtaq Hussain, who had also sentenced Z.A. Bhutto to death. Aziz found him very arrogant and biased, who also threatened him as such:

“You perhaps do not know that journalists in this country are mortally afraid of me. I have punished a couple of them for contempt of court…I want to warn you that you may be a journalist, but if you don’t take care, you will get it in the neck”... (Aziz, &

Ḥasan, 2008).

Aziz said that whenever a military government had taken power in Pakistan, it had found the media compliant, because newspaper owners are more interested in financial gain than in principles. He summed up his thoughts about the solid linkage of press, government and politicians as, that the champions of the press freedom remain silent, whenever they reach the corridors of power.

Khurshid (1963) traced a brief history of journalism in the human society, invention and development of the printing press and origination of journalism in Europe and in the Sub-continent in the 18th century, by some defiant employees of the East India

Company. He also highlighted the services of some renowned and pioneer journalists, evaluated a number of prominent newspapers & magazines, analyzed press related laws, rules & regulations, critically appraised press and government relations &issues of press freedom in the pre-partitioned India, and in the post- independence Pakistan up to 1963.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 109

Khurshid used the historical and analytical procedure to explain various aspects of the press in the British India and in post-1947 Pakistan. He only evaluated the print media (newspapers, magazines) journalists, owners and relevant rules & regulations, as electronic media in the form of radio, was only introduced in late 1930s in India, which was not so much in common use even up to the 1960s. After having reviewed the press-government relations from 1947 to 1963, he noticed some growth of the press in military regimes as compared to the civilian set-ups and remarked that, though martial law regime is not a welcoming and laudable act, however, (after looking into the history of press in Pakistan), it is obvious that newspapers have somehow benefitted from military regimes in this country.

As a working journalist, Niazi (1987) in his first book “The Press in Chains” accumulated at length, acts of successive regimes (The British before 1947, & afterwards, Pakistani civilian & martial law rules), to make the journalists subservient, and restrict press freedom to the lowest. He followed an objective approach testifying and chronicling eyewitness accounts, tracing & digging out all relevant facts from stocks of newspapers records and official files to compile a treasure of significant material on the history of press-government relations, and brutal control on freedom of expression in Pakistan and war against the press.

Niazi initiated with assessing the press in India in the 18th century, the heydays of

East India Company, followed by the British Raj in India up to 1947, which was also full of persecution of the press and journalists. He termed that “Hickey’s journal had founded the fighting spirit and non-conformist nature of the Indian press and then the Muslim Press became a vanguard of the freedom movement, and operated as a crusader against the British rulers”. Niazi paid tribute to Quaid-i-Azam, who, as a practicing lawyer prior to 1947, appeared before courts to contest the cases of

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 110 journalists, and never interfered in its affairs in his brief period of Governor

Generalship.

Niazi lamented that the Public Safety Ordinance, introduced just one month after

Quaid’s death and legitimized as Public Safety Act in 1952, was markedly used against the press, editors and journalists in 1950s. He opined that actions against the press in Pakistan have always been taken, depended and even lauded in the name of supreme national interest, religion, ideology of Pakistan, and many other pretexts.

Newspapers were suspended, fined, closed and journalists were detained on petty reasons, minute omissions and tolerable dissent.

Niazi referred to the nationalization the Progressive Papers Limited (PPL) on 18

April, 1959, which later turned as mouth-piece of the rulers. Besides, the long-ailing

Associated Press of Pakistan (APP) was also nationalized on 15 June 1961. He lamented that despite having faced the worst anguish of East Pakistan in 1971,

Bhutto did not spare the press to go its own way during his civil rule. Niazi maintained that his work (The Press in Chains) was a cause of the startling assault on the press by a civilian rule. Moreover, the press and journalists also became as agents of regimes, propagated their personal agendas and the masses were ignored.

Hence he inferred: “So journalists are spoon-fed and have to accept whatever is dished out by the authorities which they gulp down without a murmur.

By “The Press Under Siege” Niazi (1992) connoted, the Pakistani press and journalists community as under constant threat from, and a soft target of the non- state actors, obviously some of them sponsored by the state institutions like political activists, students organizations, religious outfits, ethnic factions, sectarian bands and other pressure groups”. Apart from hand cupping by the state, the press and

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 111 newsmen in Pakistan has also been arm-twisted by the street power. Niazi chronicled in a systematic way, a vast array of incidents about the atrocious acts and vandalism of the press by non-state actors. He argued that alongside the age of information, the epoch of terrorism, fanaticism and extremism also dawned and the Press (media) and journalists are widely affected by these phenomena.

In this backdrop, Niazi regarded journalism as, “a dangerous profession ....those who live by the pin risk dying by a gun”. Starting from the times of British India, he said that, “until 1799, there were no press related laws in the Sub-continent except censorship. The only fear for the pressmen was physical assault, or the law of libel.

He cited the first-ever journalist, Maulvi Muhammad Baqar, editor of Delhi Urdu

Akhbar, murdered in 1857, Maulana Mazharuddin of Daily Wahdat, Delhi, assassinated in 1938, and Abdul Jabbar Waheedi, editor of Asr-e-Jadeed, killed in

1946, and detention of many journalists. Niazi also mentioned communal and religious rift within the pre-partitioned Indian press, and its major instance of ransacking the Dawn office at Delhi by a Hindu mob, on 6 September 1947.

Niazi recorded scores of events of attacks on the press, journalists, editors and other press staff in Pakistan in the post-partitioned era, and compiled around 236 such events from 1947 to 1992, which were reported in the press. All other unreported anti-press incidents are exempted from this count. According to Niazi, the first big offensive against the press occurred in 1952, when in East Pakistan, the Morning

News going against the popular demand for giving official statue to Bengali language, was set ablaze by a student mob; the first newsman, who was assassinated after independence in a firing incident in 1965, was Zamir Qureshi of PPA (then

PPI), and the first bullet against the newspaper offices in Pakistan was fired during the height of anti-Ayub Khan movement in 1968. Niazi opined that, 10 March 1969

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 112 was perhaps the blackest day in the history of the print media, when student’s mobs stormed in to the PPI offices in Lahore and Karachi.

Niazi quoted dozens of excerpts from news stories, editorials, journalists, editors and press bodies statements & resolutions, protests, recommendations of fact finding commissions, findings of inquiries etc. He narrated dozens of anti-press incidents of hate speeches, protests, threatening statements, ultimatums, attacks on newspapers offices, setting ablaze media offices, smashing newspapers delivery vans, abusing, beating, injuring & killing journalists, crafting fake cases against the press & journalists etc. He listed 19 journalists, who were murdered from 1963 to 1992 while performing their duties. Niazi, in particular, listed with brief detail, more than 100 anti-press incidents from 21 March to 31 December 1991.

Niazi deduced that perhaps, all of the press barons take pride in their “proclaimed independence” which is utterly hollow and superfluous. They are neither above politics, nor above partisan politics of their vested interests. He labeled the long- lasting war against the press and journalists by the non-state actors as “censorship in the streets”, “the shackles of fear”, and “an unending siege”. He also used the axiom of the “carpetbaggers” for the disguised agents of spy agencies inside the press, partisan pressmen, lifafa (envelope) journalists-who receive money from regimes, politicians, influential organizations, powerful elite etc. and those who remain loyal to each and every government.

The Web of Censorship (1994), a sequel to Zamir Niazi’s early books "The Press in

Chains" and "The Press Under Siege" continued to record the sufferings and humiliations to which the press and journalists in Pakistan had been subjected by various civilian and military regimes. Under the title, “The Web of Censorship”,

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 113 published in 1994, the veteran journalist ventured onto new ground of the press, that is made of latest generation of Pakistani journalists. Niazi compiled in detail, the horrific effects of state’s intimidation on the press and journalists in Pakistan.

Ghumman (2016) made a descriptive and critical analysis of the origin, growth and functioning of some key Urdu and English languages newspapers of Pakistan; a brief history and important aspects of the provincial press; and salient features, and merits

& demerits of some well-known Pakistani columnists. The significant aspect of

Media-government relations during various regimes in Pakistan has also been reflected in his work. In order to dig-out firsthand information from the primary resources, Ghumman, with the technique of Elite Interview, got detailed views of some famous journalists, editors-turned-media-lords and columnists, who were selected conveniently, and at random. In interviews with the author, their views on press/media-government relations in Pakistan are briefly given below.

Majeed Nizami, former Editor-in-Chief of the daily “Nawa-i-Waqt” shared his journalistic experiences, history and role of Nawa-i-Waqt, and its relations with various Pakistani regimes alleging that, his father and founder of the daily Nawa-i-

Waqt, Hameed Nizami died because of relentless pressure exerted by the Ayub’s regime. Being a rightist, Majeed Nizami also criticized Z. A. Bhutto, and deplored him for his political slogan of “Islamic Socialism” and stoppage of government advertisements to the daily Nawa-i-Waqt.

Arif Nizami, founder of the daily “Pakistan Today” informed that Nawa-i-Waqt was launched by his father, late Hameed Nizami at the behest of Quaid-i-Azam

Muhammad Ali Jinnah, in order to provide a platform of press to the ordinary Indian

Muslims for their mass mobilization in the struggle for Pakistan. Apart from citing

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 114 other events of press-government relations in Pakistan, Arif Nizami specifically mentioned about Nawa-i-Waqt’s criticism of the Provincial government of Daultana in Punjab, which led to the continuous suppression and subsequent closure of the daily.

Renowned journalist and Chairman of Pakistan Group of Publications, Sardar Khan

Niazi disclosed numerous press-government related intra-press and inter-media disputes, litigations, allotment of plots to journalists for residential and office- purposes, issues of bank loans etc. and the captivity of Sultan Ali Lakhani, owner of the Express Media Group by the Musharraf’s regime. Sardar Khan Niazi also informed about receiving of perpetual threats from several quarters owing to rising of some important issues by him in the press, and before the apex judiciary.

Prominent Journalist and Opinionist, Mujib ur Rahman Shaami highlighted in detail, affairs of the daily Pakistan, Nawaz Government (1990s)’s worse relations with the

Jang Group and the daily Pakistan and role of judiciary in intra-press and intermedia disputes. He also elaborated his stringent relations with Mr. Bhutto, and friendly ties with Zia’s regime, and talked about the press advice system, the use of official ads as a media-controlling tool, the issue of Wage Board Award, and non- compliance with the media code of conduct and media ethics in Pakistan.

Another famous journalist and columnist, Abbas Athar remarked about the role of the press during the East Pakistan Crisis (1971), press-government relations during the regimes of Yahya, Bhutto, Zia, Benazir, Nawaz and Musharraf, and elaborated his own detention by the Zia’s regime and closure of his newspaper “Masawaat”. He also criticized needless media activism and dominating role & aggressive behavior of TV anchors, that emerged in Pakistan after 2007.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 115

Columnist and founder of the Liberty Papers, Zia Shahid argued that, the financer or sponsor actually uses the media for his personal interests. He also mentioned the rift between the daily Khabrian and the then PPP’s government in 1990s, which resulted stoppage of official ads to the newspaper. He opined that the Pakistani media are not free, as all regimes use official ads as a prime tool to influence the media in their favour and market forces also influence the media.

Columnist and editor, Nazir Naji talked about his detention and closure of his newspaper “Hayat” during Zia’s regime, his unfriendly ties with the government of

Benazir Bhutto, and good relations with Nawaz’s regime in 1990s. He admitted change in his stance from principled journalism to compromised journalism owing to several decades-long sufferings and realizing ground realities, obtaining plots, and getting jobs for his two sons from the government. He criticized irresponsible behaviour of reporters, journalists and anchors in the current media scenario.

Prominent columnist and analyst, Hassan Nisar remembered his detention during the

Zia’s martial law, realized prevalence of abundant confusion, emotionalism, immaturity and exaggeration in the media, chiefly in Urdu Press, and in overall national narrative of Pakistan. He strongly advocated urgent, rational and scientific- based radical changes in journalism, politics and in society of Pakistan.

Ghumman also reproduced some interesting extracts from columns of renowned columnists and Anchors, Hamid Mir and Javed Chaudhry regarding a dispute between the Nawaz’s Government and a politician-turned-journalist and owner of the Urdu daily “Pakistan” Akbar Ali Bhatti, which ultimately led to the loss of the newspaper’s ownership by the latter.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 116

2.18 Theoretical Framework

In order to understand the complex dynamics of media-government relations, scholars have used a myriad of research methods and theoretical perspectives. This research work has been undertaken under the framework of Framing theory.

According to Goffman (1974) frames are schema of interpretations used by an individual to contextualize the information. Entman (1993) stressed the role of media in framing of issues with four key functions i.e. (i) selecting some aspects of a perceived reality, making them more salient in a communicating text to promote a particular problem definition, (ii) a causal interpretation, (iii) a moral evaluation and,

(iv) a treatment recommendation. Norris (1995) describes frames as cognitive schemata, because journalists commonly work with news frames to simplify, prioritize, and structure the narrative flow of events.

Framing are further classified as Media frames and Individual frames. Media frames are composed of the central idea of the communication that provides meaning to everyday reality. Gamson and Modigliani (as cited in Donsbach, 2015) viewed that

Individual frames are mentally stored clusters of ideas that guide individual’s processing of information. Media frames and individual frames must share some commonality to get the desired effect. Iyengar (1992) also conceived the episodic and thematic news frames. The episodic frames portray public issues with concrete instances, while the thematic frames put the public issues with some more general contexts. The former are aimed at laying responsibility on the people and the later promote a balanced narrative.

Burscher, Odijk, Vliegenthart, De Rijke & De Vreese (2014) recorded four popularly used news frames i.e. the conflict, the human interest, the morality, and the

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 117 economic frames. Semetko and Valkenburg (2000) in a study titled “Framing

European Politics: A Content Analysis of Press and Television News” located attribution of responsibility, conflict, economic consequence, human interest and morality frames. This study will focus on two generic frames, (responsibility & conflict), taken from above Model, and some issue-specific frames i.e. pro- government, pro-media, anti-government, anti-media and facilitation.

Slant, also very significant in framing analysis, means a particular way of showing or looking at something. Cambridge on-line Dictionary defines slant as “to present information in a particular way especially showing one group of people, one side of an argument, etc. in such a positive or negative way that is unfair”. Slant characterizes individual news reports and editorials in which the framing favours one side over the other in a current or potential dispute (D'angelo, 2002). After appraisal of relevant literature, the following hypotheses have been developed.

Hypotheses

H-1 It is more likely that the situation of media-government relations in Pakistan

during the military regime of General Pervez Musharraf remained worse than

that of the two civilian regimes of Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif.

H-2 It is more likely that the military regime of Pervez Musharraf was more

criticized by the media than that of the two civilian governments of Asif

Zardari and Nawaz Sharif.

H-3 It is more likely that there existed significant difference in media-government

relations during all the three regimes of Pervez Musharraf, Asif Zardari &

Nawaz Sharif.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 118

CHAPTER 3 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 Methodology

Keeping in view nature of the topic and length of the study period, a blend of quantitative and qualitative content techniques has been used in this work, as it is very much in practice in the field of mass media research throughout the world.

Neuendorf (2016) while referring to many scholars stated that Content method has remained the fastest growing technique of research in the area of mass communication for the last more than 70 years. Wimmer and Dominick, (2010) quoted Kamhavi and Weaver (2003), revealing that content analysis was the most popular data gathering method reported in major mass communication journals between 1995 and 1999. Its use is still very extensive in the media & communication as well as in other social sciences disciplines.

Writing a piece of letter, or delivering a speech over a specific topic is a simplest form and daily basis use of content analysis, as it is a conscious and purposeful selection of words, sentences, and themes from the vast array of knowledge.

However, Content method as an intellectual approach for specialized research purposes is a sophisticated and complex course. Although initially practiced by H.D

Lasswell in 1927 to analyze propaganda in mass media (Macnamara, 2005),

Berelson formally introduced content technique in 1952, in the field of communication research, and authored the first general textbook on the subject.

Berelson (1952) defined Content method as “a technique for the objective, systematic and quantitative description of the manifest content of communication.” Holsti (as cited in McNabb, D.E. 2013), described this technique

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 119 as to make inferences by objectively and systematically identifying specified characteristics of messages. Stemler (2001) characterized content approach a systematic and replicable technique for compressing many words of text into fewer content categories based on explicit rules of coding. Krippendorff (2018) identified content procedure as “a research technique for making replicable and valid inferences from texts or other meaningful matter to the context of their use.”

Content analysis has been broadly categorized into Quantitative and Qualitative forms. In quantitative content analysis, features of textual, visual, or aural material are systematically categorized and recorded so that they can be analyzed (Coe &

Scacco, 2017). It is effectively applicable to every kind of content in order to analyze the manifest as well as the latent meaning inside the body of content. Manifest content refers to the visible, countable components of the message. Latent content is the meaning that may lie behind the manifest content (Rose, Spinks & Canhoto,

2014). This procedure involves a well-structured classification and a systematic scheme of coding of the content in order to deduce conclusions from the message’s body.

Alongside its quantitative version, qualitative content approach is also practiced in research these days in order to overcome some inherent flaws of the former one.

Merely counting of words, sentences and items, measuring the space occupied by written content in a document, calculating the time in seconds, minutes & hours consumed by an audio, or inferring from various acts and postures performed by a character in a video, may not be the exact meaning of the message intended for.

Most of the times, application of quantified content technique in isolation, ignores the specific social context of the message. Moreover, the data produced with the

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 120 quantified content can be easily manipulated by several statistical procedures, and hence, meanings in the massage can be changed which may further lead to wrong conclusions. On the other side, qualitative approach generates typologies, descriptions, views, and expressions of message sources to depict how they look at the social realm (Berg, 2001). Thus, the researchers and common people can easily understand the initial and original viewpoints of the message’s pioneers.

Various scholars have defined Qualitative content analysis from various aspects.

Mayring, (2000) termed Qualitative technique as “an approach of empirical, methodological controlled analysis of texts within their context of communication, following content analytic rules and step by step models, without rash quantification.” Patton, (2002) identified this approach as a qualitative data reduction and sense-making effort that takes a volume of qualitative material (content), and attempts to identify core consistencies and meanings. Hsieh & Shannon, (2005) defined it as “a research method for the subjective interpretation of the content of text data through the systematic classification process of coding and identifying themes or patterns”.

The above definitions clearly indicate that the qualitative form of content methodology is an accumulative and very elaborative approach to investigate a specific content. Quantitative content analysis usually neglects syntactical and semantic information in the content or text (Weber, 1990), whereas, qualitative content analysis, mainly used in other fields like anthropological, sociological, and psychological sciences, is usually meant to discover the original and core meanings, which are hidden inside the body of messages.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 121

Being an ongoing practice, many researchers advise the application of textual, descriptive or qualitative analysis along-side the quantitative continent method in order to get the social, syntactical as well as the semantic information of the investigated content supported by figures and facts in the shape of quantitative data.

As advocated by Mayring (2004), data for the quantitative content analysis of this study has been properly selected through application of probability sampling of

“Constructed Week” so that validity of statistical inference could be ensured. On the other hand, for application of qualitative approach of content analysis in the study, the relevant data has been obtained through “Purposive sampling” to provide answers to the research questions which are being investigated, and to cross-check the quantitative results.

3.2 Research Designs

This study has been conducted through the application of both forms (quantitative & qualitative) of content research design to investigate relations of the media with the governments of former Presidents Pervez Musharraf, Asif Zardari and the then

Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. At first, Quantitative Content Research Design has been described.

3.2-A Quantitative Content Research Design

3.2.1 Population

The entire Urdu and English Newspapers of Pakistan, which were regularly published during the terms of all the three regimes, constitute population for the

Quantitative research design of the study.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 122

3.2.2 Sampling

Cognizant of the topic’s scope and purpose of this research work, and in order to ensure maximum representation of Pakistan’s Print media, a mix of Urdu and

English languages newspapers has been opted under the purview of Purposive sampling. These are the main, well-reputed and widely circulated newspapers of

Pakistan (Peshimam, 2013). This purposive sampling is comprised of four newspapers (two each in English & Urdu languages), the English Daily “Dawn,

Islamabad Edition” from the Herald Media Group, the English Daily “The News

International, Islamabad Edition” from the Jang Group, the Urdu Daily “Nawa-i-

Waqt, Rawalpindi/Islamabad Edition” from the Nawa-i-Waqt Group and the Urdu

Daily “Express, Islamabad Edition” from the Express Media Group. All these are the leading media groups of Pakistan, because, apart from publishing daily newspapers, they also own TV Channels (Mezzera & Sial, 2010).

3.2.3 Time Frame

Time frame for this study is comprised of five (05) years each for every government.

The total period for all the three regimes is 15 years, which starts from 1 January

2003, and ends on 2 June 2018. This includes a five years slot from the era of Pervez

Musharraf starting from 1 January 2003 to 31 December 2007 wherein, a so-called controlled democracy had been restored after General Elections held on 10 October

2002; the era of Asif Zardari’s Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) from 1 April 2008 to 31

March 2013; and Nawaz Sharif’s Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz, (PML-N) regime, from 1 June 2013 to 31 May 2018. Short terms of two interim and nonpolitical governments, meant for ruling the country during the election campaign, elections day and power transition period, (1 January 2008 to 31 March 2008 & 1

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 123

April 2013 to 31 May 2013) falling during this period, have been excluded from the time frame of the study.

Sample from a population of 05 years of newspapers issues from each government was taken, as the issue of Media-government relations in a third-world country like

Pakistan, is very much complex and unpredictable. Historically, the political situation in Pakistan has always remained very much volatile, and there prevails a general uncertainty in economic, political and social spheres (Syed, 2018). The history of last 72 years (up to 2019) of Pakistan is witness to the fact that this country experienced abrupt and unpredictable political upheavals (Salik, 2015) &

(Javaid & Latif, 2017). Sample size was kept fairly large to overcome the shortcomings of yearly cyclic variations in data, and make it true representative of the relevant population. To avoid the time consuming task of going through the entire published issues of the selected newspapers, to ensure true representation of data in sampling size, and avoid over or under-representation due to daily-basis and cyclic variation in content, the required data for quantitative content analysis was collected through the technique of “Constructed Week Sampling”.

3.2.4 The Technique of Constructed Week

In the realm of texts, as compared to other publications, the daily newspapers attained more attention and traditional dominance in mass media research due to several factors, like low-price, plentiful and daily publication, variety of news, convenient availability, large readership etc. Hence, analysis of newspaper’s content requires more care in sampling efficiency studies. In order to be mindful of the daily-basis variations in newspapers content due to different preferences of various audiences’ strata and socio-economic priorities of the newspapers management, the

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 124

“Constructed Week Technique” was introduced to give equal representation to all days of a week or weeks in a sampling frame. The shape and quantity of the media content is mostly affected due to periodical variations in advertising and information gathering, that affect space and time available for the content (Riffe, Aust & Lacy,

1993).

In Convenient or Simple Random Sampling, no care is taken about daily-basis variation in newspaper content, which may lead to over or under representation of a particular day’s content. However, the sampling procedure of Constructed Week assumes cyclic variation of content for different days of the week and requires that all the different days of the week must be represented (Riffe et al., 1993). This technique in Content research was first introduced by Stempel in 1951 (Westley &

Stempel, 1981). Hester and Dougall, (2007) also posit that “samples chosen through the Constructed Week procedure usually tend to yield more efficient estimations in comparison with the simple random or consecutive day samples”.

The technique of Constructed Week has equally been used for small sample size studies like Six-day sample (20%) from a population of one month (30 days), and for very large sample size comprised of many years. To explore the effectiveness of this technique of sampling for content analysis of on-line news, Hester & Dougall,

(2007) found that sample size of at least six constructed weeks was equally effective and enough for two different time periods of one and five years. Lacy, Riffe,

Stoddard, Martin and Chang (2000) explored usefulness in selecting a representative sample of 05 years of newspaper editions. Danker (2008) also applied a Constructed

Week sample for analysis of a daily newspaper’s news items for a period of 05 years, and each constructed week contained seven issues of newspaper, one from

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 125 each day of different weeks. Riffe et al., (1993) viewed that the strategy for sampling editions of daily newspaper over long time periods, such as 100 years, would depend on a variety of factors such as selection of the topic, purpose of the study, nature of research questions or hypotheses etc.

In light of recommended practices of Constructed Week Sampling, the 15 years study period was equally divided into three (03) uniform parts of five (05) years.

Coincidentally, each part of five years is equal to a complete Constitutional term of an elected government in Pakistan. In each term (05 years), all months of every year were selected for data collection through the constructed week sampling. From the very first week of the starting month, Sunday was made as a starting point with selection of the newspapers issues of day. In the next week, newspapers issues of the following alternate day (i.e. Monday) were selected. This sequence and rotation of day in each week was maintained throughout the entire period. The following table explains the selection of days and construction of weeks:

Table 3.1 Selection of Days and Construction of Weeks Period Actual Actual Newspapers Selected Selected Weeks Days Publishing Days Days Weeks Week 01 07 07 01 00 Month 04 30/31 30/31 (Excpt. Feb.) 04 00 01 Year 52 365 355* 48 07 05 Years 260 1825 1775 240 34 15 Years 780 5475 5325 720 102 *In Pakistan, daily newspapers are published for 355 days in a full Solar Calendar year. Newspapers usually observe 10 Closed-days (Holidays) on account of Islamic Religious Festivals falling in accordance with Lunar Calendar on 10 Muharram, 12 Rabi-ul Awwal, 1 & 2 day of Eid-ul-Fitr, 1 & 2 day of Eid-ul-Azha and National Days on 05 February, 23 March, 14 August, and 25 December. Newspapers on subsequent days/dates are not published (APNS & PPI, 2018 &2019).

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 126

For each regime, a sample size of 240 was selected out of the total 1775 publishing days of newspapers in 05 years. Qualtrics on-line Calculator suggests an ideal sample size of 235 for the population of 1775 with a confidence level of 90%, which is much close to 240. The selected sample of 240 is 13.52% of the total population of

1775 days, which is also equal to 34 weeks out of 240 weeks.

3.2.5 Delimitations of the Study

Media-government relations are a world-wide issue, but this study only pertains to

Pakistan which has a long 72 years’ history of Media/Press-government relations (up to 2019). The topic has been furthered delimited to the three regimes of Pervez

Musharraf, Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif (05 years each). Population sample has also been cut through the Constructed Week Sampling. Study’s sample has also been curtailed to only four newspapers (two Urdu & two English) out of a total number of

399 dailies, mentioned by the Pakistan Bureau of Statistics (2018). Newspaper has been further reduced by selection of only front, back, op-ed and inner pages for analysis, and international, entertainment, sports, ads/business, classified & special, occasional, supplements pages/sections have been excluded. Delimitation has been made owing to the restrains of time and resources.

3.2.6 Unit of Analysis

For analysis, the basic units in this study are the newspapers items published on the front, back, inner (city/regional/national) and op-ed (opinion/editorial) pages of the selected newspapers regarding media-government relations in Pakistan and other relevant matters. Headline and Intro/lead of every story has been taken as the recording unit and the whole story has been considered as the contextual unit.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 127

3.2.7 Content Categorization Scheme (Quantitative)

Coding of categories has been made through the content categorization scheme.

Relevant thematic frames of generic nature have been taken from Semetko and

Valkenburg Model (2000). Other issue-specific frames applicable in this study have been incorporated.

Variables/Categories and Rules

Variables Categories Rules

ID Number Each Story has been assigned a consecutive number

01-01-2003 to 31-12-2007 (The regime of General Musharraf ) Periods 01-04-2008 to 31-03-2013 (The regime of Asif Zardari)

01-06-2013 to 31-05-2018 (The regime of Nawaz Sharif)

Newspapers Dawn (English) (Islamabad The News (English) Editions) Nawa-i-Waqt (Urdu) Express (Urdu)

Topics/ Coercion of An item will be coded as “coercion” which will Issues/ Media contain information as censorship, denying Events access to information, media-litigation, Pemra notices, fines, bans cancellation of declaration, closing channels & other similar information.

Violence An item will be coded as “violence against against media media” if it contains information about killings, abduction, arrest, captivity, baton-charge, seizure, attacks, burning of media houses, installations & equipments and other similar information.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 128

Facilitation of An item will be coded as “facilitation of Media media” that include license issuance, discount in taxes, capacity building trainings, financing/ construction of press clubs, insurance schemes, compensation packages, Wage Board Award, and all other types of incentives for the media

Media An item will be coded as “Media Regulation” if Regulation it gives information on media-related legislation, rules, laws, acts, formation of controlling bodies, media code of ethics, right to information law & other similar information.

Responsible An item will be coded as “Responsible Media” Media which will contain information on media sense of responsibility, adherence to laws, rules & regulations, & media code of ethics, and other similar information.

Irresponsible An item will be coded as “Irresponsible Media” Media which contains information on irresponsible media conduct, sensationalism, scandalism non-adherence to laws & rules, media code of ethics, and other similar information.

Other Item mentioning other information than above mentioned themes will be coded as “other”.

Frames Attribution of Responsibility Responsibility An item will be coded as “responsibility of the of the government” if it is composed of information Government on a problem in media-government relations, for which the government is responsible and it can alleviate or resolve the problem.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 129

Responsibility Items will be coded as “responsibility of the of the Media media” if they carry information on a problem/issue in media-government relations, for which the media are responsible and may alleviate/resolve the problem.

Conflict An item will be coded as “conflict” if it is composed of information about a conflict between the media-government relations.

Facilitation Items will be coded as “Facilitation” that include discount/relief in duties/taxes, capacity building trainings, construction/financing of Press clubs, insurance schemes, compensation packages, Wage Board Award and all other types of incentives for the media.

Pro- An item will be coded as “pro-government” if government its content is praising or supporting a regime on a subject/issue in media-government relations.

Anti- An item will be coded as “anti-government” if government it is consisted of information criticizing, blaming or denouncing the government on a problem/issue in media-government relations.

Pro-media An item will be coded as “pro-media” if it is composed of information which praise or support the media/journalist on a problem or issue in media-government relations.

Anti-Media An item will be coded as “anti-media” if it is consisted of information criticizing, blaming or denouncing the media on a problem or issue in media-government relations.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 130

Slant Favourable An item will be coded as “favourable” if it positively projects, appreciates the government over media-government issues/matters.

An item will be coded as “unfavourable” if it Un-favourable criticizes and negatively projects, regimes on

over media-government issues/matters.

An item will be coded as “neutral” if it remains Neutral neutral regarding the governance issues.

An item appeared on the upper half of the front Placement Front Page Upper Half page of the newspaper regarding media-govt. relations and other similar information will be coded as “Upper half front page story”. An item published on the lower half of the Front Page Lower Half front page of the newspaper regarding media- govt. relations and other similar information will be coded as “Lower half front page story”.

An item placed on the upper half of the back Back Page page of the newspaper regarding media-govt. Upper Half relations and other similar information will be

coded as “Upper half back page story”.

An item printed on the lower half of the back Back Page page of the newspaper regarding media-govt. Lower Half relations and other similar information will be coded as “Lower half back page story”.

An item published on the upper half of inner- Inner Pages pages of the newspaper regarding media-govt. Upper half relations and other similar information will be coded as “Inner pages upper half story”.

Inner Pages An item published on the lower half of inner Lower half pages of the newspaper regarding media-govt.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 131

relations and other similar information will be

coded as “Inner pages upper half story”. An item, editorial, column or letter published Op-ed Page on the opinion/editorial page of the newspaper regarding media-govt. relations and similar information will be coded as “op-ed page”.

Item Type News stories, News stories, features, editorials, columns, Features, letters to editor & (others) regarding

Editorials, information on Media-government relations Columns, Letters to will be incorporated as the unit of analysis for editor & measuring the variables in the population Others sample of this study.

Source of Official A newspaper item credited with the official/ News government source, press conference, press

release, official tweet, web-release etc. will be treated and coded as official news source.

All the items reported and published by private Private sources will be coded as private

Length of Number of Items’ length will be identified with the total the Story Words number of words in categories as per pattern used by the Pew Research Centre, USA (2019).

Up to 200 words…...Small, 201-500 words…….Medium, 501-1000 words……Lengthy, 1001 and above…….Very Lengthy

Frequency Will be Number of newspapers items published related of measured in to the topic will be coded as frequency Newspapers nominal scale Items

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 132

3.2.8 Coding Scheme

Rules for selected categories have already been defined in Content Categorization

Scheme. Code numbers to the categories have been assigned below:

1. Variable-Regime (VR): Names and code numbers of Regimes

Name of Regime Regularly Used Acronym Assigned Code

General Pervez Musharraf Musharraf VRM 01

Asif Ali Zardari Zardari VRZ 02

Nawaz Sharif Nawaz VRN 03

2. Variable-Period of Regime (VPR): Code numbers of Regimes

Period (05 Years Each) Name of Regime Acronym Assigned Code

1 January 2003 to Musharraf VPRM 01 31 December, 2007

1 April 2008 to Zardari VPRZ 02 31 March, 2013

1 June 2013 to Nawaz VPRN 03 31 May, 2018

3. Variable-News Impulsion (VI): It is the elucidation of event or issue.

News Impulsion Acronym Assigned Code

Event based VNIEB 01

Issue based VNIIB 02

4. Variable-News Source (VNS): Which Source generated the story?

News Source Acronym Assigned Code

Official VNSO 01

Private VNSP 02

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 133

5. Variable-Name of Newspapers (VN): Names & code numbers of selected Newspapers.

Newspaper and Regime Regularly Used Acronym Assigned Code

Daily Dawn (English)- Dawn VNDEM 01 Musharraf Daily Dawn (English)- // VNDEZ 02 Zardari Daily Dawn (English)- // VNDEN 03 Nawaz The News (English)- The News VNNEM 04 Musharraf The News (English)- // VNNEZ 05 Zardari The News (English)- // VNNEN 06 Nawaz The Express (Urdu)- Express VNEUM 07 Musharraf The Express (Urdu)- // VNEUZ 08 Zardari The Express (Urdu)- // VNEUN 09 Nawaz The Nawa-i-Waqt (Urdu)- Nawa-i-Waqt VNNUM 10 Musharraf The Nawa-i-Waqt (Urdu)- // VNNUZ 11 Zardari The Nawa-i-Waqt (Urdu)- // VNNUN 12 Nawaz

6. Variable-Slant (VS): Inclination of the Story (Favorable, Unfavorable or Neutral for media-government relationship)

Slant Acronym Assigned Code

Favorable VSF 01

Unfavorable VSUF 02

Neutral VSN 03

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 134

7. Variable-Topics (VT): Topics based on issues and events.

Issues/Events Regularly Used Acronym Assigned Code

Coercion of Media Coercion VTC 01

Violence against Media Violence VTV 02

Facilitation of Media Facilitation VTF 03

Regulation of Media Regulation VTR 04

Responsible Media Responsible VTRM 05

Irresponsible Media Irresponsible VTIM 06

Other (topic/issue) Other VTO 07

8. Variable-Genre (VG): It is a type of Story. Code assigned to all genres.

Genre Acronym Assigned Code

Editorial VGE 01

Columns VGC 02

News Story VGS 03

Feature VGF 04

Letter to Editor VGR 05

Other VGRO 06

9. Variable-Length of Story (VLS) (gauged in words count): How many words are in item?

Length of Story Acronym Assigned Code

Up to 200 words- Small VLSS 01

201-500 words- Medium VLSM 02

501-1000 words- Lengthy VLSL 03

1001 and above-V. Lengthy VLSVL 04

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 135

10. Variable-Placement (VP): Section of newspaper where the story is placed.

Placement on Page Acronym Assigned Code

Front Page -Upper Half VPFUH 01

Front Page -Lower Half VPFLH 02

Back Page Upper Half VPBUH 03

Back Page Lower half VPBLH 04

Inner Pages- Upper Half VPIUH 05

Inner Pages - Lower half VPILH 06

Op-ed Page VPOE 07

11. Variable-Frame (VF): Thematic frames of generic nature have been taken from

Semetko and Valkenburg Model (2000), i.e. responsibility, conflict, facilitation

and morality. Some issue-specific frames such as pro-government, anti-

government & pro-media and anti-media have been incorporated.

Frames Acronym Assigned Code Responsibility of VFRG 01 Government Responsibility of Media VFRM 02

Conflict VFC 03

Facilitation VFF 04

Pro-government VFPG 05

Anti-government VFAG 06

Pro-media VFPM 07

Anti-Media VFAM 08

3.2-B Qualitative Content Research Design

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 136

The qualitative approach of content analysis has also been applied to investigate and explain narratives used in the reports of some relevant local and global media bodies chosen for this study to ascertain the social, syntactical as well as the semantic context of information. Majority of research scholars are agreed, that no precise and standard form of methodology for conducting qualitative content research has been discovered so far. The currently in-practice qualitative content procedures have either been defined very poorly, or discussed vaguely. McKee (2004) noted that

Textual (qualitative content) Analysis is the core methodology in social sciences, but there exists not even a single clear-cut published guide book explaining how to carry out it. Many of researchers have even termed its application as a transgression, as it is still largely intuitive. Scientific validity of this procedure is highly questionable, as it very difficult to be precisely replicated.

Despite all deficits, Macnamara (2005) revealed that some qualitative research techniques are mentioned by Denzin and Lincoln (1994); Hijams (1996); Mayring

(2000); Patton (2002); Robson (1993); and Silverman (1993). Hilger (2007) noted that a horde of research scholars only rely on qualitative analyses; their number is a bit short from the practitioners of quantitative method, and many in fact, execute both procedures. Exponents of qualitative methods opine that results can be achieved with acceptable stages of reliability and validity on the basis of some set procedures.

Newbold et al., (2002) cited two methods for text analysis of a content i.e. 1)

Narratology-focusing on the narrative or story-telling in the text, and 2)--Semiotics-- which pays attention to signs and sign systems in a text, and how a reader of the text decodes its meanings and interpret them. In qualitative analysis of this study,

Narratology, Thematic and Semantic Analyses have been applied.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 137

3.2.9 Categorization Scheme (Qualitative)

Qualitative content approach also requires basic categorization, as it represents a systematic and objective means of describing & quantifying phenomena (Downe-

Wamboldt, 1992). For successful content analysis, data has to be reduced to concepts that describe the research phenomenon (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005) by creating categories, concepts, a model, conceptual system or map (Elo & Kyngäs,

2008). This process is also needed for triangulation and comparison of results of both methods. Moreover, in order to test validity, it is mandatory to explain that how the outcomes were generated (Elo, et al,. 2014). Readers should be able to clearly follow the analysis and resulting conclusions (Schreier, 2012). The Inductive

Approach of Mayring (2000) has been adopted for specific and relevant examination of formulated categories and patterns (topics, issues, events or messages) to a broader sort of conclusion. Some frequently used key text/content elements, suggested by many researchers and mentioned by Macnamara (2005), for qualitative content analysis have been included here.

Variables Categories Codes Rules/Definition

Source APNS 1 Reports of All Pakistan Newspaper Society (APNS) on media-government relations & related issues.

CPNE 2 Reports of Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editors (CPNE) on media- govt. relations & related issues.

PFUJ 3 Reports of Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ) on media-govt. relations & related issues.

PPF 4 Reports of Pakistan Press Foundation (PPF) on media-government relations & related issues.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 138

Variables Categories Codes Rules/Definition

RSF 5 Reports of Reporters Without Borders (RSF) on media-govt. relations in Pakistan & related issues

IFEX 6 Reports of International Freedom of Expression Exchange (IFEX) on media- govt. ties in Pakistan &related issues. Nature of National 1 A source of Pakistani origin & location. Source

Global 2 A source of International origin. Source Highly 1 Highly credible, well-reputed & Credibility Credible Pakistani origin, which has direct access to relevant information.

Credible 2 Credible & reputed, of foreign origin which depends on information provided by Pakistani sources. Relationship Direct Party 1 A source which is a direct party in of News media-government relations in Pakistan, Source (Pakistani media outlet/journalists body.

Indirect party 2 A source which is an indirect party in media-government relations in Pakistan, (a Pakistani media-related body /NGO).

Neutral 3 A local or foreign source which is totally disconnected from the arena of media- government relations in Pakistan and similar issues.

Context Event 1 A current event pertaining to media- government relations in Pakistan or related events.

Issue 2 An issue about media-govt. relations in Pakistan or related issues which exist from quite some or long-time.

Adjectives Positive 1 Adjectives used in a content/write-up which give strong, clear and positive indications of a writer’s outlook towards media-government relations in Pakistan.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 139

Variables Categories Codes Rules/Definition

Negative 2 Adjectives used in a content/write-up that give strong, clear and negative indications of a writer’s outlook towards media-government relations in Pakistan.

Neutral 3 Adjectives used in content/write-up that give clearly neutral indications of a writer’s outlook towards media- government relations in Pakistan.

Verbs Active 1 Active verbs used in a content/write-up about media-govt. relations in Pakistan, e.g. “Police baton-charged journalists”. etc.

Passive 2 Passive verbs used in a content/write-up about media-govt. relations in Pakistan e.g. “Newspapers van was burnt”. etc.

Viewpoint 1st person 1 Content representing some one’s viewpoint in 1st person, e.g. “I called upon the government to show restraint”. etc.

2nd Person 2 Content representing some one’s viewpoint in 2nd person, e.g. “You informed me about the event”. etc.

3rd person 3 Content representing some one’s viewpoint point in 3rd person, e.g. “Journalists were invited for meeting”. etc.

Tonal Aggressive, 1 A content/write-up which expresses Qualities strong and aggressive tone of a writer/actor towards media-government relations in Pakistan or similar issues.

Emotional 2 A content/write-up with strong emotional tone of a writer/actor toward media-govt. relations in Pakistan or similar issues.

Friendly 3 A content/write-up which clearly expresses a friendly tone of a writer/actor towards media-government relations in Pakistan or similar issues.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 140

Variables Categories Codes Rules/Definition Neutral 4 A content clearly expressing neutral tone of a writer/actor towards media-govt. relations in Pakistan or similar issues. Critical 5 A content expressing a critical tone of a writer/actor towards media-government relations in Pakistan or similar issues. Visual Pro-govt. 1 A visual imagery which depicts Pro- Imagery Projection government Projection of an event. With Text Anti-govt. 2 A visual imagery which depicts anti- Projection government Projection of an event. Govt.’s Violence By 1 Report about killings, injuring, extortion, Treatment anonymous attacks, burning Media Houses, copies & of Media Actors press, attacks on vehicles, houses, forced ban/closure, On-line intimidation etc. State’s 2 Report of baton-charge, tear gas shelling, Violent or arrests, FIRs, fines, license revoking, Coercive stoppage of TV transmission/ newspaper Actions publishing, libels, warnings, taxes, anti- media statements, censorship, press advises, ban on Journalists/Anchors, denial of ads, anti-media legislation etc. Court Cases 3 A report about litigation, fines, punishments, jail & similar information. Government’ 4 A report about free access to information, s Facilitation health & residential facilities, supporting press clubs, execution over Wage Board Award, tax immunity, Accreditation facilitation, compensation packages, timely release of ads & clearance of dues. Media Irresponsible 1 A report about media allegations, undue Behavior criticism, character assassination, blame- game, negative or no media coverage. Boycott, no invitation to shows, rumors, anti-govt. campaign, Sensationalism, Scandalization and similar reporting. Responsible 2 Responsible coverage, due appreciation of govt. on pro-people actions, support on National issues, objectivity, impartiality, role in solving public issues. adherence to laws & code of ethics, etc.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 141

3.2.10-a Conceptual Model/Map of Key Themes/Concepts

PFUJ PPF CP IFEX NE Categor ies RSF Direct APNS Party Natio nal Neutral Relation News Nature ship Source Global Indirect Party

Credibility

Highly Credible Credible

Event Issue Positi ve Nege tive Pro- govt Context Posture Adjecti Neut ves ral Visual Anti- govt Images Posture with text News Active Source Verbs Passi Aggre Content ve ssive Tonal Emot Qualities View 1st io nal Frien Point Pers dly on Nega Neut 2nd tive ral 3rd Pers Pers on on

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 142

3.2.10-b Conceptual Model (Key Themes/Concepts)

Pemra Anti- Letigat Actions media ions Laws Jail Police Actions State's Court Court Actions Cases Notices

Killings Compens ation Government's packages Attacks Violence Treatment of Govern Anonymous Media ment's Facilitation Facilities Injuring

Burnin gs RTI Law News Source Content

Due Media's Sansati Covera Behaviour onalism ge Anti- Laws Irresponsi govt. abiding Responsi ble ble campaig n

Objecti Chatacter vity Assissinati on

As suggested by Hsieh and Shannon, 2005 and Elo and Kyngäs, 2008 as a necessary

requirement, qualitative data has been further reduced to concepts which illustrate

the research phenomenon with formation of relevant categories and concepts

mentioned in above conceptual models.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 143

3.2-11 Population

For qualitative analysis, relevant reports of the Independent Global Media Watch-

dogs and representative bodies of Pakistani Media out-lets & bodies which were

regularly published in this period, have been taken as population of this study.

3.2-12 Sampling

From the above-said population, reports of two Global Watch-dogs on Media i.e.

Reporters Without Borders (RSF) and International Freedom of Expression

Exchange (IFEX), and four Pakistani organs i.e. All Pakistan Newspapers Society

(APNS), Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editors (CPNE), Pakistan Federal Union

of Journalists (PFUJ) and Pakistan Press Foundation (PPF) have been opted for

qualitative analysis. A brief of these Organs is given below: i. All Pakistan Newspapers Society (APNS)

Earlier formed as the Pakistan Newspapers Society in 1950, the All Pakistan

Newspapers Society (APNS) is the leading organ of newspapers publishers in

Pakistan. It got its current name in 1953. Up to 2014, 402 publications were

associated with the APNS. It became a member of the World Association of

Newspapers in 2009. Executive Committee of APNS is consisted of 25

members. Three (03) seats are permanently occupied by the three largest media

groups, i.e. The Jang, Dawn, and Nawa-i-Waqt. Elections on 21 seats are held

among rest of the body’s members (Paracha & Tahir, 2012). ii. Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editors (CPNE)

This representative body of the newspapers editors of Pakistan was established in

1957, in order to guard freedom of press in the country and strive for access to

information. Its headquarters is located at Karachi (CPNE, 2019).

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 144 iii. Pakistan Press Foundation (PPF)

This body started its journey in 1967. It remained dysfunctional from 1974 to

1992. PPF is an independent non-governmental, non-profitable media

documentation & training organization, with the prime objective to protect and

promote freedom of expression and independence of the media in Pakistan. PPF

documents all events of violations against freedom of the press, state-press

relations, and all relevant matters. It also organizes media seminars and training

programmes (PPF, 2019). iv. Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ)

PFUJ is the largest representative body of working journalists in Pakistan. It was

established in 1950. PFUJ is also member of the International Federation of

Journalists (IFJ). PFUJ claims to be the first ever association in South Asia with

extensive representation of journalists from the entire country. It strives for better

working environment for journalists, freedom of the press, and democratic

dispensation in the country (PFUJ, 2019).

v. Reporters Without Borders (RSF)

Founded in 1985 in Montpellier (France), Reporters Sans Frontiers (RSF) is a

global not-profited, independent body which works for advocacy of freedom of

information, expression and safety of the press &journalists on global level

(Britannica, 2019). Its head-office is located at Paris (France). RSF also enjoys a

consultative status at the UN, UNESCO and Council of Europe. It runs bureau

offices in 10 other states and has correspondents in 130 countries. It regularly

releases news and updates about threats and attacks on freedom of information &

expression, assaults on media and journalists on global level, and also maintains

an Annual World Press Freedom Index (RSF, 2019).

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 145 vi. International Freedom of Expression Exchange (IFEX)

Formed in 1998, IFEX is a joint network of over 119 private, independent

organizations across the world, which works for the protection and promotion of

freedom of expression as a basic human right. Its main office is located at

Toronto, (Canada), and membership is extended over more than 70 countries.

IFEX also purposes to hold to account those to justice, who are involved in

crimes against exponents of freedom of expression (IFEX, 2019).

3.2.13 Data Collection

Targeted data of this study is composed of issues of daily newspapers, and reports of

media related Global & Pakistan-based organs on media-government relations in

Pakistan, which were published in period of the study. Newspapers data was

physically obtained through search from the Newspapers Record of the National

Library of Pakistan. Some data of newspapers was retrieved from the world’s

popular data-base Lexis-Nexis. Qualitative data was down-loaded from official

websites of respective organizations, or through other internet sources.

3.2.14 Procedures of Analysis

For analysis of data, relevant statistical apparatuses were used through application of

SPSS. The collected data was coded in nominal form and inserted to SPPS statistical

data sheet. Preliminary descriptive statistics were carried out through the simple

technique i.e.(===>Split file===>Analyze===>descriptive statistics

===>Frequencies===>& select===>Variables) to form tables, graphs and charts.

Chi-square and ANOVA tests were applied through SPSS Version 21 to test the

hypotheses. For qualitative content analysis, Nvivo::12 Plus software was used to

make nodes, codes and maps to explain relationship among relevant concepts.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 146

CHAPTER 4 DATA ANALYSIS

Part-1 Quantitative Data Analysis

Quantitative data of the study has been analyzed through the following tables with the use of SPSS Version 21.

Table 4.1 Newspapers Coverage of Respective Regimes Newspaper Regime Sample of Days with Days with No Days Relative Genre Relative Genre Dawn Musharraf 240 107 133 Zardari 240 110 130 Nawaz 240 118 122 The News Musharraf 240 102 138 Zardari 240 130 110 Nawaz 240 115 125 Express Musharraf 240 98 142 Zardari 240 95 145 Nawaz 240 108 132 Nawa-i-Waqt Musharraf 240 119 121 Zardari 240 100 140 Nawaz 240 87 153 Total 2880 (100.0) 1289 (44.76%) 1591 (55.24%)

Table 4.1 above shows that the total selected sample was 2880 days or 102 weeks for all three regimes. Each newspaper’s sample for every regime was comprised of 240 days or 34 weeks. Column 04 of the table shows that out of a total sample of 2880 days, the actual number of days on which newspaper genres, related to media- government relations appeared in respective newspaper, was 1289, i.e. 44.76% of the total, and Column 05 indicates 1591 (55.24%) days on which no relevant genres were published by respective newspapers. A total number of 2020 newspapers genres appeared in 1289 days, with an average of 1.57 genres per day.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 147

Table 4.2 Regime-wise Frequency of Newspapers Genres Regime Frequency Percent Musharraf 761 37.7 Zardari 608 30.1 Nawaz 651 32.2 Total 2020 100.0

Table 4.2 illustrates that a sum of 2020 newspapers genres appeared in all three regimes. The largest number i.e. 761 (37.7%) was published in Musharraf period followed by 651 (32.2%) during Nawaz era. The smallest number i.e. 607 (30.1%) was appeared in Zardari regime.

Table 4.3 Regime-wise Coverage by Respective Newspapers

Name of Regime Newspaper Frequency Percent Dawn 201 26.4 The News 173 22.7 Musharraf Express 162 21.3 Nawa-i-Waqt 225 29.6 Total 761 100.0 Dawn 150 24.7 The News 199 32.7 Zardari Express 109 17.9 Nawa-i-Waqt 150 24.7 Total 608 100.0 Dawn 131 20.1 The News 226 34.7 Nawaz Express 190 29.2 Nawa-i-Waqt 104 16.0 Total 651 100.0

Table 4.3 indicates that Nawa-i-Waqt did highest coverage in Musharraf era with

225 (29.6%) of the total 761 items, followed by Dawn with 201 (26.4%), and The

News with 173 (22.7%), whereas, Express published minimum genres i.e. 162

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 148

(21.3%) in Musharraf era. The News published the highest number of genres during

Zardari regime, followed by Dawn and Nawa-i-Waqt with 150 (24.7%) items each.

Express printed minimal items i.e.109 (17.9%), during Zardari regime. The News gave highest coverage to the issue in Nawaz regime with 226 (34.7%) items followed by Express 190 (29.2%), Dawn, 131 (20.1%), and the minimum coverage was offered by Nawa-i-Waqt, with104 (16%) items during this regime.

Table 4.4 Newspaper-wise Frequencies of Genres

Name of Regime Frequencies of Regime-wise Cumulative Newspaper Genres Percentage Percentage Dawn Musharraf 201 41.70 9.95 Dawn Zardari 150 31.12 7.43 Dawn Nawaz 131 27.18 6.49 Total 482 100.00 23.86 The News Musharraf 173 28.93 8.56 The News Zardari 199 33.28 9.85 The News Nawaz 226 37.79 11.19 Total 598 100.00 29.60 Express Musharraf 162 35.15 8.02 Express Zardari 109 23.64 5.40 Express Nawaz 190 41.21 9.41 Total 461 100.00 22.82 Nawa-i-Waqt Musharraf 225 46.97 11.14 Nawa-i-Waqt Zardari 150 31.32 7.43 Nawa-i-Waqt Nawaz 104 27.71 5.15 Total 479 100.00 23.72 Grand Total 2020 100.00 100.00

Table 4.4 depicts the frequency of genres published by all the four selected dailies in respective three regimes. The News published the greatest number i.e. 598 (29.60%) of genres, followed by the daily Dawn with 482 (23.86%) items. Nawa-i-Waqt

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 149 printed 479 (23.71%) genres. The lowest number of items was published by the daily

Express, which was, 461 (22.82%).

Table 4.5 News Impulsion

News Impulsion Frequency Percent

Event Based 1086 53.8 Issues Based 934 46.2 Total 2020 100.0

Table 4.5 describes that out of total 2020 newspapers items, 1086 were event-based, which constituted 53.8% of the total, and 934 items were issue-based, which made

46.2% of the total.

Table 4.6 Regime-wise Impulsion of Genres

Impulsion Regime Frequency Percent

Musharraf 433 39.9 Zardari 323 29.7 Event-based Nawaz 330 30.4 Total 1086 100.0 Musharraf 328 35.1 Zardari 285 30.5 Issue-based Nawaz 321 34.4 Total 934 100.0

Table 4.6 mentions regime-wise impulsion of genres. Out of 1086 event-based genres, the highest number, i.e. 433 (39.9%) appeared during Musharraf regime followed by 330 (30.4%) during Nawaz regime and 323 (29.7%), the least number during Zardari era. The total number of issue-based genres is 934. The highest

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 150 number 328 (35.1%) appeared during Musharraf regime, followed by 321 (34.4%) in

Nawaz era. The lowest number i.e. 285 (30.5%) occurred during Zardari era.

Table 4.7 Newspaper-wise Impulsion of Genre

News Impulsion Newspaper &Regime Frequency Percent Dawn (Musharraf) 137 12.6 Dawn (Zardari) 88 8.1 Dawn (Nawaz) 62 5.7 The News (Musharraf) 123 11.3 The News (Zardari) 109 10.0 The News (Nawaz) 126 11.6 Event-based Express (Musharraf) 88 8.1 Express (Zardari) 62 5.7 Express (Nawaz) 111 10.2 Nawa-i-Waqt (Musharraf) 85 7.8 Nawa-i-Waqt (Zardari) 64 5.9 Nawa-i-Waqt (Nawaz) 31 2.9 Total 1086 100.0 Dawn (Musharraf) 64 6.9 Dawn (Zardari) 62 6.6 Dawn (Nawaz) 69 7.4 The News (Musharraf) 50 5.4 The News (Zardari) 90 9.6 The News (Nawaz) 100 10.7 Issues-based Express (Musharraf) 74 7.9

Express (Zardari) 47 5.0 Express (Nawaz) 79 8.5 Nawa-i-Waqt (Musharraf) 140 15.0 Nawa-i-Waqt (Zardari) 86 9.2 Nawa-i-Waqt (Nawaz) 73 7.8 Total 934 100.0

Table 4.7 expresses newspaper-wise event and issue-based impetus of genres. Dawn published the highest number of 137 (12.6%) event-based items followed by The

News with 123 (11.3%) genres during Musharraf era. The News printed the largest

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 151 number of 123 (11.3%) event-based genres followed by Express with 111 (10.2%) during Nawaz Regime. The News published the highest number of 109 (10.0%) event-based items followed by Dawn with 88 (8.1%) genres during Zardari regime.

Nawa-i-Waqt published the maximum number of 140 (15.0%) issue-based items during Musharraf regime followed by The News with 100 (10.7%) genres during

Nawaz era. The News carried 90 (9.6%) genres followed by Nawa-i-Waqt with 86

(9.2%) during Zardari era. The News published the smallest number of 50 (5.4%) issue-based genres during Musharrf era, and Express carried the minimum number of 47 (5.0%) issue-based items during Zardari regime.

Table 4.8 News Source-wise Coverage of Regimes

News Source Regime Frequency Percent Musharraf (2003-2007) 70 66.7 Official Zardari (2008-2012) 26 24.8 Nawaz (2013-2018) 9 8.6 Musharraf (2003-2007) 691 36.1 Zardari (2008-2012) 582 30.4 Private Nawaz (2013-2018) 642 33.5 G. Total 2020 100.0

Table 4.8 shows the source of news. Out of total 2020 items, the greatest number of

1950 (94.80%) genres was obtained from private news sources, and only 105

(5.20%) items were quoted from official sources. Furthermore, out of only 105 official-based genres, 70 (66.7%) were quoted during Musharraf era followed by 26

(24.8%) in Zardari era, and the minimum number of only 9 (8.6%) during Nawaz regime. A vertically downward trend was noted in decline of reliance over the official news sources by the respective newspapers. Reliance over official news source was greater in Musharraf regime and lesser during Nawaz era.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 152

Table 4.9 Topics/Issues Covered by Newspapers

Topics/Issues Frequency Percent

Coercion 473 23.42 Violence 563 27.87 Facilitation 304 15.05 Regulation 120 5.94 Responsible Media 234 11.58 Irresponsible Media 248 12.28 Other 78 3.86 Total 2020 100.00

Table 4.9 indicates that the genres revealing violence against media dominated the coverage with 563 (27.87%) items followed by 473 (23.42%) genres reporting coercion of the media. The third category covered by the respective newspapers was facilitation of the media with 304 (15.05%), followed by the category of irresponsible media with 248 (12.28%) items, and responsible media with 234

(11.58%). The categories of topics, issues and concepts that connote deplorable media-government relations dominated the coverage.

Categories like coercion of media, violence against media, regulation of media and irresponsible media all predicting poor and tense media-government relations collectively make 1404 (69.50%) of the total 2020 genres. The other categories signifying good and normal media-government relations, like facilitation of media and responsible media jointly form 538 (26.63%) of the total 2020 genres. This equation clearly predicts deplorable media-government relations. Only 78 (3.86%) items fall in the category of “other” which is the minimum and is not significant.

Results in above table provide answer to Research Questions 1 & 4 respectively.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 153

Table 4.10 Regime-wise Coverage of Topics/Issues/Events

Topics/issues/Events Regime Frequency Percent Musharraf (2003-2007) 222 46.9 Zardari (2008-2012) 122 25.8 Coercion Nawaz (2013-2018) 129 27.3 Total 473 100.0 Musharraf (2003-2007) 232 41.2 Zardari (2008-2012) 178 31.6 Violence Nawaz (2013-2018) 153 27.2 Total 563 100.0 Musharraf (2003-2007) 141 46.4 Zardari (2008-2012) 87 28.6 Facilitation Nawaz (2013-2018) 76 25.0 Total 304 100.0 Musharraf (2003-2007) 38 31.7 Zardari (2008-2012) 34 28.3 Regulation Nawaz (2013-2018) 48 40.0 Total 120 100.0 Musharraf (2003-2007) 69 29.5 Zardari (2008-2012) 90 38.5 Responsible Media Nawaz (2013-2018) 75 32.1 Total 234 100.0 Musharraf (2003-2007) 32 12.9 Zardari (2008-2012) 74 29.8 Irresponsible Media Nawaz (2013-2018) 142 57.3 Total 248 100.0 Musharraf (2003-2007) 27 34.6 Zardari (2008-2012) 23 29.5 Other Nawaz (2013-2018) 28 35.9 Total 78 100.0

Table 4.10 indicates regime-wise coverage of topics, issues and events about media- government relations. Out of 563 genres about violence against media, the highest number of 232 (41.2%), was reported during the Musharraf regime followed by 178

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 154

(31.6%) during Zardari era, and the minimum number of 153 (27.2%) items during

Nawaz government. Another category, predicting deplorable media-government relations i.e. “coercion of media” with total 473 items, again the highest number of

222 (46.9%-nearly half) genres was reported during Musharraf era. It was followed by 129 (27.3%) items during Nawaz regime, and the lowest number of 122 (25.8%) genres during Zardari regime, which shows a very little difference. The only 32

(22.9%) items predict that the media remained very little irresponsible during

Musharraf regime. These figures provide answer to Research Question No.1 indicating that media-government relations during Musharraf regime were much deplorable as compared to the other two regimes.

In the category of “irresponsible media”, the dailies reported the highest number of

142 (57.3%) genres during Nawaz era, which is more than 50% of the total 148 genres in respective category. The 2nd highest number 74 (29.8%) was reported during Zardari era. In the category of “responsible media” the greatest number of 90

(38.5%) appeared during Zardari regime followed by 75 (32.1%) items during

Nawaz era, and the minimum number i.e. 69 (29.5%) during Musharraf era.

In the category of facilitation, the largest 141 (46.4%) genres were reported during

Musharraf era, which infers that apart from coercion, Musharraf also facilitated the media more than that by the Zardari and Nawaz regimes, and thus provided reply to

Research Question-4. The second highest number 87(28.6%) was recorded during

Zardari regime, and the minimum number of 76 (25%) items was reported during

Nawaz era. In the category of regulation, newspapers reported the highest number of

48 (40%) during Nawaz regime followed by 38 (31.7%) during Musharraf era, and the minimum 34 (28.3%) during Zardari regime.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 155

Table 4.11 Slant in Newspapers Items

Slant in Story Regime Frequency Percent Musharraf 137 44.2 Zardari 74 23.9 Favourable Nawaz 99 31.9 Total 310 100.0 Musharraf 480 40.3 Zardari 388 32.6 Unfavourable Nawaz 323 27.1 Total 1191 100.0 Musharraf 144 27.7 Zardari 146 28.1 Neutral Nawaz 229 44.1 Total 519 100.0

Table 4.11 expresses the slant noted in genres that appeared in all three regimes.

Unfavourable slant was noted in 1190 (58.96%) genres out of 2020, followed by neutral slant with 519 (25.69%). Favourable slant remained the lowest with 310

(15.35%) items. The highest number of unfavourable slant i.e. 480 (40.3%) was reported during Musharraf regime followed by 388 (32.6%) during Zardari regime and the lowest 323 (27.1%) during Nawaz regime.

Similarly, the highest number of favourable slant i.e. 137 (44.2%) was reported during Musharraf ara followed by 99 (31.9%) during Zardari era and the lowest 99

(23.9%) during Nawaz era. The largest neutral slant was reported during Nawaz regime with 229 (44.1%), followed by 146 (28.1%) during Zardari regime and with a very minute difference i.e.144 (27.7%) during Musharraf era. The figures show that

Musharraf regime was much criticized by the media as compared to the other two governments.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 156

Table 4.12

Length of Published Items

Length Frequency Percent Up to 200 Words-Small 390 19.31 201-500 Words-Medium 661 32.72 501-1000 Words-Lengthy 537 26.58 1001 and Above-Very Lengthy 432 21.39 Total 2020 100.0

Table 4.12 depicts that out of 2020, the greater number of 661 (32.72%) appeared in

Medium size (201-500 words) followed by 537 (26.58%) of Lengthy size (501-1000 words) and the Very Lengthy genres (1001 words & above) were 432 (21.39%).

Short length (up to 200 words) items were reported as 390 (19.31%).

Table 4.13

Frequency of Genres

Items (Genre) Frequency Percent

Editorial 82 4.06 Columns 250 12.38 News Story 1529 75.70 Feature 25 1.28 Letter to Editor 116 5.74 Other 18 0.89 Total 2020 100.00

Table 4.13 shows that media-government relations were covered very largely in the format of news stories which made 1529 (75.70%) of the total 2020. Column was the second highest format with 250 (12.38%) genres, followed by letters-to-editor 116

(5.74%), Editorials, 82 (4.06%), and the smallest number of items 18 (0.89%) appeared in the category of “others”.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 157

Table 4.14

Regime-wise Frequencies of Genres

News Genre Regime Frequency Percent Musharraf (2003-2007) 36 43.9 Zardari (2008-2012) 20 24.4 Editorial Nawaz (2013-2018) 26 31.7 Total 82 100.0 Musharraf (2003-2007) 87 34.8 Zardari (2008-2012) 65 26.0 Columns Nawaz (2013-2018) 98 39.2 Total 250 100.0 Musharraf (2003-2007) 571 37.3 Zardari (2008-2012) 461 30.2 News Story Nawaz (2013-2018) 497 32.5 Total 1529 100.0 Musharraf (2003-2007) 8 32.0 Zardari (2008-2012) 8 32.0 Feature Nawaz (2013-2018) 9 36.0 Total 25 100.0 Musharraf (2003-2007) 49 42.2 Letter to Zardari (2008-2012) 49 42.2 Editor Nawaz (2013-2018) 18 15.5 Total 116 100.0 Musharraf (2003-2007) 10 55.6 Zardari (2008-2012) 5 27.8 Other Nawaz (2013-2018) 3 16.7 Total 18 100.0

Table 4.14 contains regime-wise number of items. The largest number of 571

(37.3%) news stories were published during the Musharraf regime followed by 497

(32.5%) during Nawaz regime and the minimum number, 461 (30.2%) during

Zardari regime, which shows no significant difference in occurrence of news stories

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 158 during all regimes. Out of 250 columns, 98 (39.2%) appeared during Nawaz era followed by 87 (34.8%) during Musharraf era, and the smallest number 0f 65

(26.0%) during Zardari era. Out of a sum of 82 editorials, the highest number i.e. 36

(43.9%) were published during Musharraf regime followed by 26 (31.7%) during

Nawaz era, and the least number 0f 20 (24.4%) during Zardari era.

Equal number of 49 (42.2%) letters-to-editors appeared during Musharraf and

Zardari regimes, whereas, the minimum number 18 (15.5%) occurred during Nawaz era which shows significance difference with the former two regimes. The number of features published by respective newspapers during all three regimes remained almost the same as Nawaz 9 (36%) and Musharraf & Zardari 8 (32%) each. Items published under “Others” category in all regimes remained as: Musharraf 10

(55.6%), Zardari 5 (27.8%) and Nawaz 3 (16.7%).

Table 4.15 Placement of Newspapers Items

Page-wise Frequency & Frequency & Portion-wise Placement Placement Percent Percent Front Page-Upper Portion 273 (13.51%) Front Page 442 (21.88%) Front Page-Lower Portion 169 (8.37%) Back Page-Upper Portion 276 (13.66%) Back Page 402 (19.90%) Back Page-Lower Portion 126 (6.24%) Inner Pages-Upper Portion 660 (32.67%) Inner Pages 777 (38.47%) Inner Pages-Lower Portion 117 (5.79%) Op-Ed Pages 399 (19.75%) Op-Ed Pages 399 (19.75%) Total 2020 (100%) Total 2020 (100%)

Table 4.15 shows page & portion-wise placement of items regarding media- government relations in selected dailies. The highest number of 777 (38.47%) genres were placed in inner pages among which, 660(32.67%) were positioned on upper portion and 117 (5.79%) were put on the lower portion. The huge difference in placing items on upper and lower parts of inner pages was detected due to the

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 159 placement of advertisements by the newspapers on lower portion of inside pages.

Out of 2020 items, 442 (21.88%) were found on front pages, with 273 (13.51%) on upper portion and 169 (8.37%) on the lower portion.

Similarly, 402 (19.90%) items were seen on back pages with 276 (13.66%) on upper part and 126 (6.24%) on the lower part. As like the inner pages, the same trend of placing more items on the upper part of front and back pages was noticed owing to numerous types of advertisements on the lower portion of the pages. Out of 2020 total genres, 399 (19.75%) were placed opinion/editorial pages, which included

201columns, 116 letters-to-editors and 82 editorials. Urdu dailies Express and Nawa- i-Waqt also publish some columns on inside pages besides the op-ed pages. Such columns, 49 in number appeared on the inner pages.

Table 4.16 Placement of Topics/Issues/Events Placement of Story Topic/Issue Frequency Percent Coercion of Media 70 25.6 Violence Against Media 78 28.6 Facilitation of Media 30 11.0

Regulation of Media 21 7.7 Front Page-Upper Responsible Media 25 9.2 Portion Irresponsible Media 38 13.9 Other 11 4.0 Total 273 100.0 Coercion of Media 46 27.2 Violence Against Media 51 30.2 Facilitation of Media 23 13.6 Regulation of Media 8 4.7 Front Page-Lower Responsible Media 11 6.5 Portion Irresponsible Media 28 16.6 Other 2 1.2 Total 169 100.0

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 160

Placement of Story Topic/Issue Frequency Percent Coercion of Media 68 24.6 Violence Against Media 64 23.2 Facilitation of Media 60 21.7 Regulation of Media 19 6.9 Back Page-Upper Responsible Media 29 10.5 Portion Irresponsible Media 22 8.0 Other 14 5.1 Total 276 100.0 Coercion of Media 30 23.8 Violence Against Media 41 32.5 Facilitation of Media 19 15.1 Regulation of Media 9 7.1 Back Page-Lower Responsible Media 14 11.1 Portion Irresponsible Media 11 8.7 Other 2 1.6 Total 126 100.0 Coercion of Media 127 19.2 Violence Against Media 215 32.6 Facilitation of Media 129 19.5 Regulation of Media 39 5.9 Inner Pages-Upper Responsible Media 73 11.1 Portion Irresponsible Media 57 8.6 Other 20 3.0 Total 660 100.0 Coercion of Media 26 22.2 Violence Against Media 28 23.9 Facilitation of Media 24 20.5 Regulation of Media 5 4.3 Inner Pages Lower Responsible Media 15 12.8 Portion Irresponsible Media 10 8.5 Other 9 7.7 Total 117 100.0

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 161

Placement of Story Topic/Issue Frequency Percent Coercion of Media 106 26.6 Violence Against Media 86 21.6 Facilitation of Media 19 4.8 Op-Ed Pages Regulation of Media 19 4.8 Responsible Media 67 16.8 Irresponsible Media 82 20.6 Other 20 5.0 Total 399 100.0

Table 4.16 shows that items reporting violence against and coercing the media were mostly placed on the upper half of the inner, front, back and op-ed pages.

Table 4.17 Frames in Items Frame Value Count Percent Responsibility of Government 1 453 22.4 Responsibility of Media 2 270 13.4 Conflict 3 52 2.6 Facilitation of Media 4 212 10.5 Pro-government 5 73 3.6 Anti-government 6 604 29.9 Pro-Media 7 147 7.3 Anti-Media 8 209 10.3 Total 2020 100.0 Table 4.17 denotes that frames with worse media-government relations dominated the coverage as; anti-government 604 (29.9%), responsibility of government 453

(22.4%), responsibility of media 270 (13.4%), and anti-media 209 (10.3%). Frames suggesting conducive media-government relations were reported as, facilitation of media 212 (10.5%), pro-media 147 (7.3%), and pro-government 73 (3.6%). The sum of items predicting worse and deplorable media-government relations appeared as

1588 (78.61%) of the total, and genres envisaging conducive media-government relations were 432 (21.39%) of the entire 2020 items.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 162

Table 4.18 Regime-wise Frames

Frame in Story Regime Frequency Percent Musharraf 135 29.8 Responsibility of Zardari 130 28.7 Government Nawaz 188 41.5 Total 453 100.0 Musharraf 75 27.8 Zardari 104 38.5 Responsibility of Media Nawaz 91 33.7 Total 270 100.0 Musharraf 12 23.1 Zardari 29 55.8 Conflict Nawaz 11 21.2 Total 52 100.0 Musharraf 104 49.1 Zardari 66 31.1 Facilitation of Media Nawaz 42 19.8 Total 212 100.0 Musharraf 27 37.0 Zardari 19 26.0 Pro-government Nawaz 27 37.0 Total 73 100.0 Musharraf 317 52.5 Zardari 162 26.8 Anti-government Nawaz 125 20.7 Total 604 100.0 Musharraf 43 29.3 Zardari 41 27.9 Pro-Media Nawaz 63 42.9 Total 147 100.0 Musharraf 48 23.0 Zardari 57 27.3 Anti-Media Nawaz 104 49.8 Total 209 100.0

Table 4.18 explains regime-wise appearance of frames. In the responsibility of government frame, Nawaz regime got the highest score of 188 (41.5%) items

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 163 followed by Musharraf regime with 135 (29.8%) and Zardari regime with 130

(28.7%) items. The media was held more responsible during Zardari regime with

104 (38.5%) items followed by Nawaz 91 (33.7%) and Musharraf regime with

75(27.8%) items. The “conflict” frame was reported in the three regimes as; Zardari

29 (55.8%), Musharraf 12 (23.1%) and Nawaz 11(21.2%).

Anti-government frame was noted as; Musharraf 317 (52.5%), Zardari 162 (26.8%) and Nawaz 125 (20.7%). The “anti-media” frame was found in respective regimes as; Nawaz 104 (49.8%), Zardari 57 (27.3%), and Musharraf 48 (23.0%). The

“facilitation of media frame was seen as; Musharraf, 104 (49.1%) Zardari 66

(31.1%) and Nawaz 42 (19.8%). The pro-government frame was reported as;

Musharraf and Nawaz both 27(37.0%) and Zardari 29 (26.0%). The “pro-media” frame was found in respective regimes as; Nawaz 63 (42.9%), Musharraf 43 (29.3%) and Zardari 41 (27.9%).

Part-2 Hypotheses Testing Through Quantitative Data Analysis

4.19 Testing the Hypothesis-1 (H-1)

This study was comprised of three hypotheses. In the first hypothesis of the study, it was presumed that the situation of media-government relations in Pakistan during the military regime of General Pervez Musharraf remained worse, than that of the two civilian regimes of Asif Zardari & Nawaz Sharif. One-way ANOVA was applied in SPPSS Version.21 to test the hypothesis. Regime Period was taken as dependent variable and the categories of topics/issues/events were made as independent variable to determine the degree of variance in the dependent variable. Following tables and descriptions elaborate statistical results.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 164

Table 4.20 One-Way ANOVA to Detect Mean Values of Groups (H-1) Regime N Mean Std. Std. 95% Confidence Min. Max. Devi. Error Interval for Mean Lower Upper Bound Bound Musharraf 761 2.61 1.638 .059 2.49 2.73 1 7 Zardari 608 3.17 1.849 .075 3.03 3.32 1 7 Nawaz 651 3.50 1.993 .078 3.35 3.65 1 7 Total 2020 3.07 1.860 .041 2.99 3.15 1 7

According to the table 4.20, mean difference among the three regimes was detected through ANOVA. Results showed that the mean difference amongst the three regimes was derived as; Musharraf 2.61, Zardari 3.17 and Nawaz 3.50 respectively.

Standard deviation score from mean values appeared as: Musharraf, 1.638, Zardari,

1.849, Nawaz, 1.993, and Standard error within the groups was; Musharraf, .059,

Zardari, .075, and Nawaz, .078, respectively. Mean value during Musharraf regime is the lowest i.e. 2.61 which means that media-government relations were worse during Musharraf regime as compared to two other regimes.

Table 4.21 ANOVA Test to Find out Difference between and within the Groups Difference Sum of Df Mean F Sig. Squares Square Between Groups 286.841 2 143.421 43.207 .000 Within Groups 6695.137 2017 3.319 Total 6981.978 2019

In Table 4.21, ANOVA test showed the Sum of Squares between the groups as

286.841, the degree of freedom (df) as 2, the Mean Square value 143.421, and the F value as 43.207 with a significance of 0.000, which indicated significant difference.

Within the groups, the Sum of Squares was shown as 6695.137, the degree of freedom (df) as 2017, and the Mean Square value as 3.319.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 165

Table 4.22 Robust Tests of Equality of Means (H-I)

Statistica df1 df2 Sig. Welch 44.565 2 1285.550 .000 Brown-Forsythe 42.476 2 1882.146 .000 a. Asymptotically F distributed.

Table 4.22 indicates two Robust (Welch & Brown-Forsythe Robust) Tests of

Equality of Means of the hypothesis. Results indicated a significance value of .000 which means significant difference. ANOVA test of H-1 proved that the situation of media-government relations in Pakistan during the military regime of Pervez

Musharraf remained highly worse followed by Zardari regime, and the Nawaz regime appeared to be the least worst among the three regimes. However, the situation remained worst in all the three regimes. Hence H-1 is supported.

4.23 Testing the Hypothesis-II

Second hypothesis was: “It is more likely that the military regime of Pervez

Musharraf was more criticized by the media than the two civilian governments of

Asif Zardari & Nawaz Sharif”. Again regimes periods were taken as dependent variable, and frame in items were made as independent variables. Following tables and descriptions elaborate statistical results.

Table 4.24

One-Way ANOVA to Detect Mean Values of Groups (H-II) Regime N Mean Std. Std. 95% Confidence Min. Max. Devi. Error Interval for Mean Lower Upper Bound Bound Musharraf 761 4.55 2.222 .081 4.39 4.70 1 8 Zardari 608 4.11 2.420 .098 3.92 4.30 1 8 Nawaz 651 4.19 2.718 .107 3.98 4.40 1 8 Total 2020 4.30 2.456 .055 4.19 4.41 1 8

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 166

Table 4.24 describes that the ANOVA test showed the mean scores as; Musharraf

4.55, Zardari 4.11, and Nawaz 4.19. Standard variation appeared as 2.222, 2.420 and

2.718 respectively, whereas, standard error fell as .081, .098, and .107 respectively.

Difference between Mean values of all regimes remains very low, but it remained comparatively larger during Musharraf regime which means that the regime of

Musharraf was less criticized by the media as compared to other two governments of

Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif. Thus H-2 is not supported.

Table 4.25 ANOV Test to Find out Difference between and within the Groups (H-II)

Sum of Squares Df Mean Square F Sig. Between Groups 75.298 2 37.649 6.272 .002 Within Groups 12107.301 2017 6.003 Total 12182.600 2019

In Table 4.25 ANOVA test showed the Sum of Squares between the groups as

75.298, the degree of freedom (df) as 2, the Mean Square value 37.649, and the F value as 6.272 with a significance of .002, which indicated difference but not very significant. Within the groups the Sum of Squares fell as 12107.301, the degree of freedom (df) as 2017, and the Mean Square value as 6.003. The total Sum of Squares was 12182.600 with a degree of freedom (df) as 2019.

Table 4.26 Robust Tests of Equality of Means (H-II)

Statistica df1 df2 Sig.

Welch 6.913 2 1290.212 .001 Brown-Forsythe 6.184 2 1885.801 .002 a. Asymptotically F distributed.

Table 4.26 indicates two Robust (Welch & Brown-Forsythe) Tests of Equality of

Means of the hypothesis. Result of Welch Robust test indicates a significance value

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 167 of .001, whereas, result of Brown-Forsythe Robust test indicates a significance value of .002, which means that both tests indicate difference between the mean values but it not significant. ANOVA test of H-II proved that difference in Mean values of all regimes remains very low but it remained comparatively larger during Musharraf regime, which means that the regime of Musharraf regime was less criticized by the media as compared to other two regimes of Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif.

However, the situation remained worse in all the three regimes. Hence H-1 is supported.

4.27 Testing the Hypothesis-III (H-III)

Third hypothesis of the study was: “It is more likely that there existed significant difference in media-government relations during all the three regimes of Musharraf,

Zardari & Nawaz”. To know the difference, Tukey Post Hoc Test of Multiple

Comparisons was conducted. Regimes were placed as dependent variables and the categories of topics/issues/events were taken as independent variables. Following tables and descriptions elaborate statistical results.

Table 4.28

Tukey Post Hoc Tests of Multiple Comparisons (H-III) (I) Name (J) Name Mean Std. Sig. 95% Confidence

of of Regime Difference Error Interval Regime (I-J) Lower Upper

Bound Bound Musharr Zardari -.563* .099 .000 -.80 -.33 af Nawaz -.888* .097 .000 -1.12 -.66 Tukey Musharraf .563* .099 .000 .33 .80 Zardari HSD Nawaz -.325* .103 .005 -.57 -.08 Musharraf .888* .097 .000 .66 1.12 Nawaz Zardari .325* .103 .005 .08 .57

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 168

Table 4.28 depicts One-way ANOVA test which showed the Mean Difference (I-J) scores for Comparison of Musharraf’s regime with Zardari and Nawaz regimes as;

Zardari -.563*, and Nawaz -.888*. Standard Error fell as; Zardari .099, Nawaz Sharif

.097. Significance of difference was shown as 0.000, which indicated significant difference between comparison of Musharraf’s regime with Zardari and Nawaz regimes. For Comparison of Zardari’s regime with Musharraf and Nawaz regimes, the Mean Difference (I-J) scores appeared as: Musharraf .563*, Nawaz -.325*.

Significance of difference between Zardari and Musharraf appeared as 0.000, which is high level of significance. Significance of difference between Zardari and Nawaz was noted as .005. It means that difference existed in media-government relations between Zardari and Nawaz regimes, but it was less significant as that of the difference between Zardari and Musharraf regimes.

For Comparison of Nawaz’s regime with Musharraf and Zardari regimes, the Mean

Difference (I-J) scores appeared as: Musharraf .888*, Zardari .325*. Standard Error fell as; Musharraf .097, Zardari .103. Significance of difference between Nawaz and

Musharraf was 0.000, which showed significant difference in comparison of

Nawaz’s regime with Musharraf’s regime. Significance of difference between

Nawaz and Zardari regimes fell as .005, which means that difference existed in media-government relations between Nawaz and Zardari regimes, but it was not as much significant as that of the difference which existed between Zardari and

Musharraf regimes. Difference between Mean values in Comparison of Musharraf’s regime with other two regimes remained as 0.000 which expressed significant difference in media-government relations during Musharraf regime and other two regimes, but the difference between Mean values in Comparison of Zardari and

Nawaz regimes remained as 0.005, which means less significant difference existed

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 169 in media government relations between Zardari and Nawaz regimes. It indicated that

H-III is partially supported.

Table 4.29

ANOVA For Tukey Post Hoc Tests of Multiple Comparisons

Sum of Df Mean F Sig. Squares Square (Combined) 286.841 2 143.421 43.207 .000 Between Unweighted 276.787 1 276.787 83.386 .000 Linear Groups Weighted 280.813 1 280.813 84.599 .000 Term Deviation 6.028 1 6.028 1.816 .178 Within Groups 6695.137 2017 3.319 Total 6981.978 2019

In Table 4.29, ANOVA test showed the (Combined) Sum of Squares between the groups as 286.841, the degree of freedom (df) as 2, the Mean Square value 143.421, and F the value as 43.207with a significance of .000, which indicated significant difference. Within the groups the Sum of Squares was shown as 6695.137, the degree of freedom (df) as 2017, and the Mean Square value as 3.319. The total Sum of Squares was 6981.978 with a degree of freedom (df) as 2019. Deviation between the groups in Linear term expressed the figures as; Sum of Squares 6.028, the degree of freedom (df) 1, the Mean Square value 6.028, and F the value as 1.816 with a significance of .178, which indicated less significant difference between groups. Hence hypothesis-III is partially supported.

4.30 Multiple Regression Test for Co-relationship

In order to find out co-relationship between various variables (categories) such

Coercion, violence, Facilitation, regulation, responsible, and irresponsible media in all three regimes, the multiple regression test was applied. Following Graph shows the results.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 170

Graph 4.30 Multiple Regression Test for Co-relationship

Graph 4.30 indicates that the green and blue lines denoting coercion of and violence against the media are at the top and over the other predictors. It specified worse and deplorable media relations in all three regimes. The lines are travelling upwards towards the Musharraf regime and have lower position during Zardari and Nawaz regimes which proves the hypothesis that that the situation of media-government relations in Pakistan during the military regime of General Pervez Musharraf remained the worst than that of the two civilian regimes of Asif Zardari & Nawaz

Sharif. The brown line denoting facilitation of media and showing upward trend toward Musharrf regime testifies that apart from having worst relations with the media, Musharraf also facilitated the media more than that of the other governments.

The yellow line, symbolizing responsible media pointed that the responsibility factor remained slightly high in Zardari regime as compared to Musharraf and Nawaz regimes. The red line specified that the media was little irresponsible during

Musharraf regime, but became much irresponsible during the era of other two regimes particularly during Nawaz regime.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 171

4.31Regime-wise Percentage of Ratios of Predictors

Graph 4.31 Regime-wise Percentage of Ratios of Predictors

Graph 4.31 depicts regime-wise ratios of predictors. Description is given at tables 4.9 and 4.10.

4.32 Area Graph of Ratios of Predictors

Area Graph 4.32 of Ratios of Predictors

Ratios of predictors have been given in Area Graph 4.32 above.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 172

Part-3 Qualitative Data Analysis

Table 4.33

Nature of Source

Nature of Source Value Count Percent Pakistani 1 60 66.7% Global 2 30 33.3% Total 90 100%

Table 4.33 shows that reports collected from two types of sources, Pakistani and

Global media-related organizations or watch-dogs were selected for qualitative content analysis. Reports from sources of Pakistani origin were 60 (66.7%) and from the global sources were 30 (33.3%). Thus the total number of reports was 90.

Table 4.34 Source Category

Nature of Source Source Category Frequency Percent APNS 15 Pakistani CPNE 15 66.7%

PFUJ 15

PPF 15

IFEX 15 33.3% Global RSF 15

Total 90 100.0

Table 4.34 shows further classification of sources. Pakistani sources were four (4) in number namely, APNS, CPNE, PFUJ, PPF, and the global sources were two (2) i.e.

IFEX and RSF. Out of a sum of 90 reports, 60 (66.67%) reports were of Pakistani origin sources, and 30 (33.3%) were from foreign origin sources, 15 reports (5 from each regime) of each report were selected.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 173

Table 4.35 Source Credibility

Source Credibility Source Category Frequency Percent

APNS 15 25.0 CPNE 15 25.0 Highly Credible PFUJ 15 25.0 PPF 15 25.0 Total 60 100.0 IFEX 15 50.0 Credible RSF 15 50.0 Total 30 100.0

Table 4.35 expresses credibility of source. Four (4) sources of Pakistani origin like

APNS, CPNE, PFUJ, and PPF were treated as the most credible, as they were directly involved, affected by or reported topics, issues, problems etc. pertaining to media government relations in Pakistan. Three of these organizations are also representative bodies of media owners, editors and working journalists in Pakistan.

A total number of 60 (66.67%) reports [15 by each body (source), 5 from each regime] were included in analysis.

Two foreign sources IFEX- a Canadian based non-profitable global media observer and RSF-a French-based global media watchdog, was treated as credible source, because they monitored the media environment and other issues of media- government relations in Pakistan from abroad. The foreign media-observatories mostly depended on Pakistani sources and were not directly involved. Five reports of each foreign source about every regime were included. This made 15 reports by each foreign source. Thus, a total number of 30 (33.33%) [Fifteen (15) reports (5 for every regime) of each body] were analyzed.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 174

Table 4.36

Regime, Source & Category-wise Frequency of Reports

Regime Nature of Source Source Category Frequency Percent APNS 5 25.0 CPNE 5 25.0 Pakistani PFUJ 5 25.0 PPF 5 25.0 Musharraf Total 20 100.0 IFEX 5 50.0 Global RSF 5 50.0 Total 10 100.0 APNS 5 25.0 CPNE 5 25.0 Pakistani PFUJ 5 25.0 PPF 5 25.0 Zardari Total 20 100.0 IFEX 5 50.0 Global RSF 5 50.0 Total 10 100.0 APNS 5 25.0 CPNE 5 25.0 Pakistani PFUJ 5 25.0 PPF 5 25.0 Nawaz Total 20 100.0 IFEX 5 50.0 Global RSF 5 50.0 Total 10 100.0

Table 4.36 shows detail of regime, source & category-wise frequency of reports, which were qualitatively analyzed. Reports of six (6) sources were obtained which were issued on annual basis. For every regime five (5) reports of each source (organ) were analyzed which made a total number of 30. For all three regimes, the number of total selected reports was 90.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 175

Table 4.37

Context-wise Frequency of Reports

Context Frequency Percent

Event 25 27.78

Issue 65 72.22

Total 90 100.00

Table 4.37 shows context-wise frequency of reports. Out of 90 reports, 65 (72.22) were found to be issue-based, and 25 (27.78%) were observed as event-based.

Table 4.38

Regime-wise Context of Reports

Regime Context Frequency Percent

Event 13 43.3

Musharraf Issue 17 56.7 Total 30 100.0 Event 8 26.7 Zardari Issue 22 73.3 Total 30 100.0 Event 4 13.3 Nawaz Issue 26 86.7

Total 30 100.0

Table 4.38 describes context of reports in all the three regimes. Thirty (30) reports were selected for each regime. Context of reports remained largely issue-based in all regimes. Nawaz regime dominated issue-based reports with 26 (86.7%) followed by

Zardari regime with 22 (73.3%) and Musharraf regime with the minimum of 17

(56.7%) reports.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 176

Table 4.39 Adjectives used in Reports

Adjectives Frequency Percent Positive 5 5.56 Negative 70 77.78 Neutral 15 16.67 Total 90 100.00

Table 4.39 indicates types of adjectives and their frequency used in reports. Negative adjectives appeared to be the largest, as in 70 (77.78%) reports, followed by neutral adjectives in 15 (16.67%) reports and reports with positive adjectives appeared the least i.e. in 5 (5.56%) reports.

Table 4.40 Regime-wise Adjectives used in Reports

Regime Adjectives Frequency Percent Positive 2 6.7 Negative 25 83.3 Musharraf Neutral 3 10.0 Total 30 100.0 Positive 2 6.7 Negative 20 66.7 Zardari Neutral 8 26.7 Total 30 100.0 Positive 1 3.3 Negative 25 83.3 Nawaz Neutral 4 13.3 Total 30 100.0

Table 4.40 indicated that equal number of negative adjectives appeared in reports of

Musharraf and Nawaz eras, whereas, during Zardari regime, 20 (66.7%) reports were observed with negative adjectives. Frequency of neutral adjectives was; Zardari 8

(26.7%), and Nawaz 4 (13.3%), Musharraf 3 (10%), and positives adjectives appeared as; Musharraf 2 (6.7%), Zardari 2 (6.7%) and Nawaz 1(3.3%).

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 177

Table 4.41 Adjectives used by News Sources in Reports

Regime Source Category No. of Reports Adjectives Frequency Percent Positive 1 20.0 APNS 05 Negative 3 60.0 Neutral 1 20.0 Positive 1 20.0

Musharraf CPNE 05 Negative 3 60.0 Neutral 1 20.0

PFUJ 05 Negative 5 100.0 05 Negative 4 80.0 PPF Neutral 1 20.0 IFEX 05 Negative 5 100.0 RSF 05 Negative 5 100.0 05 Negative 2 40.0 APNS Neutral 3 60.0 05 Negative 2 40.0 CPNE Neutral 3 60.0 05 Positive 1 20.0

Zardari PFUJ Negative 3 60.0 Neutral 1 20.0

05 Negative 4 80.0 PPF Neutral 1 20.0 IFEX 05 Negative 5 100.0 05 Positive 1 20.0 RSF Negative 4 80.0 Positive 1 20.0 APNS 05 Negative 2 40.0 Neutral 2 40.0 05 Negative 3 60.0 CPNE Nawaz Neutral 2 40.0 PFUJ 05 Negative 5 100.0 PPF 05 Negative 5 100.0 IFEX 05 Negative 5 100.0 RSF 05 Negative 5 100.0

Table 4.41 explains adjectives used by sources in their reports. It was observed that negative adjectives dominated most of the reports. During Musharraf regime, all 5

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 178

(100%) annual reports of IFEX, RSF and PFUJ expressed negative adjectives, whereas, PPF used negative adjectives in 4 (80%) out of 5 reports. CPNE and APNS expressed negative adjectives in 3 (60%) reports. During Zardari regime, IFEX denoted negative adjectives in all 5 (100%) reports followed by RSF and PPF with negative adjectives in 4 (80%) reports, APNS & PFUJ 3 (60%) and CPNE 2 (40%).

During Nawaz regime, PFUJ, PPF, IFEX and RSF used negative adjectives in all 5

(100%) reports, CPNE used negative adjectives in 3 (60%) while APNS in 2 (40%) reports.

Neutral adjectives occurred as; Musharraf regime: APNS, CPNE & PPF 1 (20%) report each; Zardari regime: APNS & CPNE, 3 (60%) reports each and PPF, PFUJ,

1 (20%) each, and Nawaz: APNS & CPNE, 2 (40%) and no neutral or positive adjective was used by PFUJ, PPF, IFEX and RSF. Positive adjectives Were rare as;

Musharraf era: APNS & CPNE I (20%) report each; Zaedari era: PFUJ & RSF I

(20%) report each and Nawaz era: APNS 1 (20%) report only. This great use of negative adjectives in most reports shows worse media-government relations in all three regimes, and thus offer answer to Research Question-1.

Table 4.42

Tonal Qualities in Reports

Regime Source Category Tonal Qualities Frequency Percent Aggressive 2 40.0 Emotional 1 20.0 APNS Friendly 1 20.0 Neutral 1 20.0 Musharraf Total 5 100.0 Aggressive 2 40.0 Emotional 1 20.0 CPNE Friendly 1 20.0 Neutral 1 20.0 Total 5 100.0

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 179

Regime Source Category Tonal Qualities Frequency Percent Aggressive 2 40.0 (Musharraf PFUJ Emotional 3 60.0 Regime Total 5 100.0 continues) Aggressive 2 40.0 PPF Emotional 3 60.0 Total 5 100.0 Emotional 1 20.0 IFEX Critical 4 80.0 Total 5 100.0 RSF Critical 5 100.0 Emotional 1 20.0 Neutral 1 20.0 APNS Critical 3 60.0 Total 5 100.0 Aggressive 1 20.0 Emotional 1 20.0 CPNE Neutral 2 40.0 Critical 1 20.0 Total 5 100.0 Aggressive 1 20.0 Emotional 1 20.0 PFUJ Friendly 2 40.0 Zardari Critical 1 20.0 Total 5 100.0 Aggressive 1 20.0 Emotional 2 40.0 PPF Critical 2 40.0 Total 5 100.0 Aggressive 1 20.0 Emotional 2 40.0 IFEX Critical 2 40.0 Total 5 100.0 Aggressive 1 20.0 Friendly 1 20.0 RSF Critical 3 60.0 Total 5 100.0 Nawaz Friendly 1 20.0 Neutral 3 60.0 APNS Critical 1 20.0 Regime Total 5 100.0

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 180

Source Category Tonal Qualities Frequency Percent (Nawaz Emotional 2 40.0 Regime Neutral 1 20.0 continues) CPNE Critical 2 40.0 Total 5 100.0 Aggressive 1 20.0 Emotional 2 40.0 PFUJ Critical 2 40.0 Total 5 100.0 Aggressive 1 20.0 Emotional 2 40.0 PPF Critical 2 40.0 Total 5 100.0 Aggressive 2 40.0 Emotional 1 20.0 IFEX Critical 2 40.0 Total 5 100.0 Aggressive 2 40.0 Emotional 1 20.0 RSF Critical 2 40.0 Total 5 100.0

Table 4.42 expresses that tonal qualities leading to worst and deplorable media- government relations such as “aggressive”, “emotional” and “critical” were noted enormously in most of reports. During Musharraf regime, tonal qualities were observes as; APNS: aggressive 2 (40%) emotional 1 (20%) total 3 (60%), CPNE: aggressive 2 (40%) emotional 1 (20%), total 3 (60%) PFUJ & PPF: aggressive 2

(40%) emotional 3 (60%) total 5 (100%), IFEX: critical 4 (80%) emotional 1 (20%) total 5 (100%). During Zardari regime, dominated tonal qualities in reports were noted as; APNS critical 3 (60%), emotional 1 (20%) total 4 (80%); CPNE & PFUJ: aggressive, emotional and critical 1 (20%) each total 3 (60%); PPF & IFEX: emotional and critical 2 (40%) each, aggressive, 1 (20%) total 5 (100%); RSF: critical 3 (60%), aggressive, 1 (20%) total 4 (80%).

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 181

During Nawaz regime, tonal qualities were observes as; APNS: critical 1 (20%) total

1 (20%), CPNE: emotional 2 (40%) critical 2 (40%) total 4 (80%), PFUJ & PPF: emotional 2 (40%), critical 2 (40%), aggressive 1 (20%) each total 5 (100%), IFEX

& RSF aggressive 2 (40%), critical 2 (40%), emotional 1 (20%) total 5 (100%). In aggregate, the tones suggesting worse media-government relations were found in 76

(84.44%) reports out of 90. It depicts strong inclination towards deplorable media- government relations. Neutral tone was only noted 8 (8.89%) times, whereas, the friendly tone was noted only 6 (6.67%) times in all 90 reports.

Table 4.43

Government's Treatment of Media

Regime Government's Treatment of Media Frequency Percent Anonymous Violence 2 6.7 State's Violent or Coercive Actions 17 56.7 Court Cases 1 3.3 Musharraf Facilitation 4 13.3 No violence or coercion 6 20.0 Total 30 100.0 Anonymous Violence 7 23.3 State's Violent or Coercive Actions 12 40.0 Zardari Facilitation 2 6.7 No violence or coercion 9 30.0 Total 30 100.0 Anonymous Violence 8 26.7 State's Violent or Coercive Actions 18 60.0 Nawaz No violence or coercion 4 13.3 Total 30 100.0

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 182

Table 4.43 shows different treatments of media by respective governments. Concepts such as state’s violent or coercive actions against media and anonymous violence leading to deplorable media-government relations appeared at the largest in all the three regimes. State’s violent or coercive actions against media during Nawaz regime were noted in 18 (60%) reports along with anonymous violence in 8 (26.7%) reports.

During Musharraf regime, state’s violent or coercive actions against media were noted in 17 (56.7%) reports along with anonymous actions in (6.7%) reports. The degree of state’s violent or coercive actions against media during Zardari regime was noted the minimum as compared to Nawaz and Musharraf regime and was noted in

12 (40%) reports along with anonymous violence in 7 (23.3%) reports.

Greater facilitation of the media was noted during Musharraf regime in 4 (13.3%) reports followed by Zardari regime with 2 (6.7% reports and no facilitation of media was reported during Nawaz regime. In Zardari regime, “no violence or coercion” was noted in 9 (30%) reports followed by Musharraf regime with 6 (20%) reports and the minimum with 4 reports (13.3%) during Nawaz regime.

These figures indicate that media-government relations remained worse and deplorable during all the three regimes. According to the qualitative assessment of reporting the concept of government’s treatment of the media in the reports, the ratio of deplorable media-government relations appeared largest in Nawaz regime and the minimum during Zardari regime. Media was much facilitated during Musharraf regime followed by Zardari regime and no report about media facilitation was appeared during Nawaz regime.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 183

Part-4 Comparison of Quantitative & Qualitative Results

As two procedures of quantitative and qualitative content analyses have been applied in this study, so a further comparison between results of various categories and concepts of both methodologies has also been made while exploring the relationship between descriptive statistics of both techniques, and making explanatory & exploratory review to investigate whether results of both procedures support or oppose each other’s conclusions.

Table 4.44

Comparison of Topics/Issues/Events with Adjectives in Reports A- Quantitative data B-Qualitative data (Frequency of Topics/issues) (Freq. of Reports With Adjectives) Topics/ Frequency & Overall Freq. & % Adjectives Frequency & Issues/Events Percent of Relevant Topics Percent Coercion of 473 (23.42%) Media Violence vs. 563 (27.87%) Media 1404 Negative 70 Regulation 120 (5.94%) (69.50%) (77.78%) Irresponsible 248 (12.28%) Media Facilitation 304 (15.05%) Resp. Media 234 (11.58%) 538 (26.63%) Positive 5 (5.56%) Other 78 (3.86%) 78 (3.86%) Neutral 15 (16.67%) Total 2020 (100%) 2020 (100%) Total 90 (100%)

Table 4.44 shows comparison between the frequencies (number) of topics/issues/events of quantitative analysis (Side-A) and adjectives used in reports selected for qualitative study (Side-B). The table points out that the overall number and percent of relevant topics/issues guiding towards worse media-government relations is1404 (69.50%). Similarly, the frequency and percent of category of qualitative data i.e. negative (adjective), which also signifies deplorable media- government relations, is 70 (77.78%). Percentages of both figures are falling very

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 184

near to each other. The ratio of categories of quantitative data indicating good and

normal media-government relations is 538 (26.63%), whereas that of the qualitative

data (positive adjective) is 5 (5.55%). Both figures at the opposite sides indicate a

low ratio. The figure of qualitative data shows even lower media-government

relations. The ratio of categories/concepts leading to worse media-government

relations, at both sides of the table, is far larger than the ratio of categories pointing

towards good and normal media-government relations.

Table 4.45 Comparison of Topics/Issues with Govt.’s Treatment of Media in Reports

A-Quantitative data B-Qualitative data (Frequency of Topics/issues) (Frequency of Govt’s. Treatment of Media) Topics/ Issues Frequency & Overall Freq & Govt’s. Frequency & Overall Freq. & Percent % of Relevant Treatment of Percent % of Relevant Topics Media Topics Coercion of 473 Anonymous 17 (18.89%) Media (23.42%) Violence Violence 563 1404 State's 47 (52.22%) 66 Against (27.87%) Actions Media (69.50%) (73.33%) Regulation 120 (5.94%) Court Cases 1 (1.11%) of Media Irresponsible 248 ------Media (12.28%) Facilitation 304 Facilitation 6 (6.67%) of Media (15.05%) 538 (26.63%) 25 (27.78%) Responsible 234 Responsible ----- Media (11.58%) media Other 78 (3.86%) 78 (3.86%) No violence 19 (21.11%) or coercion Total 2020 (100%) 2020 (100%) Total 90 (100%) 90 (100%)

Table 4.45 shows comparison among the topics/issues/events of quantitative analysis

(Side-A) and reports regarding concepts highlighting government’s treatment of the

media sampled for qualitative study (Side-B). The overall ratio of relevant

topics/issues/events signifying worse media-government relations is 1404 (69.50%).

Similarly, the ratio of category of qualitative data (reports) about regime’s treatment

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 185

of the media, which also denotes awful media-government relations, is 66 (73.33%).

Figures on both sides indicate a greater degree of worse media-government relations.

The figure about categories implying conducive media-government relations at Side-

A of the table is 538 (26.63%), whereas, the contending figure at Side-B is 25

(27.78%). Both figures indicating worse media-government relations (ratios) fall

very close, and are significantly larger than those suggesting favorable media-

government relations.

Table 4.46

Comparison of Frames in Items with Tonal Qualities in Reports

A-Quantitative Data B-Qualitative Data (Frames in Items) (Tonal Qualities in Reports) Frames Count & Count & % of Tonal Count & Count & % of Percent relevant frames Qualities Percent relevant frames Respons. of Govt. 453 (22.4%) Aggressive 19 (21.11%)

Conflict 52 (2.6%) 1256 Emotional 24 (26.67%) 75 (83.33%) Anti- (62.18%) government 604 (29.9%) Critical 32 (35.56%) Pro-Media 147 (7.3% Facilitation 212 (10.5%) of Media 285 Friendly 6 (6.67%) 6 (6.67%) Pro- (14.11%) government 73 (3.6%) Respon. of ------270 (13.4%) Media 479 Anti-Media 209 (10.3% (23.71%) ------Neutral ------Neutral 9 (10%) 9 (10%) Total 2020 (100% 2020 (100% Total 90 (100%) 90 (100%)

Table 4.46 shows comparison of frames in quantitative data with tonal qualities in

reports of qualitative data. Frames indicating worse media-government relations are

1256 (62.61%) out of 2020, and reports of similar tonal qualities are 75 (83.33%).

Frames indicating normal media-government relations are 285 (14.11%), and reports

of similar tonal qualities are 6 (6.67%). Anti-media frames and fixing of

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 186

responsibility of an event/issue over the media, are 479 (23.71%). Comparison in

this table also testifies worse-media government relations.

Table 4.47 Comparison of Topics/Issues/Events with Tonal Qualities in Reports

Regime A-Quantitative Data (Topics/Issues/Events) B-Qualitative Data (Tonal Qualities) Topics/Issues/ Frequency & No. & % of Tonal Frequency & No & % of

Events Percent Rel. Topics Qualities Percent Rel. Topics Coercion 222 (29.2%) Aggressive 8(26.7%) Violence 232 (30.5%) 524 Emotional 9(30.0%) 27 (68.86%) (86.7%) Regulation 38 (5.0%) Critical 9(30.0%) Musharraf Irresponsible 32 (4.2%) ------Facilitation 141 (18.5%) 210 Friendly 2(6.7%) 2(6.7%)

Responsible 69 (9.1%) (27.60%) Other 27 (3.5%) 27 (3.5%) Neutral 2(6.7%) 2(6.7%) Total 761 (100.0%) 761(100.0%) Total 30(100.0%) 30(100.0%) Coercion 122 (20.1%) Aggressive 5(16.7%) Violence 178 (29.3%) 408 Emotional 7(23.3%) 24 (67.11%) (80%) Regulation 34 (5.6%) Critical 12(40.0%)

Zardari Irresponsible 74 (12.2%) ------Facilitation 87 (14.3%) 177 Friendly 3(10.0%) 3(10.0%) Responsible 90 (14.8%) (29.11%) Other 23 (3.8%) 23 (3.8%) Neutral 3(10.0%) 3(10.0%) 608 (100.0%) 608 (100.0%) Total Total 30(100.0%) 30(100.0%) Coercion 129 (19.8%) Aggressive 6(20.0%) Violence 153 (23.5%) 472 Emotional 8(26.7%) 25 (72.50%) (83.33%) Regulation 48 (7.4%) Critical 11(36.7%)

Nawaz Irresponsible 142 (21.8%) ------Facilitation 76 (11.7%) 1(3.3%) 1(3.3%)

151 (23.2%) Friendly Responsible 75 (11.5%) Other 28 (4.3%) 28 (4.3%) Neutral 4(13.3%) 4(13.3%) Total 651(100.0%) 651(100.0%) Total 30(100.0%) 30(100.0%)

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 187

Table 4.47 indicates at regime-wise comparison of topics/issues/events in quantitative data with tonal qualities in reports of qualitative data. During Pervez

Musharraf era, the ratio of topics suggesting worse media-government relations, is

524 (68.86%) out of 761, and the ratio of reports with tonal qualities referring to the same situation is 27 (86.7%) out of 30. Qualitative data suggests even further worse relations. Ratio of other categories specifying favourable conditions for media- government relations during Musharraf era is 210 (27.60%) and 2 (6.7%) only, which is very lowest as compared to the ratio indicating worse relations.

Both quantitative and qualitative data figures indicating deplorable media- government relations, are dominantly greater than the ratio suggesting conducive media-government relations. Similarly, during Zardari era, the quantitative data categories pointing to worse media-government relations are 408 (67.11%) out of total 608, and the reports with such tonal qualities in qualitative data are 24 (80%).

Both figures indicate a strong inclination towards deplorable media-government relations. Other categories suggesting conducive media-government relations are

177 (29.11%) in quantitative data and only 3 (10%) reports are in qualitative data.

The figures indicating worse media-government relations are enormously larger.

During Nawaz era, the quantitative categories designating worse media-government relations are 472 (72.5%) out of total 651, and reports in qualitative data with similar tonal qualities are 25 (83.33%). The quantitative figure signifying conducive media- government relations, is 151 (23.2%), and qualitative figure is1 (3.3%) only. The comparison shows that the quantitative and qualitative figures suggesting worse media-government relations are dominantly greater than those, which suggest good and normal media-government relations

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 188

Table 4.48 Comparison of Slant with Adjectives in Reports A-Quantitative Data B - Qualitative Data (Slant in Items) (Adjectives in Reports) Regime Slant Freq. Percent Adjectives Freq. Percent

Musharraf Favourable 137 18.0 Positive 2 6.7 Unfavourable 480 63.1 Negative 25 83.3 Neutral 144 18.9 Neutral 3 10.0 Total 761 100.0 Total 30 100.0 Favourable 74 12.2 Positive 2 6.7

Zardari Unfavourable 388 63.8 Negative 20 66.7 Neutral 146 24.0 Neutral 8 26.7

Total 608 100.0 Total 30 100.0 Favourable 99 15.2 Positive 1 3.3

Nawaz Unfavourable 323 49.6 Negative 25 83.3 Neutral 229 35.2 Neutral 4 13.3

Total 651 100.0 Total 30 100.0

Table 4.48 shows regime-wise comparison of slant in quantitative data with adjectives in qualitative data. During Musharraf regime, the ratio of unfavourable slant was 480 (63.1%), and of the negative adjectives was 25 (83%); the ratio of favourable slant was 137 (18.0%) and positive adjectives was noted 2 (6.7%).

During Zardari regime, the ratio of unfavourable slants was 388 (63.8%) and negative adjectives was 20 (66.7%); the ratio of favourable slant was recorded as

74(12.2%) and positive adjectives was noted as 2 (6.7%). Thus, the ratio of unfavourable slant and negative adjective is very much larger in Musharraf and

Zardari eras. During Nawaz regime, the ratio of unfavourable slant appeared 323

(49.6%) and negative adjectives was 25 (83.3%); the ratio of favourable slant was found 99(15.2%) and the ratio of positive adjectives was 1 (3.3%). During Nawaz regime, the ratio of unfavourable slant is not as much greater as in other two regimes. However, the negative adjective is very much larger than the others.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 189

CHAPTER 5 FINDINGS, RESULTS, DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS

This study was mainly focused at to understand the overall phenomena of media- government relations in general, to briefly review the history of these relations in

Pakistan, and to explore the nature of media’s relations with the regimes of Pervez

Musharraf, Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif, in particular. Theoretical foundations of this research work were based on Framing Theory and the concept of Slant to investigate how the media-government relations were perceived and viewed by the media in the selected three regimes. Despite many pros and cons, media is perceived as a very reliable and authentic source of information, as we have to rely solely on the media for receiving multiple types of information of daily use, let say, we start from usual daily weather update, and go further to know the latest scientific achievements and incredible discoveries. Hence, the media was used as source of information to investigate media- government relations, taking newspapers as sample.

As framing theory highlights choosing of some specific aspects of different issues and concepts in a particular context to make them more prominent in a piece of communication, hence, some key generic frames such as responsibility of media, responsibility of government, and conflict were taken from Semetko & Valkenburg

(2000) Model. Other pertinent issue-specific frames, i.e. pro-media, pro-government, anti-media, anti-government and facilitation, identified within the problem, were analyzed in the study. Important variables in the study included; the three regimes of

Pervez Musharraf, Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif as dependent variables, and coercion of media, violence against media, regulation of media, facilitation of media, responsible media and irresponsible media as independent variables to see their impact over media-

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 190 government relations during the specified governments. Other variables included genre, news source, slant and length & placement of items.

Both quantitative and qualitative content techniques were used in this work. The topic was delimited to the analysis of three regimes of Pervez Musharraf, Asif Zardari and

Nawaz Sharif. Population sample was also confined to only four (4) newspapers out of a total number of 399 dailies, with the technique of Constructed Week sampling. To set the foundation of the present study on sound footing, a very thorough and extensive review of available literature about the issue was made, which also helped in building theoretical perspective and formation of hypotheses of the study. Keeping in view the quantitative and qualitative content methodologies, two separate code sheets were developed as primary instruments for analysis. Reliability and validity of the study instruments was carefully checked and amendments were made accordingly.

Data was obtained from the National Library of Pakistan, the Lexis-Nexis data-base, web-sites of pertinent quarters, and from the internet sources. Relevant Statistical apparatuses were used in data analysis through the application of SPSS. Descriptive statistics were carried out to form tables, graphs and charts to furnish results and provide answers to Research Questions. ANOVA and multiple regression tests were applied through the SPSS Version 21 to check the hypotheses. For qualitative content analysis,

Nvivo::12 Plus software was used to make nodes, codes and maps to explain relationship among relevant concepts.

To investigate media-government relations in Pakistan during Pervez Musharraf, Asif

Zardari and Nawaz Sharif’s regimes, which collectively formed a period of 15 years

(5475 days), the total sampling frame was 2880 days (102 weeks) for quantitative content analysis. Daily issues of four newspapers (two English & two Urdu) i.e. Dawn,

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 191

The News, Nawa-i-Waqt and Express, were also sample of the study. For qualitative content analysis, data was collected from four (4) Pakistani sources i.e. APNS, CPNE,

PFUJ, PPF, and two (2) global sources i.e. IFEX and RSF.

5.1 Discussion over Findings and Results of the Study

Findings and results of the study are discussed as below:

i. During quantitative content analysis, relevant genres about media-government

relations appeared on only 1289 (44.76%) days out of a total sample of 2880, and

no pertinent genres were published by respective newspapers on 1591 (55.24%)

days. For qualitative analysis, 60 (66.7%) reports from Pakistani, and 30 (33.3%)

reports from global sources were taken.

ii. Out of 2020 items, the largest number i.e. 761 (37.7%) of genres was published

in Musharraf era followed by 651 (32.2%) items during Nawaz regime. The

smallest number i.e. 607 (30.1%) of items about the topic, was printed in the

government of Zardari. iii. In context-wise qualitative analysis, out of 90 reports, 65 (72.22) were found

issue-based, and 25 (27.78%) as event-based. Issue-based reports dominated in

Nawaz regime with 26 (86.7%), followed by Zardari era with 22 (73.3%), and

Musharraf era with 17 (56.7%) number, as compared to event-based reports. iv. Content analysis revealed that Nawa-i-Waqt offered the highest coverage during

Musharraf era with 225 (29.6%) news items followed by Dawn with 201 (26.4%)

items. The News published the highest number of genres during Zardari regime

with 226 (34.7%) items, followed by Dawn and Nawa-i-Waqt with equal number

of 150 (24.7%) items each. The News gave highest coverage to related issues

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 192

during Nawaz regime with 226 (34.7%) items, followed by Express 190 (29.2%),

Dawn, 131(20.1%), and the least coverage was offered by Nawa-i-Waqt with 104

(16%) items during Nawaz era.

v. During content analysis, it was also found that The News published the greatest

number of 598 (29.60%) genres followed by the daily Dawn with 482 (23.86%)

items. Nawa-i-Waqt published 479 (23.71%) genres, whereas, the lowest number

of items i.e. 461(22.82%), on the topic and related issues, was published by the

daily Express.

vi. It was found that out of 2020 genres, 1086 (53.8%) items were event-based and

934 (46.2%) items were issue-based. Thus almost equal coverage was given to

the issue of media-government relations from the perspective of various events

as well as issues. The event-based coverage was slightly higher than that of the

issue-based coverage.

vii. Out of 1086 event-based genres, the highest number 433 (39.9%) fell during

Musharraf regime, followed by 330 (30.4%) during Nawaz regime, and the least

number of 323 (29.7%) during Zardari era. Out of 934 issue-based genres, the

highest number i.e. 328 (35.1%) appeared during Musharraf regime, followed by

321 (34.4%) in Nawaz era, and the minimum number of 285 (30.5%) items

occurred during Zardari regime. viii. It was observed that out of the total 2020 items, the greatest number i.e. 1950

(94.80%) genres were obtained from private news sources, and only 105 (5.20%)

items were quoted from the official news sources. During Musharraf regime, 70

(66.7%) items were taken from official sources, followed by 26 (24.8%) in

Zardari era, and the lowest number of only 9 (8.6%) items during Nawaz regime.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 193

A sliding trend was noted in reliance over the official news sources by respective

newspapers, going from Musharraf to Nawaz regime. ix. It was found that genres denoting violence against the media dominated the

coverage with highest number of 563 (27.87%) items, followed by 473 (23.42%)

genres, which reported coercion of media. Facilitation of media was reported in

304 (15.05%), followed by irresponsible media in 248 (12.28%) items, and

responsible media with 234 (11.58%). Only 78 items felled into the “Other”

category. These findings validate various analyses and reports published from

time to time by the APNS, CPNE, CPE, IFEX, PNEC, PFUJ, PPF and other

media related bodies and media research scholars.

x. Qualitative analysis revealed that negative adjectives dominated the coverage

with 70 (77.78%) reports out of 90, followed by neutral adjectives, which were

used in 15 (16.67%) reports, and positive adjectives were found in minimum

number i.e. 5 (5.56%). It showed that the media-government relations were

discussed very negatively in majority of reports, which further portray the worst

media-government relations during the three regimes. These figures verify

assumptions and conclusions made by Akhtar and Pratt (2017), Aziz and Ḥasan

(2008). Iqbal, (2010, 2011 &2012), Riaz, (2003 & 2008), Niazi, (1982, 1992 &

1994) and many others. xi. Comparison between frequencies of topics/issues/events of quantitative analysis

and adjectives used in reports selected for qualitative study pointed out, that the

overall frequency and ratio of relevant topics/issues guiding towards the worst

media-government relations was1404 (69.50%). Similarly, the number and

percent of category of qualitative data i.e. negative (adjective), which also

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 194

signified deplorable media-government relations, was 70 (77.78%). The ratio of

percentages of both figures fell close to each other.

xii. The frequency and ratio of categories of quantitative data indicating good and

normal media-government relations, was 538 (26.63%), whereas, that of the

qualitative data (positive adjective) was 5 (5.55%). The ratio of categories and

concepts leading to worse media-government relations was far larger than the

ratio of categories pointing to good and normal media relations. It meant that

results of relevant categories and concepts of both procedures indicated worse

media-government relations during all the three regimes. xiii. Comparison among results of quantitative and qualitative analyses revealed that

the overall number and percent of relevant topics/issues/events signifying worse

media-government ties, was1404 (69.50%). Similarly, the frequency and percent

of the category of qualitative data (reports) about governments’ treatment of the

media, which also denoted the worst media-government relations, was 66

(73.33%). Ratios of both figures indicated a greater degree of worse media-

government relations. xiv. The figure of categories implying conducive media-government relations was

538 (26.63%), whereas, the contending figures of qualitative analysis was 25

(27.78%). Percentage of both ratios remained very close to each other. The

figures indicating worse media-government relations were significantly larger

than those suggesting favorable relations, hence, showing deplorable media-

government relations in the respective regimes.

xv. Regime-wise comparison of topics/issues/events in quantitative data with tonal

qualities in reports of qualitative data expressed that, during Musharraf regime

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 195

the ratio of topics suggesting worse media-government relations was 524

(68.86%) out of 761, and the ratio of reports with tonal qualities referring to the

same situation was 27 (86.7%) out of 30. The qualitative data suggested even

worse relations. Ratio of other categories specifying favourable media-

government relations during Musharraf era, was 210 (27.60%) and only 2 (6.7%)

respectively, which was very minimum as compared to the ratio indicating

deplorable relations. Both figures indicating appalling media-government

relations appeared dominantly greater than the ratio suggesting conducive media-

government relations. xvi. Similarly, during Zardari era, the quantitative data categories pointing to worse

media-government relations, were 408 (67.11%) out of total 608, and the reports

with such tonal qualities of qualitative data were 24 (80%). Both figures

indicated a strong inclination towards deplorable media-government relations.

Other categories suggesting conducive media-government relations were 177

(29.11%) in quantitative data and only 3 (10%) in qualitative data. The figures

showing worse media-government relations were enormously larger than those

figures, which supported normal media-government ties. xvii. During Nawaz era, the quantitative categories designating worse media-

government relations were 472 (72.5%) out of total 651, and reports in

qualitative data with similar tonal qualities were 25 (83.33%). The quantitative

figure signifying conducive media-government relations was 151 (23.2%), and

qualitative figure was 1, (i.e. 3.3% only). The comparison showed that both the

quantitative and qualitative figures suggesting worse media-government relations

were dominantly greater than those which suggest good and normal media-

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 196

government relations. Facts and figures in this comparison also supported the

conclusions given in previous two comparisons. xviii. Comparison of frames in quantitative data with tonal qualities in reports of

qualitative data revealed that items with frames indicating the worst media-

government relations were 1256 (62.61%) out of 2020, and reports of similar

tonal qualities were 75 (83.33%). Items with frames indicating normal and

conducive media-government relations were 285 (14.11%), and reports of

similar tonal qualities were 6 (6.67%).

xix. Items with anti-media frames and frames suggesting responsibility of an

event/issue over the media, appeared as 479 (23.71%). No reports with anti-

media tone were found in qualitative data. Comparison testified that the ratio of

frames and tonal qualities suggesting worse media-government relations

appeared dominantly, as compared to those frames and tones, which supported

favorable media-government relations.

xx. Regime-wise comparison of slant in quantitative data with adjectives in reports

of qualitative data explored that during Musharraf regime, the ratio of

unfavourable slants appeared as 480 (63.1%), and the ratio of negative adjectives

was 25 (83%); the ratio of favourable slant was found as 137 (18.0%), and the

ratio of positive adjectives remained as 2 (6.7%); the ratio of neutral slant was

144 (18.9%) and that of neutral adjectives was 3 (10%). Thus the ratio of

unfavourable slant and negative adjective was found as enormously greater than

other slants and adjectives during Musharraf regime.

xxi. During Zardari regime, the ratio of unfavourable slants was 388 (63.8%), the

ratio of negative adjectives was 20 (66.7%); the ratio of favourable slant was

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 197

74(12.2%); the ratio of positive adjectives was 2 (6.7%); the ratio of neutral slant

was 146 (24.0%); the ratio of neutral adjectives was 8 (26.7%). Here too, the

ratio of unfavourable slant and negative adjective appeared very much larger as

compared to other (positive & neutral) slants and adjectives. xxii. During Nawaz regime, the ratio of unfavourable slants was 323 (49.6%), the

ratio of negative adjectives was 25 (83.3%); the ratio of favourable slant was

99(15.2%), the ratio of positive adjectives was 1 (3.3%); the ratio of neutral slant

was 292 (35.2%) and the ratio of neutral adjectives was 4 (13.3%). During

Nawaz regime, the ratio of unfavourable slant was reported as greater than the

other slants but not as much greater as in other two regimes of Musharraf and

Zardari. However, the negative adjective was much larger as compared to other

adjectives during this period.

5.2 Conclusions

Conclusions of this study are given below in the light of research questions and

hypotheses.

The first Research Question was about the extent of coverage provided to media-

government relations in Pakistan during the regimes of Pervez Musharraf, Asif

Zardari and Nawaz Sharif. Descriptive analysis of the data revealed that ample

coverage was extended by respective newspapers to the issue of media-government

relations during the period of all the three regimes. A total number of 2020

newspapers items were published in 1289 days with an average of 1.57 genres per

day. The largest number i.e. 761 (37.7%) of genres was published in the period of

Musharraf followed by 651 (32.2%) items during Nawaz era. The smallest number

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 198 i.e. 607 (30.1%) of newspapers items about the topic was appeared in the regime of

Zardari.

It was found that genres denoting violence against media dominated the coverage with the highest number of 563 (27.87%) items followed by 473 (23.42%) genres which reported coercion of the media. Facilitation of media was reported in 304

(15.05%) items followed by the irresponsible media with 248 (12.28%) items, and responsible media with 234 (11.58%). Items predicting worse media-government relations collectively made a sum of 1404 (69.50%) of the total 2020. Categories signifying good/normal media-government relations like facilitation of media and responsible media jointly formed a number of 538 (26.63%) out of the total 2020.

Thus, the coverage was heavily dominated with deplorable media-government relations during all the three regimes.

The second Research Question enquired that which of the three governments kept tight control over the media and focused very much on media-related legislation, rules & regulations. The results revealed that that out of 563 genres about violence against media, the highest number of 232 (41.2%) items was reported during the

Musharraf regime. Similarly, in category “coercion of media”, also predicting deplorable media-government relations with total number of 473 items, again, the highest number of 222 (46.9%-nearly half) genres were reported during Musharraf era. It indicated that Musharraf regime kept tight control over the media.

Research Question No-3 pertained to the treatment of all the three governments by the media in coverage with respect to media-government relations issues. Frames analysis denoted that frames indicating worse/deplorable media-government relations dominated the coverage, and frames suggesting normal media-government

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 199 relations were smaller in number. The total number of items predicting deplorable media-government relations appeared to be as 1588 (78.61%) of the total, and genres envisaging conducive media-government relations, were 432 (21.39%) out of the entire 2020 newspapers items. Thus, the media largely treated all the three regimes with negative framing in their coverage with respect to media-government relations.

The 4th Research Question asked that which of the three governments facilitated the media more by taking steps for the media freedom, development and training & well-being of journalists. From the analysis of the category of “facilitation”, it was observed that the greatest number 141 (46.4%) of genres was reported during

Musharraf regime. The second highest number 87(28.6%) was recorded during

Zardari regime, and the minimum number of 76 (25%) items were reported during

Nawaz era. It denoted that apart from suppression, Musharraf also facilitated the media more, than that of the Zardari and Nawaz regimes. This supports assertions made by Khurshid, (1963), Iqbal (2011 & 2012), Peshimam, (2013) and others.

This study was comprised of three hypotheses. In the first hypothesis, it was presumed that the situation of media-government relations in Pakistan during the military regime of General Pervez Musharraf remained worse than that of the two civilian regimes of Asif Zardari & Nawaz Sharif. One-way ANOVA was applied to test the hypothesis. Regime Period was taken as dependent variable, and the categories of topics/issues/events were made as independent variable to determine the degree of variance in dependent variable. Results showed that the mean difference amongst the three regimes as; Musharraf 2.61, Zardari 3.17 and Nawaz

3.50. Standard deviation score from mean values appeared as: Musharraf, 1.638,

Zardari, 1.849, Nawaz, 1.993. Mean value during Musharraf era was the lowest i.e.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 200

2.61 which means that media-government relations were the worst during Musharraf regime, as compared to two other regimes.

Results of two Robust (Welch & Brown-Forsythe Robust) Tests for Equality of

Means of the hypothesis indicated a significance value of .000, which means significant difference. ANOVA test of H-1 proved that the situation of media- government relations in Pakistan during the military regime of General Pervez

Musharraf remained highly the worst followed by Zardari regime, and the Nawaz regime appeared to be as the least worst among the three regimes. However, the situation remained worse in all the three regimes. Hence H-1 was supported.

Second hypothesis of the study was: “It is more likely that the military regime of

Pervez Musharraf was more criticized by the media than the two civilian governments of Asif Zardari & Nawaz Sharif”. Taking regimes as dependent variable and frames in items as independent variables, ANOVA test showed the mean scores as; Musharraf 4.55, Zardari 4.11, and Nawaz Sharif 4.19. Standard variation appeared as 2.222, 2.420 and 2.718 respectively, whereas, standard error fell as .081, .098, and .107 respectively. Difference between Mean values of all regimes remains very low but it remained comparatively larger during the Musharraf regime which means that the regime of Musharraf was less criticized by the media, as compared to the eras of Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif. Thus, assumption made in

H-2 was not supported.

Result of Welch Robust test indicated a significance value of .001, whereas, result of

Brown-Forsythe Robust test showed a significance value of .002, which means that difference between the mean values exited but it was not significant. ANOVA test of

H-II proved that difference between Mean values of all regimes remained very low,

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 201 but it remained comparatively larger during Musharraf regime, which means that the regime of Musharraf was less criticized by the media as compared to the other two regimes of Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif.

Third hypothesis of the study was: “It is more likely that there existed significant difference in media-government relations during all the three regimes of Pervez

Musharraf, Asif Zardari & Nawaz Sharif”. To know the difference, Tukey Post Hoc

Test of Multiple Comparisons was conducted. Regimes were placed as dependent variables, wherea,s the categories of topics/issues/events were taken as independent variables.

ANOVA test showed Mean Difference (I-J) scores for Comparison of Musharraf’s regime with Zardari and Nawaz regimes as; Zardari -.563*, and Nawaz -.888*.

Standard Error fell as; Zardari .099, Nawaz Sharif .097. Significance of difference was shown as 0.000, which indicated significant difference between comparison of

Musharraf’s era with Zardari and Nawaz eras. For Comparison of Zardari’s regime with Musharraf and Nawaz regimes, the Mean Difference (I-J) scores appeared as:

Musharraf .563*, Nawaz -.325*. Standard Error fell as; Musharraf .099, Nawaz .103.

Significance of difference between Zardari and Musharraf regimes was shown as

0.000, which is significant difference. Significance of difference between Zardari and Nawaz regimes was noted as .005, which means that difference existed in media-government relations between Zardari and Nawaz regimes, but it was not much significant as that of the difference, which existed between Zardari and

Musharraf regimes. Thus H-III was partially supported.

A very brief of some key conclusions is given below:

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 202

1. Ample coverage was given to the issue of media-government relations by

the media especially the selected four newspapers. Worse situation of

media-government relations was dominantly reported in the periods of all

the three regimes.

2. Analysis revealed that genres predicting the worst media-government

relations highly dominated the newspapers coverage as compared to

genres signifying good and normal media-government relations during all

the three regimes.

3. The phenomena of highest degree of media suppression and very

interestingly, the maximum media facilitation, both were reported during

Musharraf era by the respective newspapers.

4. ANOVA test supported the notion of the worst media-government

relations during General Pervez Musharraf era as compared to Asif

Zardari and Nawaz Sharif regimes.

5. As reported by respective newspapers, results indicated that Musharraf’s

regime was less criticized by the media, as compared to Zardari & Nawaz

regimes. Hence, the assumption in the 2nd hypothesis was not supported.

6. Significant difference in media-government relations was noted in

comparison of Musharraf’s era with Zardari & Nawaz regimes.

Relatively less significant difference between Zardari & Nawaz regimes

was observed.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 203

5.3 Suggestions and Recommendations

The overall sphere of “Media-government relations” is enormously broad, which is a

sub-area of the vast orbit of Political Communication. This study has only explored

media-government relations in Pakistan during the regimes of Pervez Musharraf,

Asif Zardri and Nawaz Sharif. Many other relevant topics, issues and problems

falling under the ambit of media-government relations in Pakistan could not be

covered in this study, which may be investigated by researchers in future studies.

Some suggestions and recommendations for future research in this area are given

below: i. The emergence of sudden political upheavals in Pakistan has been witnessed

many times in the past, which have impacted the entire social fabric and every

aspect of our society. Gigantic and multifaceted political events and complex

issues also cast considerable shades over media-government relations, like the

Lawyers Movement (2007) and Panama Papers (2017). Impacts of significant

political issues or events on media-government relations in Pakistan can be

studied in future as Case Study or with any other research methodology. ii. In Pakistan in particular, government controlled (official) advertisements have

been excessively used as an effective tool to muzzle, manage and control the

media, and to force the critical and unbiased sections of the media to bend down

and follow dictates of the regimes. Although some studies have already been

carried out on this issue, however, a comprehensive study on the role of official

advertisements in shaping the media-government relations in Pakistan, may also

be conducted in future.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 204 iii. Many popular private News TV channels air popular current affairs and political

talk-shows in the evening between 19 to 23 hours on daily basis. Most of the

times, very heated debates on socio-political or other issues are held in these

talk-shows among representatives and supporters of various political parties, and

usually government of the day comes under ruthless criticism. As consequent,

many TV Talk Shows have been shut-down, and anchors faced warnings, fines

and bans. These Evening talk shows may also have caused significant effects

over the media-government relations. Studies may be conducted to investigate

the impacts of Evening TV Talk Shows on Media-government relations or to

explore various factors which influence agenda setting process of these Evening

TV talk shows. iv. Having been acknowledged as 4th pillar of the state, today’s media are supposed

to have necessary checks on other pillars of the state with their effective

watchdog role, in order to protect fundamental rights of the people. A study on

the impact of the media watchdog role on their relations with the government

may also be conducted in future research.

v. Some powerful media groups have established their sway over the media arena

of Pakistan. A few of them have a long historical existence since the time of the

birth of Pakistan and have deep-rooted influence in Pakistani society like the

Jang, Herald and Nawa-i-Waqt groups. Moreover, some industrial and business

barons having strong political backing and support, have also invested their

wealth in media sector with cross media ownership in the new millennium. It has

led to the emergence of commercially competitive media market in Pakistan,

which has also become an important stake-holder in overall affairs of the

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 205

country. Studies in future may be carried out to explore the new horizon of

media-government relations in the perspectives of emerged media political

economy in Pakistan. vi. Since the birth of Pakistan in 1947 till today, a great sense of doubt and lack of

trust has remained prevailed between the state, governments and the press over

the mechanism of press-related laws and regulations. This process has always

been skeptically viewed as to silence all critical voices, suppress freedom of

expression and muzzle the dissenting opinion. Journalists and media circles in

Pakistan have constantly made hue & cry, whenever, there has been any sort of

effort to introduce media-related laws and rules & regulations. An exclusive

study on the impacts of Media laws on media-government relations can be

conducted to explore the causes of resistance and denounce of media-related

legislation in Pakistan. vii. Media are a composition of three key stakeholders i.e. 1) Owners or Media

Houses, 2) Editors, and 3) Working Journalists (field reporters). In this study,

media was taken and defined as a whole, which comprised of all these three key

players and stakeholders. A significant question and aspect, which has not been

dealt in this study and is leftover for other future studies and researchers, is that,

who is the ultimate beneficiary, and who is the key sufferer (victim) and looser

in issues & problems between media and governments. Studies in the formats of

Survey Research, Historical descriptive analysis or Case Studies, may be

conducted on this particular area in future to know the exact nature of this

problem.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 206

5.4 Limitations of the Study

Due to the constraints of time and resources, this particular study has been curtailed to the media-government relations in Pakistan. Moreover, Pakistan has a long history of 72 years (up to 2019), and same is the time-span of history of press/media- government relations in Pakistan. So out of this long history, the present study has been furthered limited up to only three regimes of General Musharraf, Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif. Furthermore, out of a long period of 5475 days (15years), a net sampling frame of 2880 days (102 weeks) was taken for data analysis. Newspapers sample was also limited to only four dailies (two Urdu & two English) out of a total sum of 399 dailies that were published during the study period. These are some limitations of this research study.

5.5 Implications of the Study

The subject of the media-government relations will go side-by-side in the world with the existence of modern-day state, the working of government, and the ever increasing role of the media in society. Besides existing and recognized issues pertained to media government relations, some new and complex concerns of significant importance for the government as well as the media will also emerge in this area in future. This study will be helpful for exploring relevant and prospective issues and topics in this particular area in future.

Apart from the academia, researchers, and students of the media & communication, findings and results of this study will also be beneficial for the media houses, media- owners, editors, journalists, human rights organs, journalists’ bodies and media- research organizations, Moreover, this research work may also be used in as reference material in the literature reviews of future research works to be conducted

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 207 by the academia, scholars and researchers. This study may also be beneficial up to some extent for the researchers of the disciplines of history, political science and political communication.

Along-side having some specific importance, this study may also happen to be of generic importance in future. The general public and regular readers may also benefit from this work to have a deep look into the field of media-government relations in

Pakistan and get insight from it. Finally, results, findings and conclusions of this study may also work as a guideline for the policy makers, media planners, executives of official media organizations, government officials in media-related organizations and other state institutions.

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 208

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Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 229

Appendix-A CODING SCHEME (For Quantitative Content Analysis) Year------

lsion Impu News e Sourc News

Topics/Issues/Events Period Genre Slant Length of Placement of Story Frames Story in Section

Above 1001 Above

201 Media of Responsibility

01 01 01

Inner Pages Inner

Up to 200 words 200 to Up

Inner Pages Pages Inner

Front Page Page Front

Responsibility of Govt of Responsibility

Back Page Page Back

Front Page Lowe Half Lowe Page Front

Back Page Page Back

Irresponsible Media Irresponsible

Responsible Media Responsible

- - -

501

01 04 06

Letter to Editor to Letter

500

Event Based Event

Unfavorable

- - -

Issue Based Issue

Facilitation Facil Anti

News story News

Regulation -

2003 2008 2013

Pro

News Paper News

Favorable

Anti

1000 Lengthy 1000 Pro

Coercion

Violence

Editorial

Conflict

Column

Official

Feature Neutral

Private

words Medium words

Months Other Other

Regime

Weeks

ed. Page ed.

Date -

Day

media

itation

- media

- - - govt.

Upper Half Upper

- Half Upper

Lowe Half Lowe

govt

31 31 31

Upper Half Upper

Lowe Half Lowe

V. lengthy V.

- - -

12 03 05

Small

- - -

2007 2013 2018

VPBUH

VTIRM VPFUH VPBLH VPBLH

VLSVL

VPI

VTRM

VPRM VFRM VFAM

VLSM VFPM

VGLE VFRG VFAG

VPRN VGNS VNSO

VPOE

VPRZ VFPG

VNSP VLSL

VLSS

VIEB

VGO

VGC

VIIB VTO VGE

VTV VTV VTR VGF

VFC

VTF VSU VSN

VFF

VSF

1 2 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 1 2 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Media-government Relations during Musharraf, Zardari & Nawaz Regimes 230

Appendix-B CODING SCHEME (For Qualitative Content Analysis)

Categories of Variables

Vis. Imagery Imagery Vis.

Relationship Relationship

Credibility

Nature of of Nature

with Text with

behavior

Context

of News of

Regime

Source Source Source

Media

Year Govt’s. Tonal Source Category Adjectives Verbs Viewpoint Treatment

Qualities

of Media

Violence Anony.

Highly CredibleHighly

Indirect party

State Actions

Irresponsible

Responsible

Direct Party CasesCourt

Facilitation

Aggressive

Emotional

Anti

Pro

Pakistani

Negative

Credible

Friendly

Positive

Neutral Neutral Passive rd Neutral Critical

Global

Active

APNS CPNE

Event

PFUJ IFEX

Issue

RSF

PPF

Person

govt.

1 2 1 2 3 4 5 6 1 2 1 2 3 1 2 1 2 3 1 2 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 1 2 3 4 1 2