European Electoral Heritage
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Joint Opinion on Amendments to the Electoral Code of Bulgaria
Strasbourg, Warsaw, 19 June 2017 CDL-AD(2017)016 Opinion no. 867/2016 Or. Engl. ODIHR Opinion-Nr.: ELE-BGR/307/2017 EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) OSCE OFFICE FOR DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS AND HUMAN RIGHTS (OSCE/ODIHR) BULGARIA JOINT OPINION ON AMENDMENTS TO THE ELECTORAL CODE Adopted by the Council of Democratic Elections at its 59th meeting (Venice, 15 June 2017) and by the Venice Commission at its 111th Plenary Session (Venice, 16-17 June 2017) on the basis of comments by Mr Oliver KASK (Member, Estonia) Mr Eirik HOLMØYVIK (Substitute Member, Norway) Ms Christina BINDER (Expert, OSCE/ODIHR) This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. www.venice.coe.int CDL-AD(2017)016 - 2 - Contents I. Introduction ................................................................................................................ 3 II. Executive summary ................................................................................................... 4 III. General comments .................................................................................................... 5 IV. Electoral system ........................................................................................................ 7 V. Election administration ............................................................................................... 8 VI. Voter lists, voter registration and candidate registration ........................................... 10 VII. Campaigning .......................................................................................................... -
Joint Opinion on the Election Code of Bulgaria
Strasbourg, 21 June 2011 CDL-AD(2011)013 Opinion No. 607 / 2011 Or. Engl. EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) AND OSCE OFFICE FOR DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS AND HUMAN RIGHTS (OSCE/ODIHR) JOINT OPINION ON THE ELECTION CODE OF BULGARIA Adopted by the Council for Democratic Elections at its 37 th meeting (Venice, 16 June 2011) and by the Venice Commission at its 87 th plenary session (Venice, 17-18 June 2011) based on comments by Mr Oliver KASK (Member, Estonia) Mr Ugo MIFSUD BONNICI (Member, Malta) Mr Kåre VOLLAN (Expert, Norway) Mr Denis PETIT (Expert, OSCE/ODIHR) This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. www.venice.coe.int CDL-AD(2011)013 - 2 - Table of contents I. Introduction................................................................................................................ - 3 - II. General Comments.................................................................................................... - 6 - III. Right to Vote and be Elected ................................................................................. - 6 - IV. Election Administration .......................................................................................... - 9 - V. Political Party Registration....................................................................................... - 10 - A. Signatures and deposits ...................................................................................... - 10 - B. Registration ........................................................................................................ -
The European Parliament Elections in Bulgaria Are Likely to Reinforce the Country's Political Stalemate Between Left and Right
The European Parliament elections in Bulgaria are likely to reinforce the country’s political stalemate between left and right blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2014/04/14/the-european-parliament-elections-in-bulgaria-are-likely-to-reinforce- the-countrys-political-stalemate-between-left-and-right/ 14/04/2014 The Bulgarian government currently lacks a majority in the country’s national parliament, with the governing coalition counting on support from 120 out of 240 MPs. Kyril Drezov writes that the upcoming European elections will likely be fought on the basis of this domestic situation, with European issues playing only a minor role, and the majority of seats being distributed between the two largest parties: the Bulgarian Socialist Party and the Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria (GERB). European Parliament Elections are still fairly new for Bulgaria – the 2014 elections will be only the third since accession. Like previous EP elections in 2007 and 2009, their function is purely as a test for changes in national politics. The present election campaign is overwhelmingly dominated by domestic concerns and is notable for the absence of EU-related issues. As a leftover from the accession days, the European Union is still considered ‘a good thing’ in Bulgaria and does not generate much passion. There is consensus amongst Bulgarians that key European policies are shaped somewhere else, and that Sofia’s role is to adapt to these policies whatever shape they may take. The big traditional players in Bulgarian politics gravitate towards particular European party families – Socialist, Christian Democratic and Liberal – and in their election manifestoes mostly parrot whatever line these party families take on the big European issues. -
THE ELECTIONS for the EU PARLIAMENT in BULGARIA CONFIRMED the POLITIAL SATUS QUO Evgeniy Kandilarov
ISSN: 2560-1601 Vol. 18, No. 4 (BG) May 2019 Bulgaria external relations briefing: THE ELECTIONS FOR THE EU PARLIAMENT IN BULGARIA CONFIRMED THE POLITIAL SATUS QUO Evgeniy Kandilarov 1052 Budapest Petőfi Sándor utca 11. +36 1 5858 690 Kiadó: Kína-KKE Intézet Nonprofit Kft. [email protected] Szerkesztésért felelős személy: Chen Xin Kiadásért felelős személy: Huang Ping china-cee.eu 2017/01 THE ELECTIONS FOR THE EU PARLIAMENT IN BULGARIA CONFIRMED THE POLITIAL SATUS QUO What does it show the just finished elections for the European Parliament in Bulgaria? Traditionally the Interest of Bulgarian population towards such kind of elections is very low. That’s why usually most of the Bulgarians basically don’t vote for anyone. Those who vote usually are doing it not because of the rational reason of choice reflecting on some kind of platform or vision regarding the future development of the European Union, its policies, further Institutional development of future legislation process in the European Parliament which has a direct influence on the National development of every member state of the Union. The Bulgarians are feeling all this issues quite abstract and distant from their real life and current problems related with a concrete living conditions, economic difficulties and shortages as well as series of social issues which most of the Bulgarians connect rather with the domestic political agenda than with the Brussels administration. In the mind of many Bulgarians the members of the European Parliament are just clerks who live far away from Bulgaria and its real problems and just take extraordinarily high salaries for doing work that is hardly noticeable and understandable inside the country. -
IFES Faqs Elections in Bulgaria: 2021 Parliamentary Elections March 2021
Elections in Bulgaria 2021 Parliamentary Elections Frequently Asked Questions Europe and Eurasia International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | USA | www.IFES.org March 31, 2021 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 What is at stake in these elections? ............................................................................................................. 1 What is the electoral system? ....................................................................................................................... 2 Who is eligible to run as a candidate? .......................................................................................................... 2 Who is eligible to vote, and how many registered voters are there? .......................................................... 3 What are the campaign timeline and expenditure and donation limits?..................................................... 4 What is the election management body? What are its powers? ................................................................. 5 How is the election management body protecting the elections and voters from COVID-19? ................... 6 What is the election management body doing to strengthen its technology and procedures to resist vulnerabilities and counter malign interference? ....................................................................................... -
ACCEPT PLURALISM 2012-05 Bulgaria New
ROBERT SCHUMAN CENTRE FOR ADVANCED STUDIES VOTING RIGHTS OF BULGARIAN MINORITIES: Case of Roma and of Bulgarian Turks with Dual Bulgarian-Turkish Citizenship Maya Kosseva, Marko Hajdinjak IMIR 2012/05 4. National Case Studies - Political Life Final Country Reports EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE , FLORENCE ROBERT SCHUMAN CENTRE FOR ADVANCED STUDIES VOTING RIGHTS OF BULGARIAN MINORITIES: Case of Roma and of Bulgarian Turks with Dual Bulgarian-Turkish Citizenship Maya Kosseva, Marko Hajdinjak IMIR WP4 National Case Studies of Challenges to Tolerance in Political Life D 4.1 Final Country Reports on Concepts and Practices of Tolerance Addressing Cultural Diversity in Political Life © 2012 Maya Kosseva, Marko Hajdinjak This text may be downloaded only for personal research purposes. Additional reproduction for other purposes, whether in hard copies or electronically, requires the consent of the author(s), editor(s). If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the research project, the year and the publisher. Published by the European University Institute Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies Via dei Roccettini 9 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole - Italy ACCEPT PLURALISM Research Project, Tolerance, Pluralism and Social Cohesion: Responding to the Challenges of the 21 st Century in Europe European Commission, DG Research Seventh Framework Programme Social Sciences and Humanities grant agreement no. 243837 www.accept-pluralism.eu www.eui.eu/RSCAS/ Available from the EUI institutional repository CADMUS cadmus.eui.eu Tolerance, Pluralism and Social Cohesion: Responding to the Challenges of the 21st Century in Europe (ACCEPT PLURALISM) ACCEPT PLURALISM is a Research Project, funded by the European Commission under the Seventh Framework Program. -
Idp Voting Rights in Ukraine
UKRAINE FEBRUARY 2019 VOTING RIGHTS OF INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS IN UKRAINE © UA News / Voting in elections in Ukraine © UA News / Voting in elections in Ukraine houses BACKGROUND houses 1 There are 1.4 million internally displaced people (IDPs) registered in Ukraine , who have Intention of IDPs to vote in the been displaced from Crimea and Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts. They make up 4% of next presidential and parliamentary elections voters i n Ukraine. In 2019, Ukraine will hold presidential election in March and parliamentary elections in October. Local elections will follow in October 2020. It is important that IDPs are able to I am going to 2 vote in these elections. vote 21 I am not going to vote Voting rights are key for successful long-term integration of IDPs, as voting ensures that 44 Do not know IDPs have a voice in their community, encourages IDPs to participate in their community, No response and helps to ensure that elected officials are accountable to all those residing in their 33 constituencies. In Ukraine, changes in legislation are required for IDPs to enjoy full voting rights. IDP VOTING RIGHTS IN UKRAINE Although IDPs are guaranteed the same rights to vote by international law as other Reasons for not voting in citizens of their country, in Ukraine voting rights are linked to residence registration. As the next presidential and parliamentary© intv.ua elections IDPs’ permanent residence registration is in their place of origin (Crimea or non- % of those intending not to vote government controlled areas of Luhansk and Donetsk oblast, NGCA), they are not able to vote in their current community. -
Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock Or Re-Start? Ukraineukraine and and NATO: NATO: Ukraine Has Over the Past Ten Years Developed a Very Close Partnership with NATO
Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock or Re-start? UkraineUkraine and and NATO: NATO: Ukraine has over the past ten years developed a very close partnership with NATO. Key areas of Deadlock or Re-start? consultation and co-operation include, for instance, peacekeeping operations, and defence and Deadlock or Re-start? security sector reform. NATO’s engagement serves two vital purposes for Ukraine. First, it enhan- Jakob Hedenskog ces Ukraine’s long-term security and serves as a guarantee for the independence of the state; and JAKOB HEDENSKOG second, it promotes and encourages democratic institutionalisation and spreading of democratic norms and values in the country. JAKOB HEDENSKOG Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock or Re-start NATO’s door for Ukraine remains open. The future development of the integration depends on Ukraine’s correspondence to the standards of NATO membership, on the determination of its political leadership, and on an effective mobilisation of public opinion on NATO membership. This report shows that Ukraine has made progress in reaching the standards for NATO membership, especially in the spheres of military contribution and interoperability. However the absence of national consensus and lack of political will and strategic management of the government hamper any effective implementation of Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration. It is also crucial to neutralise Russia’s influence, which seriously hampers Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic course. Leading representati- ves of the current leadership, especially Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych and his Party of Regions of Ukraine, prefer for the moment continued stable relations with Russia rather than NATO mem- ? bership. Jakob Hedenskog is a security policy analyst at the Swedish Defence Re- search Agency (FOI) specialised on Ukraine. -
English Version of This Report Is the Only Official Document
LIMITED ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Republic of Bulgaria —Presidential and Municipal Elections, 23 October 2011 STATEMENT OF PRELIMINARY FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS Sofia, 24 October 2011 – Following an invitation from the Permanent Mission of the Republic of Bulgaria to the OSCE, the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) deployed a Limited Election Observation Mission (LEOM) for the 23 October presidential and municipal elections. The assessment was made to determine whether the elections complied with OSCE commitments and other international standards for democratic elections, as well as with legislation of the Republic of Bulgaria. This statement of preliminary findings and conclusions is delivered prior to the completion of the election process. The final assessment of the elections will depend, in part, on the conduct of the remaining stages of the election process, in particular the second round of the presidential and municipal elections, the tabulation and announcement of results, and the handling of possible post- election day complaints and appeals. OSCE/ODIHR will issue a comprehensive final report, including recommendations for potential improvements, some eight weeks after the completion of the election process. The OSCE/ODIHR did not conduct a comprehensive and systematic observation of election-day proceedings, but visited a limited number of polling stations around the country. PRELIMINARY CONCLUSIONS The 23 October 2011 presidential and municipal elections in the Republic of Bulgaria provided voters with a wide choice of political options, represented by candidates registered in an inclusive manner. The campaign took place in an environment which showed respect for fundamental human rights. Nevertheless, pervasive allegations of vote-buying and the fact that virtually all campaign coverage in the media was paid for underscore the need for continued reform. -
Elections, Revolution and Democracy in Ukraine
ELECTIONS, REVOLUTION AND DEMOCRACY IN UKRAINE: REFLECTIONS ON A COUNTRY’S TURN TO DEMOCRACY, FREE ELECTIONS AND THE MODERN WORLD By Jeffrey Clark With Jason Stout October 2005 DEVELOPMENT ASSOCIATES: STRENGTHENING ELECTORAL ADMINISTRATION IN UKRAINE PROJECT This publication was made possible through support provided by the Regional Mission for Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova, U.S. Agency for International Development, under the terms of Agreement No. 121-A-00- 04-00701-00. The opinions expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the U.S. Agency for International Development. PREFACE A USAID-supported activity known as the Strengthening Electoral Administration in Ukraine Project (SEAUP), administered by Development Associates, played a decidedly important role in facilitating Ukraine’s turn to democracy in 2004. The pages that follow provide evidence of that unequivocal conclusion, but just as importantly offer reflections on how the project was perceived and implemented of interest to promoters of free elections and democratization elsewhere. SEAUP’s success would have been unattainable without the unwavering support USAID gave the initiative and the trust placed in its professional staff. The Kyiv Mission granted considerable administrative flexibility that proved essential as political tensions increased and unplanned program inputs had to be devised virtually overnight to meet the challenges of a massively fraudulent vote and a court-ordered revote. The efforts of external players to foment anti-American sentiments further complicated the environment and imposed additional constraints on project implementers. USAID sponsored other implementing agencies actively supporting democratic consolidation in Ukraine, working directly with NDI, IRI, Freedom House, InterNews, and ABA/CEELI. -
The Russian-Ukrainian Political Divide
IZA DP No. 2530 The Russian-Ukrainian Political Divide Amelie Constant Martin Kahanec Klaus F. Zimmermann DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES PAPER DISCUSSION December 2006 Forschungsinstitut zur Zukunft der Arbeit Institute for the Study of Labor The Russian-Ukrainian Political Divide Amelie Constant IZA, Georgetown University and DIW DC Martin Kahanec IZA Klaus F. Zimmermann IZA, Bonn University, DIW Berlin, Free University Berlin and CEPR Discussion Paper No. 2530 December 2006 IZA P.O. Box 7240 53072 Bonn Germany Phone: +49-228-3894-0 Fax: +49-228-3894-180 E-mail: [email protected] Any opinions expressed here are those of the author(s) and not those of the institute. Research disseminated by IZA may include views on policy, but the institute itself takes no institutional policy positions. The Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA) in Bonn is a local and virtual international research center and a place of communication between science, politics and business. IZA is an independent nonprofit company supported by Deutsche Post World Net. The center is associated with the University of Bonn and offers a stimulating research environment through its research networks, research support, and visitors and doctoral programs. IZA engages in (i) original and internationally competitive research in all fields of labor economics, (ii) development of policy concepts, and (iii) dissemination of research results and concepts to the interested public. IZA Discussion Papers often represent preliminary work and are circulated to encourage discussion. Citation of such a paper should account for its provisional character. A revised version may be available directly from the author. IZA Discussion Paper No. -
Theorising Return Migration
ROBERT SCHUMAN CENTRE FOR ADVANCED STUDIES TOLERANCE AND CULTURAL DIVERSITY DISCOURSES IN BULGARIA Marko Hajdinjak and Maya Kosseva with Antonina Zhelyazkova International Center for Minority Studies and Intercultural Relations (IMIR) Sofia, Bulgaria 2012/21 5. New Knowledge Country Synthesis Reports EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE, FLORENCE ROBERT SCHUMAN CENTRE FOR ADVANCED STUDIES TOLERANCE AND CULTURAL DIVERSITY DISCOURSES IN BULGARIA Marko Hajdinjak and Maya Kosseva (with contribution of Antonina Zhelyazkova) IMIR Work Package 5 – New Knowledge on Tolerance and Cultural Diversity in Europe D5.1 Country Synthesis Reports on Tolerance and Cultural diversity - Concepts and Practices © 2012 Marko Hajdinjak, Maya Kosseva, Antonina Zhelyazkova This text may be downloaded only for personal research purposes. Additional reproduction for other purposes, whether in hard copies or electronically, requires the consent of the author(s), editor(s). If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the research project, the year and the publisher. Published by the European University Institute Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies Via dei Roccettini 9 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole - Italy ACCEPT PLURALISM Research Project, Tolerance, Pluralism and Social Cohesion: Responding to the Challenges of the 21st Century in Europe European Commission, DG Research Seventh Framework Programme Social Sciences and Humanities grant agreement no. 243837 www.accept-pluralism.eu www.eui.eu/RSCAS/ Available from the EUI institutional repository CADMUS cadmus.eui.eu Tolerance, Pluralism and Social Cohesion: Responding to the Challenges of the 21st Century in Europe (ACCEPT PLURALISM) ACCEPT PLURALISM is a Research Project, funded by the European Commission under the Seventh Framework Program.