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The Pound Sterling
ESSAYS IN INTERNATIONAL FINANCE No. 13, February 1952 THE POUND STERLING ROY F. HARROD INTERNATIONAL FINANCE SECTION DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS AND SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS PRINCETON UNIVERSITY Princeton, New Jersey The present essay is the thirteenth in the series ESSAYS IN INTERNATIONAL FINANCE published by the International Finance Section of the Department of Economics and Social Institutions in Princeton University. The author, R. F. Harrod, is joint editor of the ECONOMIC JOURNAL, Lecturer in economics at Christ Church, Oxford, Fellow of the British Academy, and• Member of the Council of the Royal Economic So- ciety. He served in the Prime Minister's Office dur- ing most of World War II and from 1947 to 1950 was a member of the United Nations Sub-Committee on Employment and Economic Stability. While the Section sponsors the essays in this series, it takes no further responsibility for the opinions therein expressed. The writer's are free to develop their topics as they will and their ideas may or may - • v not be shared by the editorial committee of the Sec- tion or the members of the Department. The Section welcomes the submission of manu- scripts for this series and will assume responsibility for a careful reading of them and for returning to the authors those found unacceptable for publication. GARDNER PATTERSON, Director International Finance Section THE POUND STERLING ROY F. HARROD Christ Church, Oxford I. PRESUPPOSITIONS OF EARLY POLICY S' TERLING was at its heyday before 1914. It was. something ' more than the British currency; it was universally accepted as the most satisfactory medium for international transactions and might be regarded as a world currency, even indeed as the world cur- rency: Its special position waS,no doubt connected with the widespread ramifications of Britain's foreign trade and investment. -
A SCOTTISH CURRENCY? 5 Lessons from the Design Flaws of Pound Sterling 2 | a SCOTTISH CURRENCY? CONTENTS
A SCOTTISH CURRENCY? 5 Lessons from the Design Flaws of Pound Sterling 2 | A SCOTTISH CURRENCY? CONTENTS A Scottish Currency? 3 The design flaws of the pound: 4 1. The amount of money in the economy depends on the confidence of bankers 4 2. Any attempt to reduce household debt can lead to a recession 5 3. The economy can only be stimulated through encouraging further indebtedness 6 4. The proceeds from the creation of money are captured by the banking sector rather than benefiting taxpayers 7 5. Banks cannot be allowed to fail, because if they did, the payments system would collapse 8 Conclusion 9 More information 10 5 LESSONS FROM THE DESIGN FLAWS OF POUND STERLING | 3 A SCOTTISH CURRENCY? In September 2014, Scotland will hold a referendum to decide whether to separate from the UK. A major question concerns which currency an independent Scotland would use: the pound, the euro, or a new Scottish currency? The Scottish government has stated that it will keep the pound sterling following a successful Yes vote for independence1. But an independent Scotland, making up just 8.5% of a pound sterling monetary union, would have no sway over monetary policy set by the Bank of England. Meanwhile the governor of the Bank of England, Mark Carney, and senior government ministers have been vocal about the challenges of an independent Scotland using the pound. For this reason, an independent Scotland may have to abandon the pound and establish its own currency, to regain control over its own monetary policy and economic affairs. -
Black Wednesday’
Salmond currency plan threatens a Scottish ‘Black Wednesday’ Alex Salmond has five plans for the currency of an independent Scotland according to his list in the STV debate on 25th August (and then there is the latent plan F). They were presented as a range of equally attractive options. This makes light of the issue. One of the options – using “a currency like the Danish krone” - means entering the ERM (the Exchange Rate Mechanism) that the UK was so disastrously a part of and which the UK wasted a meaningful portion of its foreign exchange reserves (£48 billion in today’s money) trying to stay within just on 16th September 1992. That was Black Wednesday, when the Bank of England base rate went up to 15%. Notably Alex Salmond omitted to mention the Norwegian krone: Scotland, with high public spending, too little oil&gas left in the North Sea, and an all-in national debt of £131 billion equivalent on a GDP of £146 billion, will need its oil&gas tax revenues to either defend its currency or manage its debt, and will not have enough left over for a Sovereign Wealth Fund. Scotland has the attributes of a lax fiscal policy now: a current deficit of taxes versus spending (called a primary fiscal deficit) of 5% of GDP, with extra spending promised by the SNP that could expand an already high debt as a proportion of GDP. The debt is likely to start out at above 70% in cash, plus another 20% in contingent liabilities like PFI, backing for Bank of Scotland and RBS, and Scotland’s share of the Euro bailout of Ireland and Portugal. -
Review of Financial Regulation in the Crown Dependencies
Review of Financial Regulation in the Crown Dependencies Presented to Parliament by the Secretary of State for the Home Department by Command of Her Majesty November 1998 Cm 4109-i Part 1 - Main Report £17.85 Cm 4109-ii Part 2 - The Jersey Finance Centre £10.30 Cm 4109-iii Part 3 - The Guernsey Finance Centre £12.60 Cm 4109-iv Part 4 - The Isle of Man Finance Centre £11.40 published by The Stationery Office as Part 1 ISBN 0 10 141092 1 Part 2 ISBN 0 10 141093 X Part 3 ISBN 0 10 141094 8 Part 4 ISBN 0 10 141095 6 Review of Financial Regulation in the Crown Dependencies OFFICE OF THE REVIEW OF FINANCIAL REGULATION IN THE CROWN DEPENDENCIES c/o Home Office 50 Queen Anne's Gate London SW1H 9AT Rt Hon Jack Straw MP Home Secretary Home Office 50 Queen Anne's Gate London SW1H 9AT 24 October 1998 Dear Home Secretary REPORT OF THE REVIEW OF FINANCIAL REGULATION IN THE CROWN DEPENDENCIES You commissioned me on 20 January 1998 to review with the Island authorities in Jersey, Guernsey and the Isle of Man their laws, systems and practices for regulation of their international finance centres, the combating of financial crime and co- operation with other jurisdictions. I have pleasure in submitting my Report with this letter. As explained in Chapter 1, the Report consists of four Parts. Part I presents my own assessment. I take responsibility for what it says. It includes a two-page summary of Principal Issues followed by a full Summary and Main Conclusions and then the Main Report. -
Invesco Currencyshares British Pound Sterling Trust
FXB As of June 30, 2021 Invesco CurrencyShares British Pound Sterling Trust Fund description Growth of $10,000 ® The Invesco CurrencyShares British Pound Invesco CurrencyShares British Pound Sterling Trust: $8,362 Sterling Trust (trust) is designed to track the price WM/Reuters British Pound Closing Spot Rate: $8,605 of the British pound sterling, and trades under the $12K ticker symbol FXB. The British pound sterling is the official currency of the United Kingdom (England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland) and has been the currency of the accounts of the $10K Bank of England since 1694. The Fund is rebalanced quarterly. ETF Information $8K Fund Name Invesco CurrencyShares British Pound Sterling Trust Fund Ticker FXB CUSIP 46138M109 $6K Total Expense Ratio 0.40% 06/11 12/12 05/14 10/15 03/17 08/18 01/20 06/21 Listing Exchange NYSE Arca Data beginning 10 years prior to the ending date of June 30, 2021. Fund performance shown at NAV. WM/Reuters British Pound Closing Spot Rate performance prior to 11/13/2008 reflects the noon buying rate as determined by the Federal Reserve Bank of New York. From 11/13/2008, forward, the performance Benchmark Index Data reflects that of the WM/Reuters British Pound Closing Spot Rate AND IS NOT INTENDED FOR ANY THIRD Index WM/Reuters British Pound Closing Spot PARTY USE. Blended index performance applies only to the Growth of $10,000. Name Rate Performance as at June 30, 2021 Performance (%) Fund YTD 1Y 3Y 5Y 10Y Inception ETF - NAV 0.87 11.35 1.31 0.39 -1.78 -1.44 ETF - Market Price 0.95 11.17 1.36 0.49 -1.76 -1.43 Benchmark Index 1.06 11.80 1.52 0.66 -1.49 - Calendar year performance (%) 2020 2019 2018 2017 2016 2015 2014 2013 2012 2011 ETF - NAV 2.85 3.97 -6.05 9.06 -16.44 -5.77 -6.18 1.54 4.29 -0.98 Benchmark Index 3.19 4.02 -5.85 9.48 -16.16 -5.47 -5.86 1.89 4.59 -0.74 Performance data quoted represents past performance, which is not a guarantee of future results. -
UNITED KINGDOM Europe UNITARY COUNTRY
UNITED KINGDOM EUROPe UNITARY COUNTRY Basic socio-economic indicators Income group - HIGH INCOME: OECD Local currency - Pound Sterling (GBP) Population and geography Economic data AREA: 242 509 km2 GDP: 2 597.4 billion (current PPP international dollars) i.e. 40 210 dollars per inhabitant (2014) POPULATION: million inhabitants (2014), 64.597 REAL GDP GROWTH: 2.9% (2014 vs 2013) an increase of 0.7% per year (2010-14) UNEMPLOYMENT RATE: 6.1% (2014) 2 DENSITY: 266 inhabitants/km FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT, NET INFLOWS (FDI): 45 457 (BoP, current USD millions, 2014) URBAN POPULATION: 82.3% of national population GROSS FIXED CAPITAL FORMATION (GFCF): 17% of GDP (2014) CAPITAL CITY: London (16% of national population) HUMAN DEVELOPMENT INDEX: 0.907 (very high), rank 14 Sources: OECD, Eurostat, World Bank, UNDP, ILO Territorial organisation and subnational government RESPONSABILITIES MUNICIPAL LEVEL INTERMEDIATE LEVEL REGIONAL OR STATE LEVEL TOTAL NUMBER OF SNGs 389 27 3 419 local authorities County councils and Greater Devolved nations Average municipal size: London Authority 166 060 inhabitantS Main features of territorial organisation. The United Kingdom is a unitary state composed of four constituent countries (England, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales) and three devolved administrations (Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales), having their own elected assembly and government since the devolution process in 1998. The project of devolution of limited political powers to elected regional assemblies in England has been suspended indefinitely following the rejection of the first referendum held in the North-East of England in 2004. The territorial organisation is highly complex and differs greatly between the different countries. -
Black Wednesday of 1992: the Day the Pound Sterling Came Under Attack
Dama Academic Scholarly Journal of Researchers | Published by: Dama Academic Scholarly & Scientific Research Society https://damaacademia.com/dasj May 2020 Pages: 01-08 Volume 5 | Issue 5 r/ Black Wednesday of 1992: The Day the Pound Sterling Came Under Attack Amina Sammo School of Finance & Financial Management, Business University Costa Rica Email: [email protected] Abstract The Black Wednesday of 1992 refers to the momentous day when the British Pound was under attack by currency speculators. This day created history in the Foreign Exchange markets because of the fact that the Pound was considered to be one of the strongest fiat currencies in the world. In fact it was the reserve currency of the world before the dollar took over. Hence the notion that the British pound could be under attack from speculators in the foreign market was dismissed as being mere conspiracy theory without any substance. Also, Black Wednesday was unprecedented in the fact that this was the day when open markets took on a powerful central bank with virtually unlimited access to money and the power to create more money if required and won! In this article, we will describe the events that lead to the Black Wednesday in detail. Keywords: Black Wednesday, Pound Sterling, Currency Attack 1.0 INTRODUCTION The Soviet Union was one of the countries that emerged as a superpower after the Second World War. The post war economic system was basically a competition between the American capitalist system and the Soviet based socialist system. The decades after the war were often referred to as the cold war as these two superpowers opposed each other’s plans for world domination. -
Tariff for Your Current Account and Savings Account
The Tariff for your M Account and M Saver Account M Account Interest we pay you We don’t pay interest on your M Account. Interest and fees you pay us for overdrafts We don’t offer an Arranged Overdraft on this account. In certain situations, we may give you a temporary Unarranged Overdraft (see your terms for details). We don’t charge interest or fees for that borrowing and there’s no fee if we refuse a payment due to lack of funds. M Saver Account Interest we pay you Interest rates Gross* AER† We work out how much interest to pay you at the (% per year) (%) end of each day. This is based on the money in your account. We’ll add interest on the last working day in On all balances 0.35 0.35 March, June, September and December. Other things you may be charged for Bankers draft (up to and including £100,000) £30 for each draft Duplicate statement (If you ask for an extra copy of a paper statement) £5.00 for each additional statement Receiving money from outside the UK Transaction Type Location Currency Fee SEPA No Charge All currencies including Pound Sterling up to £100 (or equivalent) No Charge *Within the EEA Currency is Euro, Swedish Krona or Romanian Leu over £100 (or equivalent) No Charge SWIFT All remaining currencies including Pound Sterling over £100 (or equivalent) £7.00 All currencies up to £100 (or equivalent) No Charge Outside the EEA All currencies over £100 (or equivalent) £7.00 Copies of confirmations/advices £5.00 for each item *List of countries within the EEA: Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Republic of Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain and Sweden. -
Elasticity Pessimism: Economic Consequences of Black Wednesday
Elasticity Pessimism: Economic Consequences of Black Wednesday Sebastian Bustos and Martin Rotemberg∗ October 2018 Abstract We document the ramifications of a large devaluation episode: the U.K.’s “Black Wednes- day” in 1992. Relative to synthetic counterfactuals, U.K. export and import prices in pounds increased by roughly 20 percent, a similar magnitude to the nominal devaluation. Inflation de- clined after the devaluation, although the prices of fuels increased. Contrary to the conventional belief that the UK experienced an export led boom after the devaluation, we find no evidence that exports or nominal GDP increased. We also find no evidence of a “J-curve:” imports declined immediately after the devaluation, and stayed persistently below their counterfactual value. We test a wide variety of theories of elasticity pessimism, and find that none do well at explaining patterns in the data. ∗Bustos: Harvard University, 79 JFK Street, Cambridge, MA 02138; [email protected]. Rotemberg: New York University, 19 West 4th St., New York NY 10012; [email protected]. We are grateful to Alex Segura, who started the project with us, as well as Alberto Abadie, Jonathan Eaton, Raquel Fernandez, Gita Gopinath, Ri- cardo Hausmann, Jeff Frankel, Mark Gertler, Rachel Glennerster, Robert Lawrence, Virgiliu Midrigan, Lant Pritchett, Dani Rodrik, Julio Rotemberg, Larry Summers and Rodrigo Wagner for helpful comments. On September 16, 1992, the British Pound devalued in nominal terms by around 20 percent after speculators successfully pushed the U.K. out of the European Exchange Rate Mechanism.1 The conventional wisdom is that the devaluation caused a “boom,” since it was followed by increased growth.2 However, we show that the economies of similar countries who did not devalue experienced similar growth rates. -
LIBOR Transition
December 1, 2020 LIBOR Transition LIBOR Benchmark Administrator Proposes Extending Publication of Widely Used USD LIBOR Settings to June 30, 2023; Federal Banking Agencies Issue Guidance that Banks Should Generally Cease Entering Into New Contracts Referencing USD LIBOR by End of 2021, and Observes the Extended Date Will Facilitate the Roll-Off of Legacy Contracts SUMMARY Yesterday, ICE Benchmark Administration Limited (“IBA”), the benchmark administrator for the U.S. Dollar (“USD”) London Interbank Offered Rate (“LIBOR”), announced a proposal to extend the publication of the most commonly used USD LIBOR settings until June 30, 2023.1 In light of IBA’s proposal, in an interagency statement, the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, and the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency issued guidance (the “Guidance”) strongly encouraging banks to cease entering into “new contracts” that use USD LIBOR as a reference rate “as soon as practicable and in any event by December 31, 2021”; only in “limited circumstances” will it be appropriate for banks to enter into new contracts referencing USD LIBOR after December 31, 2021.2 Both the Federal Reserve and the U.K. Financial Conduct Authority (the “FCA”), which supervises IBA under the Benchmark Regulation, issued statements supporting IBA’s proposal, which, combined with the Guidance, they described as facilitating an orderly transition away from USD LIBOR.3 The principal objective, and result, of these actions appears to be that “legacy” LIBOR-based instruments (i.e., those maturing after December 31, 2021) will continue to have LIBOR as a reference rate through June 30, 2023, without undermining the regulators’ determination that LIBOR should not be available for any other purpose. -
Britain and the Pound Sterling
Britain and the Pound Sterling! !by Robert Schneebeli! ! Weight of metal, number of coins For the first 400 years of the Christian era, England was a Roman province, «Britannia». The word «pound» comes from Latin: the Roman pondus was divided into twelve unciae, which in turn gives us our English word “ounce”. In weighing precious metals the pound Troy of 12 ounces is used, 373 grams in metric units. In France, instead of pondus, the Latin word libra, weighing- scales, was used instead, so that «pound» in French is livre. That is why, when we weigh meat, for example, and want to write seven pounds, we write 7 lb., as if we were saying librae instead of pounds. And if we’re talking about pounds in the monetary sense, we also use a sign that reminds us of the Latin libra – the pounds sign, £, is actually only a stylised letter L. In the 8th century, in the age of King Offa in England or of Charlemagne in Europe, when the English currency began to be regulated, it was not the pound that was important, but the penny. The origin of the word «penny», and how it came to mean a coin, is obscure. A penny was a small silver coin – for coinage purposes silver was more important than gold (for example, the French word for money, argent, comes from argentum, the Latin for silver). Alfred the Great, the most famous of the Anglo-Saxon kings, fixed the weight of the silver penny and had pennies minted with a clear design. -
Depreciation of the Pound Sterling
November 1939 November 1939 SURVEY OF CUKRENT BUSINESS 11 The Depreciation of the Pound Sterling By August Maffry, Finance Division, Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce N CONTRAST with the abrupt rise in sterling The Fall of the Pound. I exchange following the outbreak of the World War in In the middle of February 1938 the pound was quoted 1914, the beginning of the present European conflict was in New York at $5.04. At the beginning of September attended by a continuation of the fall of the pound which 1939, following the imposition of exchange restrictions, commenced early in 1938.1 The recent depreciation of the Bank of England fixed its official selling rate for the pound sterling involved a decline in the dollar values dollars at $4.02; and some transactions took place in of the currencies of countries which take three-fifths of the New York market during the month at prices as United States exports and which supply one-half of low as $3.75. The depreciation of sterling over this United States imports. These facts suggest the poten- 18-month period represented a loss of a fifth of its tial significance of the fall of the pound for foreign trade. dollar value. (See table 1 and fig. 6.) It is perhaps not too much to say that the decline of The sharp breaks in quotations for the pound during sterling and associated currencies at the end of August 1938 and 1939, as opposed to the general downward is one of the most important of the early effects of the trend, were unmistakably associated with war scares in war in its possible repercussions upon the course of Europe and with the resulting movement of funds from business in this country.