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Student Political Activism in a Global Context: an Analytic Imperative for Enhanced Understanding of Higher Education Coordination in Hong Kong

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Student Political Activism in a Global Context: an Analytic Imperative for Enhanced Understanding of Higher Education Coordination in Hong Kong 72 Comparative & International Higher Education 6 (2014) Student Political Activism in a Global Context: An Analytic Imperative for Enhanced Understanding of Higher Education Coordination in Hong Kong Hei-hang Hayes Tanga,* aThe University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong Introduction cation sectors from a comparative but not normative perspective. During the capitalizing processes of In the face of accumulated contradictions of global knowledge and educational credentials in the Chinese capitalism, the current decade sees the international rise setting, collaborations and tensions among the state, of student political activism—among other democratic economy, and academia arise but in various patterns. responses for a similar pursuit of social justice. Against Moreover, for a relevant and committed application of the backdrop of an increasingly interconnected world, Clark’s conceptualization, the student power factor was global exchanges of rationales, discourses, experiences, not taken into analytical consideration, although the and strategies by student activists across various world’s agency of student political activism is very essential to locations stimulate and reinforce the spirit of “youth shaping the evolving relationship between higher edu- idealism” (Altbach 1989), which in a way challenges cation and the role of the state. In addition, the interna- state authority and market forces. Students have long tionalization of student political activism, in quest for played an indispensable role in affecting how academic social justice and democracy, challenges the global life of the time is being lived out. Examining student trend of capitalism. The static nature of the conceptual- political activism has increasingly become an analytic ization is further problematized by the realities brought imperative for understanding better the new university- through globalization, including the “ideoscape” of state-market dynamics. Particularly, it calls for a recon- youth idealism, which is manifested in student political sideration of the political configurations embedded in activism and movements across the world. higher education coordination (Clark 1983). This article seeks, therefore, to reexamine the tensions Burton R. Clark (1983) compares different national and collaborations among the three forces in this power higher education systems and conceptualizes their cen- coordination, namely, state authority, market forces, and trality of authority between university-state-market in academic autonomy, and how the tensions and collabora- figurative form as a triangle (known as Clark’s trian- tions are affected by the agency of student political activ- gle). In Academic Capitalism in the Age of Globaliza- ism. As such, it challenges the predisposition of tion, I echoed to the claim by Clark (1983) and university-government-market dynamics suggested by examined how academic capitalism manifests itself Clark (1983) through the lens of student political activism variedly in Greater China (Tang 2014). My article re- as agent of change. By systematic observations of the vealed that mainland China resembles the “ideal type” current affairs of Hong Kong, it suggests the remarkable of state system; Hong Kong resembles a professional role played by students in (1) challenging state authority system; whereas Macau and Taiwan resemble market and (2) demonstrating disrespect of market forces, where- systems. The findings are obtained in terms of the cen- as in the meantime (3) defending the academic autonomy trality of authority located in the respective higher edu- of university communities. Reconsidering the four com- ____________________ peting values in higher education (social justice, compe- tence, liberty, and loyalty) as claimed by Clark (2008), this * Corresponding author: Email: [email protected]. Address: School of Professional and Continuing Education, The University paper also argues that student political activism places a of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, China. greater concern on social justice, but remains highly criti- Comparative & International Higher Education 6 (2014) 73 cal about loyalty to the government. Student political ac- The “818 incident” arising in 2011 at the University tivism acts upon any threats, infringements and attacks of Hong Kong (HKU) demonstrated apparently and against academic freedom, especially when the profes- symbolically the way in which state authority was not sional life by academic staff encounters potential interven- respected but challenged. In celebration of the Universi- tion and endangerment. This is in particular noteworthy as ty’s centenary, Mr. Li Keqiang, the Vice Premier of academics are significantly less outspoken than students in People’s Republic of China (PRC), was officially wel- defending academic autonomy, not unconcerned with the comed by HKU and invited to a ceremony at Loke Yew prevalence of pro-competition higher education policies in Hall on 18 August 2011. As one of the two keynote Hong Kong, which in turn increasingly redefine and speakers, Li was arranged to be seated in the Chancel- “economize” academic life (Bok 2009). lor’s chair, a symbol of the highest authority in the Uni- versity ceremonies. Whereas to the discomfort of many Challenging State Authority by Student Political HKU students and alumni, the other keynote speaker, Activism Sir David Wilson, was given a seat in the second row, and was referred to only as an alumnus of HKU in the Throughout national histories in contemporary era, introduction, deliberately ignoring the fact that he was youth idealism has been a significant force in providing both an ex-governor of colonial Hong Kong and a for- the minds for a critical thinking that interrogates the ab- mer Chancellor of HKU. The official arrangement was solute power of state authority. This idealism fuels the widely perceived by some commentaries that it was engagement and mobilization of student political activ- meant not to downgrade the prestige, or in Chinese term, ism and intermittently challenges the hegemonic power the “face” of the honorable Chinese guest (Sebag- structure. In Hong Kong, a comprehensive survey about Montefiore 2011). the mission statements of the student union of local uni- In the name of security, Li’s visit had led to a complete versities reveals that most of them inherit the legacies of takeover of the university campus by the Hong Kong Po- pursuing for social welfare and social justice, which ex- lice Force, arriving with more than 1,000 officers. Accord- tend beyond the concerns about student affairs on univer- ing to Genomeken, “In Hong Kong University’s] 100 sity campus. The Hong Kong Federation of Students years of history, it has never exhibited any submissive (HKFS), a student organization comprising representa- demeanor towards politicians in power.” While the police tives from the eight Hong Kong public tertiary education force was invited to take over the job of university securi- institutions, aims at promoting student movements and ties, there were no student representatives in this historical enhancing students’ engagement in the society. Their ceremony and the students were in a way kept far away motto states, “We are dedicated to widening one’s hori- during Li’s visit. In particular, the police hindered three zons, caring about the society, building a democratic students who made attempt to approach Li, whereas one of China, fighting for the interests of students” (Hong Kong them was pulled down and locked up in a staircase for Federation of Students 2014). Dating back to July 1984 almost one hour. Irritated by such an official welcome that when the Sino-British Joint Declaration was just signed, offended academic autonomy and “academic dignity,” the the HKFS publicly announced its strong preference for student and alumni communities had heated-up discus- introducing direct elections into the selection process for sions that culminated in a protest of 1,000 students, alumni, the 1985 Legislative Council. The HKFS is also one of ordinary citizens, and journalists, gathered on the campus’ the core organizers of the 2014 class boycott and the Sun Yat Sen Square on the night of August 26. Further- subsequent “Umbrella Movement,” which mobilized the more, 270 HKU alumni put a full-page newspaper adver- historical civil disobedience campaign against the deci- tisement to condemn the police security arrangements. The sion of the China’s Standing Committee of the National incident resulted in the University’s formation of a seven- People's Congress on the reform for Hong Kong Chief member committee to carry out a four-month review of Executive’s electoral system. arrangements for the “818 incident.” About two months 74 Comparative & International Higher Education 6 (2014) after the incident, the HKU President Professor Lap-chee counter the same extent of shrinking government in- Tsui, a world renowned geneticist, notified the University vestment on higher education as their counterparts are Council that he would not renew his contract after it ex- facing in the West). In 2005, Mr. Li Ka Shing, a Hong pired in August 2012. In response, the HKU Council Kong-based billionaire, made a historical donation of Chairman Dr. Che-hung Leong insisted he did not force US$125 million to the HKU Faculty of Medicine. In Tsui to leave but also supplemented that the new HKU reciprocity, the University would rename the Faculty in chief should have “political sense” (Chong, Ng, and Wan recognition of Li’s philanthropy. The crisis received 2012).
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