Jaffna's Media in the Grip of Terror
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Friday, 15 January 2010, 12:23 SECRET SECTION 01
Friday, 15 January 2010, 12:23 S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 03 COLOMBO 000032 SIPDIS DEPARTMENT FOR SCA/INSB EO 12958 DECL: 01/15/2020 TAGS PGOV, PREL, PREF, PHUM, PTER, EAID, MOPS, CE SUBJECT: SRI LANKA WAR-CRIMES ACCOUNTABILITY: THE TAMIL PERSPECTIVE REF: A. 09 COLOMBO 1180 B. COLOMBO 8 COLOMBO 00000032 001.2 OF 003 Classified By: AMBASSADOR PATRICIA A. BUTENIS. REASONS: 1.4 (B, D) ¶1. (S) SUMMARY: There have been a few tentative steps on accountability for crimes allegedly committed by Sri Lankan troops and civilian officials during the war with the LTTE. President Rajapaksa named a committee to make recommendations to him on the U.S. incidents report by April, and candidate Fonseka has discussed privately the formation of some form of “truth and reconciliation” commission. Otherwise, accountability has not been a high-profile issue -- including for Tamils in Sri Lanka. While Tamils have told us they would like to see some form of accountability, they have been pragmatic in what they can expect and have focused instead on securing greater rights and freedoms, resolving the IDP question, and improving economic prospects in the war-ravaged and former LTTE-occupied areas. Indeed, while they wanted to keep the issue alive for possible future action, Tamil politicians with whom we spoke in Colombo, Jaffna, and elsewhere said now was not time and that pushing hard on the issue would make them “vulnerable.” END SUMMARY. ACCOUNTABILITY AS A POLITICAL ISSUE ----------------------------------- ¶2. (S) Accountability for alleged crimes committed by GSL troops and officials during the war is the most difficult issue on our bilateral agenda. -
Tides of Violence: Mapping the Sri Lankan Conflict from 1983 to 2009 About the Public Interest Advocacy Centre
Tides of violence: mapping the Sri Lankan conflict from 1983 to 2009 About the Public Interest Advocacy Centre The Public Interest Advocacy Centre (PIAC) is an independent, non-profit legal centre based in Sydney. Established in 1982, PIAC tackles barriers to justice and fairness experienced by people who are vulnerable or facing disadvantage. We ensure basic rights are enjoyed across the community through legal assistance and strategic litigation, public policy development, communication and training. 2nd edition May 2019 Contact: Public Interest Advocacy Centre Level 5, 175 Liverpool St Sydney NSW 2000 Website: www.piac.asn.au Public Interest Advocacy Centre @PIACnews The Public Interest Advocacy Centre office is located on the land of the Gadigal of the Eora Nation. TIDES OF VIOLENCE: MAPPING THE SRI LANKAN CONFLICT FROM 1983 TO 2009 03 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ....................................................................................................................... 09 Background to CMAP .............................................................................................................................................09 Report overview .......................................................................................................................................................09 Key violation patterns in each time period ......................................................................................................09 24 July 1983 – 28 July 1987 .................................................................................................................................10 -
The Impacts of Small Arms Availability and Misuse in Sri Lanka
In the Shadow of a Cease-fire: The Impacts of Small Arms Availability and Misuse in Sri Lanka by Chris Smith October 2003 A publication of the Small Arms Survey Chris Smith The Small Arms Survey The Small Arms Survey is an independent research project located at the Graduate Institute of International Studies in Geneva, Switzerland. It is also linked to the Graduate Institute’s Programme for Strategic and International Security Studies. Established in 1999, the project is supported by the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs, and by contributions from the Governments of Australia, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. It collaborates with research institutes and non-governmental organizations in many countries including Brazil, Canada, Georgia, Germany, India, Israel, Jordan, Norway, the Russian Federation, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Sweden, Thailand, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The Small Arms Survey occasional paper series presents new and substantial research findings by project staff and commissioned researchers on data, methodological, and conceptual issues related to small arms, or detailed country and regional case studies. The series is published periodically and is available in hard copy and on the project’s web site. Small Arms Survey Phone: + 41 22 908 5777 Graduate Institute of International Studies Fax: + 41 22 732 2738 47 Avenue Blanc Email: [email protected] 1202 Geneva Web site: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org Switzerland ii Occasional Papers No. 1 Re-Armament in Sierra Leone: One Year After the Lomé Peace Agreement, by Eric Berman, December 2000 No. 2 Removing Small Arms from Society: A Review of Weapons Collection and Destruction Programmes, by Sami Faltas, Glenn McDonald, and Camilla Waszink, July 2001 No. -
University Teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna) Sri Lanka UTHR(J)
University Teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna) Sri Lanka UTHR(J) Special Report No. 21 Date of Release: 15th May 2006 When Indignation is Past and the Dust Settles - Reckoning Incompatible Agendas 1.0 A Menacing Triad 1.1 Behind the Provocations 1.2 The Killing of Political Leaders 2.1 Twin Agendas 2.2 What happened in Tricomalee on 12th April? 2.3 State Complicity at High Level behind Trincomalee Violence 2.4 Trincomalee: Achilles Heel and Flashpoint 2.5 Reflecting on History: Making Trincomalee a Zone of Peace 3.0 Lessons from the CFA 4.0 Violence by Political Default Appendix The Patterns of Violence and Extra-Judicial Killings A0.0. Introduction A0.1. 13th May: Massacre in Allaipiddy, Kayts, Jaffna Offshore A1.0 Jaffna District A 2.0 Batticaloa District A 3.0 Vavuniya and Mannar 1.0 A Menacing Triad Spiralling violence and increased polarisation along communal lines are threatening to tear Sri Lanka apart. The situation is compounded by the state’s inability to uphold the law, and its inept and disingenuous handling of the current political crisis. We are faced with a menacing triad of developments: § The peace process had never come to terms with the LTTE’s agenda and the South failed to demonstrate a tangible will for a political settlement that would have enabled the Tamils to challenge the LTTE. § The mushrooming of killings aimed at curbing the LTTE was the second predictable development. The groups responsible are by the weight of evidence 1 state sponsored, and their attacks have not just tripled or quadrupled the combined killing rate in the North-East they have taken on another sinister aspect, targeting unarmed political rivals. -
War Crimes and International Humanitarian Law in Sri Lanka
\\jciprod01\productn\E\ELO\5-2\ELO203.txt unknown Seq: 1 24-SEP-13 7:48 LITMUS TEST OF OUR RESOLVE: WAR CRIMES AND INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW IN SRI LANKA BY ELIZABETH LEMAN In the aftermath of a conflict with high levels of civilian casualties or war crimes, Jeremy Sarkin writes that there are three goals that a government or international commission can prioritize in the applica- tion of international humanitarian law (IHL): truth, justice, and recon- ciliation.1 These may sound similar, but each requires very different things of the law and its administrators.2 If truth is the administration’s primary goal, then the powers that be must thoroughly examine all facets of the events that occurred with a single-minded dedication to fact, sometimes at the expense of intercommunity relations and the realities of reconstruction needs.3 If justice is chosen as the most im- portant course of action, its pursuit often leads to the neglect of inter- nal relations and reconciliation.4 Therefore, focusing on reconciliation can often seem the best option, but concentrating solely on rebuilding society can lead to a neglect of the past and its impact on individuals and the larger community.5 Of course, the objectives of IHL’s application will vary from situa- tion to situation, and may even encompass more than one of Sarkin’s goals, but how should those goals be determined and who should de- termine them – the country itself or the international community? Many post-conflict situations are left with inadequate, biased, or absent governments. Who then can make these decisions for a society? More- over, once a goal is defined, how should it be achieved? The United 1 Jeremy Sarkin, Promoting Justice, Truth and Reconciliation in Transitional Societies: Eval- uating Rwanda’s Approach In the New Millennium of Using Community Based Gacaca Tribu- nals to Deal With the Past, 2 INT’L L.F. -
Media Freedom in Post War Sri Lanka and Its Impact on the Reconciliation Process
Reuters Institute Fellowship Paper University of Oxford MEDIA FREEDOM IN POST WAR SRI LANKA AND ITS IMPACT ON THE RECONCILIATION PROCESS By Swaminathan Natarajan Trinity Term 2012 Sponsor: BBC Media Action Page 1 of 41 Page 2 of 41 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT First and foremost, I would like to thank James Painter, Head of the Journalism Programme and the entire staff of the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism for their help and support. I am grateful to BBC New Media Action for sponsoring me, and to its former Programme Officer Tirthankar Bandyopadhyay, for letting me know about this wonderful opportunity and encouraging me all the way. My supervisor Dr Sujit Sivasundaram of Cambridge University provided academic insights which were very valuable for my research paper. I place on record my appreciation to all those who participated in the survey and interviews. I would like to thank my colleagues in the BBC, Chandana Keerthi Bandara, Charles Haviland, Wimalasena Hewage, Saroj Pathirana, Poopalaratnam Seevagan, Ponniah Manickavasagam and my good friend Karunakaran (former Colombo correspondent of the BBC Tamil Service) for their help. Special thanks to my parents and sisters and all my fellow journalist fellows. Finally to Marianne Landzettel (BBC World Service News) for helping me by patiently proof reading and revising this paper. Page 3 of 41 Table of Contents 1 Overview ......................................................................................................................................... 5 2 Challenges to Press Freedom -
1 Building the Tamil Eelam State
Building the Tamil Eelam State: Emerging State Institutions and Forms of Governance in LTTE-controlled Areas in Sri Lanka Kristian Stokke 1 Sometimes when I have felt a little depressed I would go to Parliament to sit in the public gallery and look down at all those ‘terrorists’ now occupying the government benches. It is something to lift the heaviest heart to behold those who were regarded by the previous apartheid government as the most dangerous terrorists, and who now, in the new democratic dispensation, are the Hon. Minister of this or that. I would recall that some of them were fellow marchers in rallies against the awfulness of apartheid, and with some we were targets for teargassing, and now here they are, members of a democratically elected National Assembly. (Tutu 2000: vii) The quote from the South African Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu points to the discursive contestation over nationalist struggles – where a militant movement may be alternatively described as ‘freedom fighters’ or ‘terrorists’ – but also to the political transformation of such movements during transitions to peace and democracy. Although Tutu’s statement refers specifically to the transformation of the African National Congress during South Africa’s transition to liberal democracy, his observations resonate with the politics of naming and transforming the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in Sri Lanka. Thus, Nadarajah and Sriskandarajah (2005) show that the language of terrorism has been used to deny LTTE international legitimacy and thereby undermine their political project of Tamil self-determination. Much less has been written about the on-going political transformations within the LTTE. -
Sri Lanka and the Breakdown of the Rule of Law – an Action Plan April 18, 2008
Sri Lanka and the Breakdown of the Rule of Law – An Action Plan A Citizens Report For Public Release Friday April 18, 2007 Scarborough, Ontario, Canada Sri Lanka and the Breakdown of the Rule of Law – An Action Plan April 18, 2008 Sri Lanka: The Demise of the Rule of Law Overview he legal system of Sri Lanka has undergone many influences to reach its current T configuration including Dutch/Roman law, British Common Law, and local traditional law. Sri Lanka gained its independence in 1948 and became a unitary state with a parliamentary democracy and unicameral Parliament. The majority of Sri Lanka’s population is of Sinhalese ethnic origin, while ethnic minorities include Tamils in the North and East, Estate Tamils (Tamils of South Indian origin) and Muslims. Ethnic conflict between the Sri Lankan government and groups claiming to represent Tamils over the past 25 years has caused the political and legal systems of Sri Lanka to be in turmoil. During much of this time, the citizens of Sri Lanka, and in particular dissidents, national minorities and vulnerable populations such as women and children, have been targeted for unjustifiable repression by the Sri Lankan government and its military and police forces. Sinhalese leaders commonly and indiscriminately refer to Tamils as Terrorists. Tamil leaders commonly decry Sri Lankan Government actions as ethnic cleansing and State Terrorism against an oppressed minority. A Norwegian-mediated peace process resulted in a Cease Fire Agreement (CFA) signed in February 2002. The CFA lasted until mid-January 2008, when the Sri Lankan government unilaterally withdrew from the peace process. -
Sri Lanka's Assault on Dissent
SECURITY WITH HUMAN RIGHTS SRI LANKA’S ASSAULT ON DISSENT Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 3 million supporters, members and activists in more than 150 countries and territories who campaign to end grave abuses of human rights. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. First published in 2013 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW United Kingdom © Amnesty International 2013 Index: ASA 37/003/2013 English Original language: English Printed by Amnesty International, International Secretariat, United Kingdom All rights reserved. This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee for advocacy, campaigning and teaching purposes, but not for resale. The copyright holders request that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. For copying in any other circumstances, or for reuse in other publications, or for translation or adaptation, prior written permission must be obtained from the publishers, and a fee may be payable. To request permission, or for any other inquiries, please contact [email protected] Cover photo : Police use water cannon on peaceful demonstrators protesting against rising fuel costs in Colombo, Sri Lanka, February 2012. © AP Photo/Eranga Jayawardena amnesty.org CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................7 Methodology ................................................................................................................10 The right to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association in Sri Lanka........10 II. -
Root Causes of Terrorism: Myths, Reality and Ways Forward
Root Causes of Terrorism Addressing the causes of a problem is often more effective than trying to fight its symptoms and effects. In Root Causes of Terrorism, a team of international experts analyses the possibilities and limitations of preventing and reducing terrorism by addressing the factors that give rise to it and sustain it. The questions raised include: • What are the main circumstances that provide preconditions for the emergence of various types of terrorism? • What are the typical precipitants that trigger terrorist campaigns? • To what extent is it possible to reduce the problem of terrorism by influencing these causes and circumstances? • Should we address those factors that sustain terrorist campaigns rather than root causes? Tore Bjørgo is Senior Research Fellow at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI), and Research Director and Professor of Police Science at the Norwe- gian Police University College. Root Causes of Terrorism Myths, reality and ways forward Edited by Tore Bjørgo First published 2005 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 270 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2005. “To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.” © 2005 Tore Bjørgo for selection and editorial matter; individual authors for their contributions All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. -
CPA DPSG Report
War, Peace and Governance in Sri Lanka Overview and Trends 2006 The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) is an independent, non-partisan organization that focuses primarily on issues of governance and conflict resolution. Formed in 1996 in the firm belief that the vital contribution of civil society to the public policy debate is in need of strengthening, CPA is committed to programmes of research and advocacy through which public policy is critiqued, alternatives identified and disseminated. The report is based on monitoring and research conducted by the five units of the CPA. The economic chapter is compiled by Dr. Muthukrishna Sarvananthan of the Point Pedro Institute for Development. Address: 24/2 28th Lane, off Flower Road Colombo 7 Telephone: +94 (11) 2565304/5/6 Fax: +94 (11) 4714460 Web www.cpalanka.org Centre for Policy Alternatives Table of Contents Overview and Trends: 2006 - 2007 1 Introduction 1 The Rajapaksa Presidency 2 The LTTE 3 The International Community 4 Conclusion 5 Peace Process 6 Introduction 6 The success and failure of Peace Talks 6 Peace Process under siege 7 A crisis of violence 8 The shifting balance of power 9 International Community 10 Strategic advantages of a ‘No official war, no peace’ 11 Political outlook 13 Introduction 13 Strengthening of the President’s position 13 Consolidation of power through peace 14 The political rewards of militarism 15 A broad coalition and a weakened opposition 16 Governance 19 Introduction 19 The crisis around the Constitutional Council and the 17th Amendment to the Constitution -
Under the Giant's Tank
UNDER THE GIANT’S TANK VILLAGE, CASTE, AND CATHOLICISM IN POSTWAR SRI LANKA Dominic Esler A thesis submitted to the Department of Anthropology, University College London, for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. December 2019. 2 I, Dominic Esler, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. 3 4 ABSTRACT This thesis is an investigation of the relationship between the village, caste, and Catholicism in northern Sri Lanka. Drawing on almost two years of ethnographic fieldwork in Mannar District, as well as subsequent archival research, it provides a detailed analysis not only of the postwar context but also of prewar history, with a particular focus on the nineteenth century. In this thesis, I analyse three overlapping topics. First, I problematise ‘village’ through an examination of ‘cultural’ and ‘state’ village concepts, before arguing that within the complex social diversity of the village of Marudankandal there is a numerically dominant Tamil caste group, the Kadaiyars, whose prominence is reflected both rhetorically and through the control of institutions such as the Catholic village church. From this, I turn to two central dimensions of local caste praxis. First, I offer a historical explanation for the regional prevalence of village churches controlled by single castes, which remains a key characteristic of local Catholicism today. Second, I argue that despite the lessening of certain kinds of hierarchical caste relationships in recent decades, caste identities continue to be mobilised and expressed through regional communities, some of which maintain caste associations.