DOCSLIB.ORG

MDC Alliance

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
MDC Alliance TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1 CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND 2 CHAPTER TWO: MEDIA MONITORING OF THE NEWS AGENDA 10 CHAPTER THREE: MONITORING POLITICAL PLURALISM 23 CHAPTER FOUR: THE REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN POLITICIANS 38 CHAPTER FIVE: MONITORING OF POLITICAL COVERAGE ON ZTV 45 CHAPTER SIX: PROFESSIONAL AND ETHICAL CONDUCT IN ELECTION REPORTING 47 CHAPTER SEVEN: CONCLUSION 60 BASELINE STUDY ON ELECTION REPORTING IN ZIMBABWE’S MAINSTREAM MEDIA • FIRST QUARTER 2018 i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This report is produced by Media Monitors under the programme “Support to media on governance and electoral matters in Zimbabwe” The programme conducted by International Media Support and the Media Alliance of Zimbabwe is funded by the European Union and the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. International Media Support (IMS) is a nonprofit organisation working with media in countries affected by armed conflict, human insecurity and political transition. The content of this publication is the sole responsibility of Media Monitors and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union or the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs ii BASELINE STUDY ON ELECTION REPORTING IN ZIMBABWE’S MAINSTREAM MEDIA • FIRST QUARTER 2018 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Media Monitors conducted a study from 11 – 24 February 2018 on media reporting of Zimbabwe’s political processes ahead of the election on 30 July this year. The study monitored the media’s coverage of political parties, candidates, government officials and public affairs as well as the media’s professionalism in doing so. The study chose a sample that was representative of the various media in the country, which include the state broadcaster; private commercial radio stations; state owned and private print media. For this report, Media Monitors did not include a sample of the local commercial radio stations. News coverage in the monitoring period was dominated by the death of longtime opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai, the end of the Biometric Voter Registration exercise where 5,2 million Zimbabweans registered to vote, and the appointment of Priscilla Chigumba as the new Chairperson of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission. These events shaped the media’s election narrative. The study concluded that the media in Zimbabwe falls short of standards of fair and balanced coverage of political actors in the country. ZANU PF and MDC T dominated the media’s coverage and combined for 94% of the space and time dedicated to political parties whilst the remaining 15 parties accounted for 6% of the coverage. This is a reflection of the lack of diversity in the representation of political actors, given that over 100 political parties are contesting the upcoming elections. The gender dynamics were also problematic as the research noted that women political actors continue to be underrepresented in the media, they made up 16% of the space and time dedicated to political actors in the media while men accounted for 84% of the coverage. The study assessed both the state and privately owned media and noticed that, despite all state-owned media outlets are constitutionally obliged to be fair and impartial in their reporting, the tone of MDC-T coverage was either neutral or negative in the state-owned news outlets, while ZANU PF received a more favorable attention on these platforms. Elections were not one the major issues for coverage, filling 6% of all news hole. Out of all the news stories aired and published devoted to elections 62% focused on campaign activities or statements by political players during campaigns of the different political parties, while there was much less reporting of election related administrative issues and other preparations ahead of the upcoming elections. An analysis of the news agenda showed that the state and privately owned media have implicitly endorsed different parties and candidates to win the election. State-owned print and broadcast media seem to have endorsed President Emmerson Mnangagwa and his ZANU PF as the presidential candidate and party to win the upcoming elections. Private media on the other hand, seem to have endorsed Nelson Chamisa as their preferred presidential candidate, particularly over Thokozani Khupe, and the MDC-T as their party of choice. While the majority of news reports on elections were professionally done, there were some challenges noted, particularly the lack of objectivity in some reports. There was also an over-reliance on “sound bites” with news reports developed from isolated catchy or scandalous comments by politicians at rallies, which in many cases would be taken out of context To help strengthen the role media plays during elections, Media Monitors recommends that: 1. For these and successive elections, media legislation must be reviewed to align these with provisions on freedom of expression and freedom of the media in the Constitution. 2. More media players especially in the broadcasting sector must be licensed in line with Constitutional provisions that allow for freedom of establishment of broadcast media. This would enhance diversity of voices that represent various interests 3. Election regulations on media coverage must be amended so that they clearly define the election period, and further articulate what fair and equitable coverage means 4. Review the media coverage regulatory framework to ensure that there is an effective enforcement mechanism in place for monitoring compliance, receiving and acting upon infractions related to election reporting 5. Stakeholders in the media must take measures to strengthen professional journalism outside the election period, as elections do not take place in a vacuum. BASELINE STUDY ON ELECTION REPORTING IN ZIMBABWE’S MAINSTREAM MEDIA • FIRST QUARTER 2018 1 CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND 1.1 Introduction This baseline report produced in the first quarter of 2018, on media and elections in Zimbabwe presents findings on media reporting of Zimbabwe’s political processes ahead of the election on July 30th this year. The study monitored the media’s coverage of political parties, candidates, government officials and public affairs as well as the media’s professionalism in doing so. The main objective of the report is to assess the performance of a sample of media in providing information on political processes, and to understand to what extent the media is fulfilling its responsibility to the public. Media play an important role in the conduct of free, fair and credible elections. Citizens need to have adequate and credible information on various aspects of the electoral process that includes information about parties, policies, candidates and the election process so that voters can make informed choices, come election day. Media also play an essential role in providing a platform for political parties and candidates to communicate their messages to the electorate. The main focus of the report is to measure and assess the level of political pluralism in the media - whether political participants in an election have access to media on a non-discriminatory basis to present their messages to potential voters so that they have sufficient information to make informed choices. The report therefore examined whether news and current affairs coverage of political players and events is sufficient, free of bias, and in line with professional standards, so as not to undermine people’s political choices on voting day. To achieve this normative ideal, the media is required to follow specific guidelines in reporting, and even more so in election coverage, based on national and international standards of professional and ethical journalism. In Zimbabwe, obligations on the media and elections are contained in the Constitution, Electoral Act and other Statutory Instruments that regulate the conduct of the media during elections. 1.2 Media landscape 1.2.1 Broadcasters Broadcast media is widely acknowledged to have a greater influence on public opinion because of the wider reach it has compared to other media. It is officially recognised that the airwaves are a public resource, with Zimbabwe placing licensing requirements that seek to regulate the airwaves.1 State Broadcasters In Zimbabwe, the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation is the nation’s public broadcaster, as defined by the Broadcasting Services Act. The ZBC operates one television channel (ZTV) and five radio stations, SFM, Radio Zimbabwe, Power FM, National FM and Radio Khulumani. Private Commercial Radio Stations Zimbabwe has two national commercial radio stations (ZiFM and Star FM). The two stations are owned by AB Communications and Zimbabwe Newspapers (Zimpapers) respectively. Local Commercial Stations There are eight local commercial radio stations in Zimbabwe; these are situated in seven of the country’s 10 provinces. Local commercial radio stations transmit within a 40 km radius. Below is a list of the local commercial stations. Local Commercial Station Area of Transmission 98.4FM Gweru Breeze FM Victoria Falls Capitalk FM Harare Diamond FM Mutare Hevoi FM Masvingo Nyaminyami FM Kariba Skyz FM Bulawayo Ya FM Zvishavane 1 Broadcasting Services Act (Chapter 12:06) 2 BASELINE STUDY ON ELECTION REPORTING IN ZIMBABWE’S MAINSTREAM MEDIA • FIRST QUARTER 2018 Radio listenership in Zimbabwe Total listeners across the country is estimated at over 9 million. ZBC’s Radio Zimbabwe is estimated by the Zimbabwe All Media Products (ZAMPS)2 survey to have the highest percentage share of the national audience at 43%. The other stations’
Load more

Recommended publications
  • On the Shoulders of Struggle, Memoirs of a Political Insider by Dr
    On the Shoulders of Struggle: Memoirs of a Political Insider On the Shoulders of Struggle: Memoirs of a Political Insider Dr. Obert M. Mpofu Dip,BComm,MPS,PhD Contents Preface vi Foreword viii Commendations xii Abbreviations xiv Introduction: Obert Mpofu and Self-Writing in Zimbabwe xvii 1. The Mind and Pilgrimage of Struggle 1 2. Childhood and Initiation into Struggle 15 3. Involvement in the Armed Struggle 21 4. A Scholar Combatant 47 5. The Logic of Being ZANU PF 55 6. Professional Career, Business Empire and Marriage 71 7. Gukurahundi: 38 Years On 83 8. Gukurahundi and Selective Amnesia 97 9. The Genealogy of the Zimbabwean Crisis 109 10. The Land Question and the Struggle for Economic Liberation 123 11. The Post-Independence Democracy Enigma 141 12. Joshua Nkomo and the Liberation Footpath 161 13. Serving under Mugabe 177 14. Power Struggles and the Military in Zimbabwe 205 15. Operation Restore Legacy the Exit of Mugabe from Power 223 List of Appendices 249 Preface Ordinarily, people live to either make history or to immortalise it. Dr Obert Moses Mpofu has achieved both dimensions. With wanton disregard for the boundaries of a “single story”, Mpofu’s submission represents a construction of the struggle for Zimbabwe with the immediacy and novelty of a participant. Added to this, Dr Mpofu’s academic approach, and the Leaders for Africa Network Readers’ (LAN) interest, the synergy was inevitable. Mpofu’s contribution, which philosophically situates Zimbabwe’s contemporary politics and socio-economic landscape, embodies LAN Readers’ dedication to knowledge generation and, by extension, scientific growth.
    [Show full text]
  • Domestic Resource Mobilisation and the Quest for Sustainable
    Authored By Gorden Moyo Reviewed & Edited By John Maketo ECONOMIC GOVERNANCE INITIATIVE (EGI) REVIEWED & EDITED BY John Maketo (Programmes Manager) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ZIMCODD would like to acknowledge frantic efforts by the Executive Director, Janet Zhou, for providing leadership in this project, the lead researcher for this paper, Gorden Moyo, who worked tirelessly to put the pieces together for this publication. This publication was produced by the Zimbabwe Coalition on Debt and Development in collaboration with the Economic Governance Initiative Consortium in Zimbabwe comprised of the Transparency International Zimbabwe, Udugu Institute, Youth Empowerment and Transformation Trust (YETT) and the Vendors Initiative for Social and Economic Transformation (VISET) REVIEWED & EDITED BY John Maketo (Programmes Manager) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ZIMCODD would like to acknowledge frantic efforts by the Executive Director, Janet Zhou, for providing leadership in this project, the lead researcher for this paper, Gorden Moyo, who worked tirelessly to put the pieces together for this publication. This publication was produced by the Zimbabwe Coalition on Debt and Development in collaboration with the Economic Governance Initiative Consortium in Zimbabwe comprised of the Transparency International Zimbabwe, Udugu Institute, Youth Empowerment and Transformation Trust (YETT) and the Vendors Initiative for Social and Economic Transformation (VISET) TABLE OF CONTENTS ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS Table Of Contents i 4IR - Fourth Industrial Revolution Abbreviations and
    [Show full text]
  • University of St. Thomas Presents Morgan Tsvangirai and Roy Bennett Walk with Me: ‘The Struggle for Freedom and Hope in Zimbabwe’
    News Release Contact: Sandra Soliz 713-906-7912 [email protected] University of St. Thomas presents Morgan Tsvangirai and Roy Bennett Walk with Me: ‘The Struggle for Freedom and Hope in Zimbabwe’ WHAT: University of St. Thomas presents two of the most effective opposition leaders in Zimbabwe today, Morgan Tsvangirai and Roy Bennett, discussing the current political and social situation in Zimbabwe. WHEN: 7:30 p.m. Tuesday, Oct. 9 WHERE: Cullen Hall, 4001 Mt. Vernon University of St. Thomas Parking available in the Moran Center, Graustark and West Alabama BACKGROUND: • Zimbabwe, 10 years ago the breadbasket of Africa, now faces mass starvation. Land seizures, slum “clearance” and price controls have left fields brown, stores empty and cities dark. People have no jobs, no transport, and no food. • Life expectancy for men has fallen from 60 to 37, lowest in the world. For women, it is lower, 34. Twelve million people once lived in Zimbabwe; more than three million have fled. • The Movement for Democratic Change, led by former union leader Morgan Tsvangirai, opposing these policies, won 58 of the 120 elected seats in Parliament in the last largely free elections of 2000. The Government of President Robert Mugabe closed newspapers, banned political meetings, arrested its opponents. • Today Zimbabwe’s African neighbors, as well as the nations of Europe and America are calling for free and fair elections, but Mugabe stubbornly clings to power. more University of St. Thomas… A Shining Star in the Heart of Houston since 1947 3800 Montrose Blvd. Houston, TX 77006 713.522.7911 www.stthom.edu University of St.
    [Show full text]
  • Distributive Politics at Play in Harare, Zimbabwe: Case for Housing Cooperatives
    Chirisa et al. Bandung J of Global South (2015) 2:15 DOI 10.1186/s40728-015-0015-9 RESEARCH Open Access Distributive politics at play in Harare, Zimbabwe: case for housing cooperatives Innocent Chirisa*, Elmond Bandauko and Nyasha Takawira Mutsindikwa *Correspondence: [email protected] Abstract University of Zimbabwe, This paper is a case in distributive politics (and hinges on land-based power dynam- Harare, Zimbabwe ics) arguing that in the absence of state capacity to provide for housing, housing cooperatives have emerged and controlled largely by patronage. In this case, there is exclusion of those individuals, households and families not politically connected; and this has deep and undesired consequences in the management of urban areas in the end. In the Greater Harare urban (and peri-urban) landscape, the housing cooperatives have the power to control their members with respect to the contributions that each member can make in terms of finance and sweat equity (labor). Nevertheless, land as a resource remains a prerogative of the state, which the ZANU PF regime has controlled for a span of more than 30 years now. Housing cooperatives in Harare, as elsewhere in the country, try to identify with ZANU PF as a party identifying with conservativism enshrined in the existing laws (albeit the New Constitution that came about in 2013) and a party advocating for equity in the distribution of the land. Cooperatives have become a tool in which ZANU PF has re-asserted its influence and hegemony. Keywords: Social capital, Manipulation, Control, Governance, State capacity, Homelessness, Housing land Background In sub-Saharan Africa, in the recent years, the decline of the welfare state in the provi- sion of goods and services has seen the rise of housing cooperatives.
    [Show full text]
  • Imagining Audience Agency in Colonial Rhodesia and Post- Colonial Zimbabwe
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by LSE Research Online Wendy Willems Producing loyal citizens and entertaining volatile subjects: imagining audience agency in colonial Rhodesia and post- colonial Zimbabwe Book section Original citation: Originally published in Willems, Wendy (2014) Producing loyal citizens and entertaining volatile subjects: imagining audience agency in colonial Rhodesia and post-colonial Zimbabwe. In: Butsch, Richard and Livingstone, Sonia, (eds.) Meanings of Audiences: Comparative Discourses. Routledge, Abingdon, UK, pp. 80-96. ISBN 9780415837293 © 2014 The Author This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/51198/ Available in LSE Research Online: August 2014 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s submitted version of the book section. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. Producing loyal citizens and entertaining volatile subjects: imagining audience agency in colonial Rhodesia and post-colonial Zimbabwe Wendy Willems Department of Media and Communications, London School of Economics and Political Science Department of Media Studies, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa Original citation: Willems, W.
    [Show full text]
  • Dealing with the Crisis in Zimbabwe: the Role of Economics, Diplomacy, and Regionalism
    SMALL WARS JOURNAL smallwarsjournal.com Dealing with the Crisis in Zimbabwe: The Role of Economics, Diplomacy, and Regionalism Logan Cox and David A. Anderson Introduction Zimbabwe (formerly known as Rhodesia) shares a history common to most of Africa: years of colonization by a European power, followed by a war for independence and subsequent autocratic rule by a leader in that fight for independence. Zimbabwe is, however, unique in that it was once the most diverse and promising economy on the continent. In spite of its historical potential, today Zimbabwe ranks third worst in the world in “Indicators of Instability” leading the world in Human Flight, Uneven Development, and Economy, while ranking high in each of the remaining eight categories tracked (see figure below)1. Zimbabwe is experiencing a “brain drain” with the emigration of doctors, engineers, and agricultural experts, the professionals that are crucial to revitalizing the Zimbabwean economy2. If this was not enough, 2008 inflation was running at an annual rate of 231 million percent, with 80% of the population lives below the poverty line.3 Figure 1: Source: http://www.foreignpolicy.com/story/cms.php?story_id=4350&page=0 1 Foreign Policy, “The Failed States Index 2008”, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/story/cms.php?story_id=4350&page=0, (accessed August 29, 2008). 2 The Fund for Peace, “Zimbabwe 2007.” The Fund for Peace. http://www.fundforpeace.org/web/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=280&Itemid=432 (accessed September 30, 2008). 3 BBC News, “Zimbabwean bank issues new notes,” British Broadcasting Company. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/7642046.stm (accessed October 3, 2008).
    [Show full text]
  • National Security Is a Sensitive Subject. a Country's Survival, Growth
    EXECUTIVE SUMMARY National security is a sensitive subject. A country’s survival, growth and development depend on a well crafted and consciously implemented national security policy. By nature, national security implementation should always be at a competitive edge relative to internal and external security threats. As a result, the state cannot easily disclose or expose its national security policies and plans without sufficient cause. Zimbabwe’s national security implementation is guided and instructed by the Public Order and Security Act, the Official Secrets Act and the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act. These acts complement one another and are applied flexibly enough to suit the prevailing circumstances The Acts ensure that order, peace and stability prevail, and that the state’s secrets are protected from those who are not entitled to them. State secrets are the preserve of responsible authorities who implement them to control the variables that affect the survival, growth and development of the state. While the call for the right to access to information may sound cogent, it is important to note that it cannot be guaranteed that the information will not be used against the interests of the state and private individuals. In the Zimbabwean context, the phenomenon of the public demanding access to security information is not significant. The public is aware of the sensitivity of state secrets and security information, and it is not common to identify ordinary people craving for security information. Those who demand the information are political malcontents bent on finding a pretext for fomenting anarchy. Public order is maintained by the Zimbabwe Republic Police, and national defence is guaranteed by the Zimbabwe Defence Forces, but for effective protection of the nation, security information is the preserve of those entitled to access it and use it, and not just anybody who might use it against the interests of the state.
    [Show full text]
  • India Zimbabwe Relations
    India Zimbabwe Relations India and Zimbabwe have a long history of close and cordial relations. During the era of the Munhumutapa Kingdom, Indian merchants established strong links with Zimbabwe, trading in textiles, minerals and metals. Sons of the royal house of Munhumutapa journeyed to India to broaden their education. In the 17th century, a great son of Zimbabwe, Dom Miguel – Prince, Priest and Professor, and heir to the imperial throne of the Mutapas – studied in Goa. An inscribed pillar stands today at a chapel in Goa, a tribute to his intellectual stature. India supported Zimbabwe’s freedom struggle. Former Prime Minister Smt. Indira Gandhi attended Zimbabwean independence celebrations in 1980. There were frequent exchanges of high level visits in the past, bilateral or to attend Summits such as NAM, CHOGM and G-15. Former Prime Minister Shri Vajpayee and President Mugabe met twice in the year 2003 on the sidelines of UNGA and NAM Summit. Former President Mugabe attended the IAFS-III held Delhi in 2015. Visits from India to Zimbabwe 1980 – Prime Minister Smt. Indira Gandhi – to attend Independence Celebrations of Zimbabwe. 1986 – Prime Minister Shri Rajiv Gandhi to attend NAM Summit. 1989 – President Shri R. Venkataraman 1991 – Prime Minister Shri Narasimha Rao – to attend CHOGM Summit 1995 – President Dr. S. D. Sharma 1996 – Prime Minister Shri H. D. Deve Gowda for the G-15 Summit 2018 - Vice President, Shri Venkaiah Naidu- Official Visit Visits from Zimbabwe to India 1981 – President Robert Gabriel Mugabe 1983 – President Robert Gabriel Mugabe to attend CHOGM and NAM Summits 1987 – President Mugabe – Africa Fund Summit 1991 – President Mugabe – Nehru Award Presentation 1993 – President Mugabe 1994 – President Mugabe – G-15 Summit 2015 – President Mugabe – IAFS-III Summit 2018 - Vice President General(Retd) Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Robert Mugabe's Africa
    Robert Mugabe’s Africa: Zimbabwe as a Failed State Giannina A. Murphy INTRODUCTION Independence, equality and freedom: these democratic ideals were at the heart of the revolutionary rebellion of Black Zimbabweans against the British colonial power of Rhodesia. The rebellion leader, Robert Mugabe, was initially thought to embody these ideals as a revolutionary hero and became Zimbabwe’s first President upon independence in 1980 (CIA Factbook 2011). However, the state is now fully incapacitated due to rampant government corruption and economic failure. This paper will define a “failed state”, concentrating on the Zimbabwean economy and political dictatorship under Robert Mugabe. The democratic spirit of rebellion has not been quelled in all Zimbabweans, as evidenced by the courageous actions of Mike Campbell and Ben Freeth against Mugabe’s Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP). In spite of the indisputable failure of economic reforms like the FTLRP, the Indigenization Act of 2008 has condemned the utilization of Foreign Direct Investment to rebuild the economy as a means of stabilizing this failed state. THEME ANALYSIS: THE FAILED STATE State failure encompasses a wide variety of characteristics, affecting the social, economic and political spheres of a nation. Zimbabwe’s classification as a failed state is indisputable, for the country ranks #4 globally on the Foreign Policy’s Failed States Index of 2010 (Foreign Policy 2010). This comparative index ranks 177 countries based on multiple categories that signify a “failed state” (Foreign Policy 2010). The index rankings are determined by an analysis of various indicators across all aspects of state function. Pervasive government corruption, de-legitimization of the state, persistence of violence, ineffective rule of law and uneven economic growth all contribute to the state becoming “governmentally empty”, the most universal feature of a failed state (The Fund for Peace 2010; class notes 2011).
    [Show full text]
  • The Small World of Clandestine Radio Broadcasting
    SANCTIONED AND CONTROLLED MESSAGE PROPAGATION IN A RESTRICTIVE INFORMATION ENVIRONMENT: THE SMALL WORLD OF CLANDESTINE RADIO BROADCASTING David Ndirangu Wachanga, B.A., M.J. Dissertation Prepared for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF NORTH TEXAS December 2007 APPROVED: Brian C. O’Connor, Major Professor F. Mitch Land, Committee Member Herman L. Totten, Committee Member and Dean of the School of Library and Information Sciences C. Melinda Levin, Committee Member Jacqueline Lambiase, Committee Member Sandra L. Terrell, Dean of the Robert B. Toulouse School of Graduate Studies Wachanga, David Ndirangu, Sanctioned and Controlled Message Propagation in a Restrictive Information Environment: The Small World of Clandestine Radio Broadcasting. Doctor of Philosophy (Information Science), December 2007, 153 pages, 4 tables, 8 figures, 83 references. This dissertation seeks to identify the elements that inform the model for competing message propagation systems in a restrictive environment. It pays attention to message propagation by sanctioned and clandestine radio stations in pre- and post-independent Zimbabwe. This dissertation uses two models of message propagation in a limiting information environment: Sturges’ information model of national liberation struggle and Chatman’s small world information model. All the message propagation elements in the Sturges and Chatman’s models are present in the broadcast texts analyzed. However, the findings of this dissertation indicate that communication in a restrictive information environment is designed such that its participants make sense of their situation, and come up with ways to solve the challenges of their small world. Also, a restrictive information environment is situational, and message propagators operating in it are subject to tactical changes at different times, accordingly altering their cognitive maps.
    [Show full text]
  • The Mortal Remains: Succession and the Zanu Pf Body Politic
    THE MORTAL REMAINS: SUCCESSION AND THE ZANU PF BODY POLITIC Report produced for the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum by the Research and Advocacy Unit [RAU] 14th July, 2014 1 CONTENTS Page No. Foreword 3 Succession and the Constitution 5 The New Constitution 5 The genealogy of the provisions 6 The presently effective law 7 Problems with the provisions 8 The ZANU PF Party Constitution 10 The Structure of ZANU PF 10 Elected Bodies 10 Administrative and Coordinating Bodies 13 Consultative For a 16 ZANU PF Succession Process in Practice 23 The Fault Lines 23 The Military Factor 24 Early Manoeuvring 25 The Tsholotsho Saga 26 The Dissolution of the DCCs 29 The Power of the Politburo 29 The Powers of the President 30 The Congress of 2009 32 The Provincial Executive Committee Elections of 2013 34 Conclusions 45 Annexures Annexure A: Provincial Co-ordinating Committee 47 Annexure B : History of the ZANU PF Presidium 51 2 Foreword* The somewhat provocative title of this report conceals an extremely serious issue with Zimbabwean politics. The theme of succession, both of the State Presidency and the leadership of ZANU PF, increasingly bedevils all matters relating to the political stability of Zimbabwe and any form of transition to democracy. The constitutional issues related to the death (or infirmity) of the President have been dealt with in several reports by the Research and Advocacy Unit (RAU). If ZANU PF is to select the nominee to replace Robert Mugabe, as the state constitution presently requires, several problems need to be considered. The ZANU PF nominee ought to be selected in terms of the ZANU PF constitution.
    [Show full text]
  • Zimbabwe's Anti-Corruption Courts
    U4 Brief 2021:3 Zimbabwe’s anti-corruption courts Progress and challenges By Muchaneta Mundopa Series editor: Sofie Arjon Schütte Disclaimer All views in this text are the author(s)’, and may differ from the U4 partner agencies’ policies. Partner agencies German Corporation for International Cooperation – GIZ German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development – BMZ Global Affairs Canada Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark / Danish International Development Assistance – Danida Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency – Sida Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation – SDC The Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation – Norad UK Aid – Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office About U4 U4 is a team of anti-corruption advisers working to share research and evidence to help international development actors get sustainable results. The work involves dialogue, publications, online training, workshops, helpdesk, and innovation. U4 is a permanent centre at the Chr. Michelsen Institute (CMI) in Norway. CMI is a non-profit, multi-disciplinary research institute with social scientists specialising in development studies. www.U4.no [email protected] Cover photo amanderson2 (CC by) https://flic.kr/p/JHz4AE Keywords justice sector - anti-corruption courts - anti-corruption institutions - judges - judiciary - Zimbabwe - Sub-Saharan Africa Publication type U4 Brief Creative commons This work is licenced under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International licence (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) After the ouster of President Mugabe in 2017, Zimbabwe established new, specialised anti-corruption courts that have since expanded to all ten provinces. Specially assigned judges and regional magistrates hear corruption cases, although not exclusively and not following any special procedures.
    [Show full text]