Presentation of Qatari Identity at National Museum of Qatar: Between Imagination and Reality
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Partial List of Institutional Clients
Lord Cultural Resources has completed over 2500 museum planning projects in 57+ countries on 6 continents. North America Austria Turkey Israel Canada Belgium Ukraine Japan Mexico Czech Republic United Kingdom Jordan USA Estonia Korea Africa France Kuwait Egypt Central America Germany Lebanon Morocco Belize Hungary Malaysia Namibia Costa Rica Iceland Philippines Nigeria Guatemala Ireland Qatar South Africa Italy Saudi Arabia The Caribbean Tunisia Aruba Latvia Singapore Bermuda Liechtenstein Asia Taiwan Trinidad & Tobago Luxembourg Azerbaijan Thailand Poland Bahrain United Arab Emirates South America Russia Bangladesh Oceania Brazil Spain Brunei Australia Sweden China Europe New Zealand Andorra Switzerland India CLIENT LIST Delta Museum and Archives, Ladner North America The Haisla Nation, Kitamaat Village Council Kamloops Art Gallery Canada Kitimat Centennial Museum Association Maritime Museum of British Columbia, Victoria Alberta Museum at Campbell River Alberta Culture and Multiculturalism Museum of Northern British Columbia, Alberta College of Art and Design (ACAD), Calgary Prince Rupert Alberta Tourism Nanaimo Centennial Museum and Archives Alberta Foundation for the Arts North Vancouver Museum Art Gallery of Alberta, Edmonton Port Alberni Valley Museum Barr Colony Heritage Cultural Centre, Lloydminster Prince George Art Gallery Boreal Centre for Bird Conservation, Slave Lake National Historic Site, Port Alberni Canada West Military Museums, Calgary R.B. McLean Lumber Co. Canadian Pacific Railway, Calgary Richmond Olympic Experience -
The Museum of Islamic Art and the Discursive Endeavour of Displaying Islamic Art in Qatar Eva-Maria Tepest*
Museum & Society, 17 (2) 157 ‘Temporary Until Further Notice’: The Museum of Islamic Art and the Discursive Endeavour of Displaying Islamic Art in Qatar Eva-Maria Tepest* Abstract Taking the case of curatorial practices at the Museum of Islamic Art (MIA) in Doha, this study analyses practices of exhibiting Islamic art in Qatar. Drawing on interviews, observations and visual material collected during a stay in Doha in November and December 2015, it sheds light on MIA’s conditions, history, and present. Against the backdrop of Michel Foucault’s writings on power/knowledge, I argue that MIA cannot be understood on the basis of a dominant liberal cultural policy paradigm. Rather, it needs to be understood as ‘a dynamic and contingent multiplicity’ (Barad 2007: 147). Notwithstanding, this multiplicity meaningfully relates to Qatar’s shifting political priorities as well as discourses on Islamic art and the exhibition. Key Words: Qatar, Islamic art, cultural policy, museum, Foucault Introduction Museum establishments in Qatar have caused a great stir in the past decade, with Qatar particularly venturing to establish itself as one of the key actors for funding, collecting, and promoting Islamic art, notably through the establishment of the Museum of Islamic Art (MIA) in 2008. Due to its enormous hydrocarbon wealth,1 Qatar has undergone significant economic growth since the beginning of the 1970s, making it the world’s highest income country per capita as of 2015.2 Enabled by these enormous revenues Qatar, among other things, has invested heavily in the cultural-educational sector. Within this context and following the coup d’état of Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani in 1995, the grander scheme of museum establishments started to get enacted. -
QATAR V. BAHRAIN) REPLY of the STATE of QATAR ______TABLE of CONTENTS PART I - INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I - GENERAL 1 Section 1
CASE CONCERNING MARITIME DELIMITATION AND TERRITORIAL QUESTIONS BETWEEN QATAR AND BAHRAIN (QATAR V. BAHRAIN) REPLY OF THE STATE OF QATAR _____________________________________________ TABLE OF CONTENTS PART I - INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I - GENERAL 1 Section 1. Qatar's Case and Structure of Qatar's Reply Section 2. Deficiencies in Bahrain's Written Pleadings Section 3. Bahrain's Continuing Violations of the Status Quo PART II - THE GEOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND CHAPTER II - THE TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY OF QATAR Section 1. The Overall Geographical Context Section 2. The Emergence of the Al-Thani as a Political Force in Qatar Section 3. Relations between the Al-Thani and Nasir bin Mubarak Section 4. The 1913 and 1914 Conventions Section 5. The 1916 Treaty Section 6. Al-Thani Authority throughout the Peninsula of Qatar was consolidated long before the 1930s Section 7. The Map Evidence CHAPTER III - THE EXTENT OF THE TERRITORY OF BAHRAIN Section 1. Bahrain from 1783 to 1868 Section 2. Bahrain after 1868 PART III - THE HAWAR ISLANDS AND OTHER TERRITORIAL QUESTIONS CHAPTER IV - THE HAWAR ISLANDS Section 1. Introduction: The Territorial Integrity of Qatar and Qatar's Sovereignty over the Hawar Islands Section 2. Proximity and Qatar's Title to the Hawar Islands Section 3. The Extensive Map Evidence supporting Qatar's Sovereignty over the Hawar Islands Section 4. The Lack of Evidence for Bahrain's Claim to have exercised Sovereignty over the Hawar Islands from the 18th Century to the Present Day Section 5. The Bahrain and Qatar Oil Concession Negotiations between 1925 and 1939 and the Events Leading to the Reversal of British Recognition of Hawar as part of Qatar Section 6. -
Arabs at the Crossroads: Political Identity and Nationalism
Book Review of Hilal Khashan's Arabs at the Crossroads: Political Identity and Nationalism (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000), The Arab World Geographer/Le Géographe du monde arabe 3(2):141-147, 2000. In the book Arabs at the Crossroads, Hilal Khashan, an associate professor of political science at the American University of Beirut, provides a vivid description of Arab political performance since the decline of the Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century and the subsequent formal abrogation of the Islamic Caliphate in 1924 amidst rising European colonialism and Zionism. The book is small (149 pages of text) but concise and well written. Despite raising some very controversial issues, Khashan has combined the coolness of scholarship with intellectual rigor and political concern. His dispassionate perspective is refreshing and makes the book unapologetically independent and provocative. The book consists of nine chapters mostly focused on Arab political experience during the twentieth century. Chapter 1 examines the roots of the identity crisis in the Arab world, especially the ways in which “nineteenth-century reformers disturbed the Arab mind by sowing distrust in the Ottoman empire, without securing a tenable ideological alternative to that religious state and to Islam which it embodied” (page 1). Chapter 2 discusses the birth and the universalization of the European nation-state model of secular nationalism and its many incomplete versions in non-Western cultures, particularly in Muslim countries where “the clash between ethnocentrism and religion seems to resolve itself to the detriment of the former, without the latter emerging as a clear victor” (page 24). While this is a brilliant description of how modern Arab identity seems to swing constantly from Arab nationalism to Islamic identity and back, it stops short of an in-depth theoretical analysis of what constitutes the essence of identity in the Arab world. -
Amir, Italian PM Discuss Ways to Boost Ties
THURSDAY APRIL 4, 2019 RAJAB 28, 1440 VOL.12 NO. 4594 QR 2 FINE Fajr: 4:06 am Dhuhr: 11:37 am HIGH : 24°C Asr: 3:05 pm Maghrib: 5:51 pm LOW : 29°C Isha: 7:21 pm MAIN BRANCH LULU HYPER SANAYYA ALKHOR Business 13 Sports 17 Doha D-Ring Road Street-17 M & J Building MATAR QADEEM MANSOURA ABU HAMOUR BIN OMRAN Qatar Cinema to open high-end Barshim set to compete at Near Ahli Bank Al Meera Petrol Station Al Meera cinema complex in Katara Asian C’ships in Doha alzamanexchange www.alzamanexchange.com 44441448 Amir, Italian PM discuss ways to boost ties Two sides discuss regional issues, Conte inaugurates new developments in Libya Italian embassy premises QNA RAHUL PREETH to host the Amir in Rome a DOHA DOHA few months ago and had a very fruitful and positive dia- THE Amir HH Sheikh Tamim IN a sign of growing rela- logue,” said Conte. bin Hamad al Thani and tions with Qatar, Prime Min- Amir’s visit to Italy in Prime Minister of Italy Gi- ister of Italy Guiseppo Conte November 2018 was de- useppe Conte discussed bilat- inaugurated the country’s scribed by Italian media as eral relations and the means new embassy premises in “the culmination of the stra- to enhance them in all areas, Doha on Wednesday. tegic relations between Qa- particularly in economy, in- Although it was official- tar and Italy”. vestment, and defence, during ly opened on Wednesday, Conte said Wednesday’s the official talks at the Amiri the new office at Alfardan meeting was his second with Diwan on Wednesday. -
GCC Policies Toward the Red Sea, the Horn of Africa and Yemen: Ally-Adversary Dilemmas by Fred H
II. Analysis Crown Prince Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, Abu Dhabi, and King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, Saudi Arabia, preside over the ‘Sheikh Zayed Heritage Festival 2016’ in Abu Dhabi, UAE, on 4 December 2016. GCC Policies Toward the Red Sea, the Horn of Africa and Yemen: Ally-Adversary Dilemmas by Fred H. Lawson tudies of the foreign policies of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries usually ignore import- S ant initiatives that have been undertaken with regard to the Bab al-Mandab region, an area encom- passing the southern end of the Red Sea, the Horn of Africa and Yemen. Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) have become actively involved in this pivotal geopolitical space over the past decade, and their relations with one another exhibit a marked shift from mutual complementarity to recip- rocal friction. Escalating rivalry and mistrust among these three governments can usefully be explained by what Glenn Snyder calls “the alliance security dilemma.”1 Shift to sustained intervention Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE have been drawn into Bab al-Mandab by three overlapping develop- ments. First, the rise in world food prices that began in the 2000s incentivized GCC states to ramp up investment in agricultural land—Riyadh, Doha and Abu Dhabi all turned to Sudan, Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda as prospective breadbaskets.2 Doha pushed matters furthest by proposing to construct a massive canal in central Sudan that would have siphoned off more than one percent of the Nile River’s total annual downstream flow to create additional farmland. -
Automatic Exchange of Information: Status of Commitments
As of 27 September 2021 AUTOMATIC EXCHANGE OF INFORMATION (AEOI): STATUS OF COMMITMENTS1 JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES IN 2017 (49) Anguilla, Argentina, Belgium, Bermuda, British Virgin Islands, Bulgaria, Cayman Islands, Colombia, Croatia, Cyprus2, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Faroe Islands, Finland, France, Germany, Gibraltar, Greece, Guernsey, Hungary, Iceland, India, Ireland, Isle of Man, Italy, Jersey, Korea, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Mexico, Montserrat, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, San Marino, Seychelles, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, South Africa, Spain, Sweden, Turks and Caicos Islands, United Kingdom JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2018 (51) Andorra, Antigua and Barbuda, Aruba, Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan3, The Bahamas, Bahrain, Barbados, Belize, Brazil, Brunei Darussalam, Canada, Chile, China, Cook Islands, Costa Rica, Curacao, Dominica4, Greenland, Grenada, Hong Kong (China), Indonesia, Israel, Japan, Lebanon, Macau (China), Malaysia, Marshall Islands, Mauritius, Monaco, Nauru, New Zealand, Niue4, Pakistan3, Panama, Qatar, Russia, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Samoa, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, Sint Maarten4, Switzerland, Trinidad and Tobago4, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, Uruguay, Vanuatu JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2019 (2) Ghana3, Kuwait5 JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2020 (3) Nigeria3, Oman5, Peru3 JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2021 (3) Albania3, 7, Ecuador3, Kazakhstan6 -
Qatar ν Bahrain in the International Court of Justice at the Hague
Qatar ν Bahrain in the International Court of Justice at The Hague Case concerning Maritime Delimitation and Territorial Questions1 Year 2001 16 March General List No. 87 JUDGMENT ON THE MERITS 1 On 8 July 1991 the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the State of Qatar (here- inafter referred to as "Qatar") filed in the Registry of the Court an Application instituting proceedings against the State of Bahrain (hereinafter referred to as "Bahrain") in respect of certain disputes between the two States relating to "sovereignty over the Hawar islands, sovereign rights over the shoals of Dibal and Qit'at Jaradah, and the delimitation of the maritime areas of the two States". In this Application, Qatar contended that the Court had jurisdiction to entertain the dispute by virtue of two "agreements" concluded between the Parties in December 1987 and December 1990 respectively, the subject and scope of the commitment to the Court's jurisdiction being determined, according to the Applicant, by a formula proposed by Bahrain to Qatar on 26 October 1988 and accepted by Qatar in December 1990 (hereinafter referred to as the "Bahraini formula"). 2 Pursuant to Article 40, paragraph 2, of the Statute of the Court, the Application was forthwith communicated by the Registrar of the Court to the Government of Bahrain; in accordance with paragraph 3 of that Article, all other States entitled to appear before the Court were notified by the Registrar of the Application. 3 By letters addressed to the Registrar on 14 July 1991 and 18 August 1991, Bahrain contested the basis of jurisdiction invoked by Qatar. -
Changing a System from Within: Applying the Theory
CHANGING A SYSTEM FROM WITHIN: APPLYING THE THEORY OF COMMUNICATIVE ACTION FOR FUNDAMENTAL POLICY CHANGES IN KUWAIT A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by Nasser Almujaibel May 10, 2018 Examining Committee Members: Dr. Nancy Morris, Advisory Chair, MSP / Media and Communication Dr. Brian Creech, Journalism. Media & Communication Dr. Wazhmah Osman, MSP/ Media & Communication Dr. Sean L. Yom, External Member, Political Science ABSTRACT Political legitimacy is a fundamental problem in the modern state. According to Habermas (1973), current legitimation methods are losing the sufficiency needed to support political systems and decisions. In response, Habermas (1987) developed the theory of communicative action as a new method for establishing political legitimacy. The current study applies the communicative action theory to Kuwait’s current political transformation. This study addresses the nature of the foundation of Kuwait, the regional situation, the internal political context, and the current economic challenges. The specific political transformation examined in this study is a national development project known as Vision of 2035 supported by the Amir as the head of the state. The project aims to develop a third of Kuwait’s land and five islands as special economic zones (SEZ). The project requires new legislation that would fundamentally change the political and economic identity of the country. The study applies the communicative action theory in order to achieve a mutual understanding between different groups in Kuwait regarding the project’s features and the legislation required to achieve them. ii DEDICATION ﻟﻠﺤﺎﻟﻤﯿﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﻨﻮم ... اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﯿﻦ ﺑﻌﺪه iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS To my parents, my wife Aminah, and my children Lulwa, Bader, and Zaina: Your smiles made this journey easier every day. -
In Colonial Bahrain: Beyond the Sunni / Shia Divide
THREATS TO BRITISH “PROTECTIONISM” IN COLONIAL BAHRAIN: BEYOND THE SUNNI / SHIA DIVIDE A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Arab Studies By Sarah E. A. Kaiksow, M.St. Washington, D.C. April 24, 2009 I would like to thank Dr. Judith Tucker and Dr. Sara Scalenghe for inspiration and encouragement. ii Copyright 2009 by Sarah E. A. Kaiksow All Rights Reserved iii TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Introduction 1 Research Focus 2 Periodization 7 Archives 9 II. Background 12 The al-Khalifa and the British 12 Economy & Society of an island thoroughfare 17 Trade, pearls, date gardens, fish, and fresh water springs 17 Baharna, Huwala, Persians, Najdis, Thattia Bhattias, and Jews 20 III. Threats on the Ground: Saud-Wahabis in the Nineteenth Century 24 Uncertain allies (1830-1831) 24 First interventions (1850-1850) 26 Saud-Wahabis, Persia, and the Ottomans (1860-1862) 29 Distinctive registers 33 A new role for Britain (circa 1920) 34 The case for internal “reform” (1920-1923) 36 The “Najdi” crisis (April, 1923) 44 Debating the threats (May, 1923) 48 Forced succession (May 26, 1923) 50 Pearling industry and reforms (1915-1923) 52 Resistance to colonial reform (June – September, 1923) 55 Dawasir Exodus (October, 1923) 59 Consolidating the state (1926-1930) 61 IV. Persia and State Consolidation in the Twentieth Century 64 V. Conclusion 66 Bibliography 75 iv I. Introduction In the early months of 1923, the Under Secretary -
ISIS in Libya: a Major Regional and International Threat
המרכז למורשת המודיעין (מל"מ) מרכז המידע למודיעין ולטרור January 2016 ISIS in Libya: a Major Regional and International Threat ISIS operatives enter the coastal city of Sirte in north-central Libya on February 18, 2015, in a show of strength accompanied by dozens of vehicles (Twitter.com, Nasher.me). Since then ISIS has established itself in Sirte and the surrounding areas, turning the entire region into its Libyan stronghold and a springboard for spreading into other regions. Overview 1. In 2015 ISIS established two strongholds beyond the borders of its power base in Iraq and Syria: the first in the Sinai Peninsula, where it wages determined fighting against the Egyptian security forces. The second is situated in the north- central Libyan city of Sirte and its surroundings, where it has established territorial control and from where it seeks to take over the entire country. It intends to turn Libya into a springboard for terrorism and the subversion of the rest of North Africa, the sub-Saharan countries, and southern Europe. The firm territorial base ISIS constructed in Libya is the only one outside IraQ and Syria, and is potentially a greater regional and international threat. 2. ISIS could establish itself in Libya because of the chaos prevalent after the execution of Muammar Qaddafi. As in Iraq and Syria, the governmental-security vacuum created by the collapse of the central government was filled by nationalist and Islamist organizations, local and regional tribal militias and jihadist organizations. The branch of ISIS in Libya exploited the lack of a functioning government and 209-15 2 the absence of international intervention to establish itself in the region around Sirte and from there to aspire to spread throughout Libya. -
Al-Wala Wa-L-Bara and the Western Foreign Fighters of the Islamic State
Al-Wala wa-l-Bara and the Western Foreign Fighters of the Islamic State by Hamid Durrani A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfilment of the thesis requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2019 © Hamid Durrani 2019 AUTHOR’S DECLARATION I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this thesis. This is a true copy of the thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that my thesis may be made electronically available to the public. Date: April 22, 2019 Name (printed letters): Hamid Durrani Signature: i ABSTRACT Addressing the question of the Islamic State’s foreign fighters not only necessitates a thorough understanding of their state of mind or psychology, but also the firm ideological beliefs in their hearts and minds. There are many studies that focus on the earthly pursuits of the Islamic State’s Western fighters but they tend to fall short because they do not adequately address the religious aspects. As it appears, Salafi- jihadism and Wahhabism are the central philosophies of the Islamic State’s religious roots. Heavily relying on qualitative data, this study aims to unveil whether hijrah to the Caliphate or rallying to its cause at home correlates with the Islamic State’s emphasis on the distinctly Salafi and particularly Wahhabi doctrine called al-Wala wa-l-Bara. This study first explains the historical and theological contexts of the doctrine. Second, it examines the extent to which the doctrine was preached by the Islamic State to sway Muslims to support its cause.