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20Th Sept 1988, Warsaw – Report of Capt 20th Sept 1988, Warsaw – report of capt. Marek Zielinski on alternative youth movements in Poland in the 80-ties.1 National Military Service internal doc. 220/88 Top secret Art no. 0001082 YOUTH ALTERNATIVE MOVEMENTS – EVALUATION, CONCLUSIONS, AND PROGNOSIS Author: capt. Dr Marek Zielinski INTRODUCTION The events of recent months, especially April-May strikes3, clearly envisioned the scale of difficulties and threats in completion of internal reconstruction program. At the conflicts and tensions background, besides the visible radicalization of national opposition, it is worrying to notice the growth of aggressive attitudes and views in part of the youth, especially high school and university students. A lot of them, together with the opposition, were a mainspring to the perturbing events at the universities and at schools, where they disturbed, and disorganized the didactic work and anarchized the moods, drawing unreal, quarrelsome demands which were strictly political. The main message was a misleading thesis about the need to subjectify the society, with special emphasis put on the younger generation. The fore-mentioned subjectification is of course the creation of ‘independent social infrastructure’, or in other words ‘the autonomous republic’. The events of recent months, also envisioned the other truth. We have witnessed the growth of young opposition generation mature for political initiation – more radical and more rebellious, more determined and obstinate. It outperforms the ‘old generation’ with their boldness, and impetus of the not-so-trivial fighting with the socialistic state. The political situation in the circles of high-school and university students is best characterized by passivity, nihilism, and resignation. This approach, passive mostly, prevail, but not equally, in most of groups and environments. At the background of unfavorable socio-economic situation, there exist various attitudes, both strictly oppositional, and also partly alternative youth movements, so called: apolitical, playful forms of spending free time and environmental integration. This interesting and still very little investigated socio-political category is a straight answer to the painful to the young 1 In this place a rectangle stamp by the Ministry of National Defense, Internal Military Service nr. Pf 2948 dated 20th Sept 1988 (the date added in handwriting). The document 2 The document is a closed work prepared In the Ministry. It has internal numeration: 40 pages; location: In the footage. In the original version it was marked with numeric notes. 3 May-April strikes – 1st Feb 1988 - the authorities elevated the prices of food and services (25-40 %). The answer to it was a wave of strikes in many factories all over the country. It started in City Public Transport Comp in Bydgoszcz, two days later in Cracow, and on 2nd May strike got to Gdańsk Shipyard. Next to the economical requests there were also political ones to bring back the Solidarity to living. In those days the country witnessed massive student strikes. Despite the mediation trials taken by people connected with the Church, the ZOMO crushed all strike circles, others – threatened to be taken by force, resigned themselves. 1 people dehumanization of social relations, and alienation of human beings, caused by the vivid development of technology. This phenomenon is almost identically reclaimed by the youth all over the world, it also became the contribution of a huge part of young Polish generation. The coverage is an attempt to present the genesis and evaluation of alternative movements in the country. It is a very difficult and little known problem so far. This issue lacks both a proper source base, and interdisciplinary evaluation and analyses. Thus those reflections have partial character, causative and maybe controversial exclusively. It is very difficult however, even a priori, taking into consideration the mistake margin, to pass the issue without any reflection. The issue of alternative forms of life and expression is impossible to be presented without a summary only presentation of the general genesis and modern form of these movements in the world. Representative, as it may seem, is the example of the rebeliousness and the feeling of being lost among the German youth.4 1. Alternative movement genesis, their founding and development on the example of the Federal Republic of Germany. The problem of escape to the alternative ‘island’ is nothing new in history. Still in the 17th century, people tried to create on the basis of the utopian socialism (of Saint-Simon5, Fourier6, Owen7, or Proudhon8) the commonwealths of manufacturers and consumers in the form of falansters9, which were to operate in the capitalistic socio-economic reality. The alternative movement however, grew in the present century, and the strongest in the 60- ties. This is where we should look for its roots. The founders of this form of expression of views and behavior was the hippie movement, taken in the frames of the contesting counterculture. It grew and strengthened on the basis of the student revolt in the end of the 60-ties. This stream is the permanent part of the radical youth subculture of the GFR. This issue, generally speaking, means a relatively concise culture system, creating its own world, which however existed inside the general system of national culture. In the reference to the youth, subculture is a system of institutions, norms, values and examples applied to their own needs and aspirations. It works out its own forms of expression, such as: sport, music, entertainment, fashion, morality, lifestyle, language, literature. These patterns are a straight reaction of part of the youth, to the imposed on them situation of segregation and isolation within the social structures. 4 More on the subject see A. Sakson Rebellious youth. KAW, Poznań 1987, p. 14-15 5 Henri de Saint Simon (1760-1825) French historian, philosopher, freemason, socialist. He claimed we should all aim to create a new, conflict less society, ruled by the working class. 6 Charles Fourier (1772-1837) – French utopian socialist, believed to have coined the term feminism. He claimed that the broaden rights for women is one of the main factors of social development. The creator of the concept of ideal society organized in the falansters. 7 Robert Owen (1771-1858) –Welsh socialistic activist, the pioneer of the cooperative movement. He criticized the free market economy, private property, class structure, poverty of laborers and capitalism. He claimed that to change a human being the communist system is necessary. 8 Pierre Joseph Proudhon (1809-1865) – French socialist, economist, sociologist, journalist. Considered to be the father of anarchism. He attacked the state, Church and capitalism. He postulated the creation of classless and stateless society. 9 Falanster- the ideal form of organization of the society, created by Charles Fourier, where the state would be based on self-sufficient production units, and the work would be divided according to the natural talents of people. He planned one day 6mln such units in the world would be governed by the world omniarchy. 2 The development of the radical subculture in GFR was undergoing in three phases: 1. between 1967-1970 – the period of student revolt, 2. 1971-1975 – the construction of leftist- radical party, and 3. from 1975 – the alternative movement. The last phase, as opposite to the previous ones is characterized best by ignoring the existing system and an attempt to create the alternative society. It is so called ‘aside movement’ (Neben Bewegung). The source of the discontent and development of the alternative movement, is to be sought in the activation of the citizen initiative, in ecological and peace movements. The roots of this peaceful protest should be sought in the passive rebellion of the young groups, against the development of the crisis situation causing the fear of the future. It brings unemployment and lack of perspective to get the demanded job and workplace. It is also the answer to destroying the human natural environment, militarization, and the threat of the atom bomb war, atomization, and dehumanization of human life, or significant lowering of the impact on the political and economic life in the country. These tendencies are often expressed in the aggressive approach towards the law, the state and its citizens. To sum up, the fore-mentioned is an aggressive reaction to the constant crisis of the capitalistic socio-economic system, ecological crisis, technocration, the terror of the urbanized world, the commercialization of all aspects of life, emotional impoverishment, and brutalization of interpersonal relations. As the sociologists describe it, the modern youth “wants to live their lives, and not only go with the flow together with the others”. The young want to develop their own forms of life, and not giving up the ‘old’ values, look for their identity at fighting with the proprieties, wanting to free themselves from the compulsion, and live freely, more spontaneously. Western German alternative movements are vivid, organic, and informal. This is on one hand their weakness, as they act in the dispersal and without bigger coordination, on the other it is their strength and indisputable attractiveness for the broad masses of the young people. The main alternative movements in GFR are: Punks, Poppers, Rockers, house occupants, football fans, Bundeswehra sympathizers, music group fans, motor riding fans, disco goers, the nationals, religious sects (Hare Krishna, The Children of God), the rightist groups (RAF, 2nd June Movement, The Red Help), the groups “Rock against the right wing”, atom electric plants opponents, environment protection supporters, alternative lifestyle groups (cottage communities) etc. As you can see, the variety of West German subcultures is huge. As an example, similarly extended is the alternative movement in West Berlin, where exist over 1200-1500 different alternative projects, gathering 10-15 thousands active participants, and about 100 thousand sympathizers. On the whole 60 percent of alternative groups are ‘political infrastructure’.
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