Family Names Among the Xhosa of South Africa

Family Names among the Xhosa of South Africa

Bertie NEETHLING

Introduction The population in South Africa is extremely diverse and many cultural or ethnic groups can be distinguished. The Xhosa people (or amaX- hosa) constitute one of these and form a significant group in terms of numbers: it is estimated that there are about 10 million Xhosa-speak- ing people in South Africa, making them the second biggest ethnic grouping with Zulu the biggest. The total population of South Africa is around 47 million. The Xhosa people speak Xhosa (or isiXhosa as the language is known in the Xhosa language). It forms part of the Nguni language family which is a sub-grouping of the huge Bantu language family, probably the most important Sub-Saharan language grouping in Africa. Although evidence is scant on the history of the amaXhosa, it is generally accepted that they originally moved down from Central Africa around the Great Lakes into Southern Africa and settled on the south-eastern coastline of present-day South Africa. Significant pock- ets of Xhosa-speakers are nowadays found all over the country. Xhosa speakers, like most other people all over the world, carry surnames nowadays but that was not always the case. The fact of the matter is that family names (also called surnames or last names1) have been introduced to African societies probably not that long ago. In other societies it goes back further, but one may assume that var- ious cultures and peoples went without surnames for generations. If one studies the history of old civilizations like those of the Egyptians and the Greeks, the history of the Roman Empire, and even the Bible, it becomes abundantly clear that a single name system was firmly in place originally. There were enough names for the popula- tion at the time to go around and a more complicated system was not necessary.

1 Family names and surnames will be used interchangeably in this contribution.

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The introduction of surnames The Romans were probably the first to introduce a system of more than one name for an individual (see Krige 1936, 8; Pine 1965, 11; De Stadler 1987,75). Three names were distinguished: – a praenomen or first name; – a nomen which indicated lineage or clan; – a cognomen, functioning more or less like family names today An example of such tria nomina would be Gaius Julius Ceasar. This system was implemented to counteract the inadequacy of the existing system. As the population increased, it became necessary to introduce secondary (additional) names to distinguish between the many indi- viduals that carried the same first (personal) name. Cottle, on English surnames (1967) remarks that some first names were gaining a tire- some popularity, especially Thomas after 1170 (inspired by Thomas Beckett). It was, however, only during the Middle Ages that a surname system was introduced by the Teutons when surnames became fash- ionable but also necessary because of the population growth. The cus- tom gradually spread across the Western world. According to Dorward (1995, v) scholars recognise in every culture a ‘surname period’ i.e. a stage when society becomes too complex to make it possible to iden- tify individuals by given name alone. Whether such a period could be recognised in an African context, is dubious. The first surnames appeared in Italy and France in the 10th cen- tury, but it was only from the 14th century that the system became commonplace in certain areas. In ‘peripheral’ areas like Wales many only received surnames in the 18th century. On 18 August 1811 Napo- leon decreed that all persons should be registered under a fixed sur- name. This was done in order to establish the manpower available for military purposes. In the Netherlands the House of Orange realised the value of the Napoleonic decree and followed suit with a similar decree on 25 November 1825 (see Nienaber 1955, 7-8). It was therefore only in the 19th century that some permanency arose particularly regarding spelling as well as the hereditary factor. In some areas this develop- ment came sooner. In England surnames had been compulsory in church registers since 1522 and from about 1730 onwards the system was well established, in spite of comments like the following one from Sir Joseph Jekyll:

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I am satisfied the usage of passing acts of Parliament for the taking upon one a surname is but modern, and that anyone may take upon him what surname, and as many surnames, as he pleases, without an Act of Parliament. (Nienaber 1975, 153) These secondary names were at first little more than nicknames, apply- ing only to the individuals concerned. As time went by, however, they slowly began to be passed down from one generation to the next. According to Weekley, people in the Middle Ages had a very carefree and even flippant attitude towards naming, particularly when com- pared with German: When we consider the beauty of the oldest of these [=Germanic] names, their picturesque connection with gods and heroes, war and wilds, and with the great elementary abstract concepts we no longer understand, and compare them with the name creations of the Romans, and still more of the Middle Ages, commonplace, prosaic, spiteful or obscene, we feel thankful that there was once an age of poetic bandits and imaginative pirates. (1916, 26) The French term surnom (‘nickname’) was adapted to ‘surname’ to describe the new hereditary family name. The ‘sur’ in ‘surname’ orig- inally comes from the Latin super which means ‘in addition/above’. A surname is essentially then an additional name (see Dunkling 1977, 58). Kaleta (1997, 51) also refers to the Latin term nomen gentile as ‘a name belonging to the same kin, family’. The rationale for bestowing a specific surname on an individual may differ; hence there is no fixed or formal rule when it comes to surname formation. Matthews remarks that it ‘…. is seldom an official affair’ (1967, 8). The creation of surnames appears to have been spon- taneous, and any distinction between individuals that carried the same first (personal) name, could serve the purpose of forming the basis for a surname. Strictly speaking then, all surnames are nicknames. One could therefore argue that family names could also be considered as additional names, which accommodated nicknames, but clearly, sur- names are fulfilling different functions at present, which justify their separate treatment.

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Surnames in Africa and among the Xhosa It is obviously extremely difficult to date the introduction of surnames into African society. The compelling factors, such as population growth with the resulting great number of individuals carrying the same first name, also applied to African communities. It is nonetheless interesting to note Madubuike’s observation that ‘from time immemo- rial Africans have always had a way of distinguishing people with the same names’ (1994, 7). Herbert’s observation (1996, 1223) in this regard, is also interesting. According to him the many references by ethnographers to surnames in Africa give no indication whether sur- names had always been part of an indigenous naming system, or whether it was imposed upon African societies through the efforts of the colonial administrators. Available sources on surnames usually cover the situation in the Western world, and more particularly, Britain and Europe. What is striking about these sources is that they all agree on the etymological types one can distinguish in surnames. Cottle (1967), Smith (1973), De Stadler (1987), Dorward (1995) and many others all cite the fol- lowing typology that establishes a pattern underlying the formation of surnames: a) Surnames derived from the name of the father/male forbear (occa- sionally the mother/female forebear); b) Surnames derived from the holder’s/forebear’s past or present place of residence; c) Surnames derived from an occupation; and d) Surnames derived from a characteristic of the holder, i.e. a descrip- tive (nick)name, or from prevailing circumstances at a given time. The obvious question now arises: what is the situation in African, and particularly Xhosa society? Not forgetting Madubuike’s earlier com- ment that Africans always had ways of distinguishing between people who carried the same first name, it is nevertheless interesting to note that he quotes the same typology ‘for the purposes of classification’, depending on how surnames were formed or derived. His book is called A Handbook of African Names, suggesting that this typology might be useful in describing the surname phenomenon in many other African societies. He makes the following provocative and certainly debatable statement: ‘An individual usually had all four such names

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[= types of surnames], although it is not necessary each time to iden- tify him by all of them’ (1994, 18). He may ostensibly have been guided by the situation in Nigeria, being a Nigerian himself. Koopman, in his recent book on Zulu names (2002), prefers the term ‘clan name’ to ‘surname’ when it comes to Zulu society. It is clear that Zulu clan names function as surnames. This may also cause confusion, because a Zulu individual may have more than one clan name, and hence more than one surname. In such cases where sur- names might be used interchangeably for one individual, the predict- able result can only be administrative chaos. Koopman also comes to the conclusion that ‘On the balance of evidence, it is fair to say that the origins of Euro Western surnames and the origins of Zulu clan names belong to decidedly different cultural patterns. This is surely not surprising.’ (2002, 76). Xhosa belongs to the same language family as Zulu, i.e. Nguni, and the two groupings share many cultural traits. Observations regard- ing the one often apply, mutatis mutandis, to the other. Koopman is not surprised that the origins of Zulu clan names are very different to the origins of surnames from a Euro Western context. Should one now be surprised that the Xhosa surnames do indeed support the four-tier typology? Perhaps yes, in the light of the similarities between Zulu and Xhosa. It is, however, interesting to note that in Ndimande’s brief study on Zulu surnames (1998), many of her ‘sources’ which gave rise to the formation of surnames, can very easily be accommodated in the four-tier typology (93). Clan names, as mentioned earlier, also exist in Xhosa society, but they clearly do not function as surnames. Her- bert (1996, 1223) makes the following statement: Among the Nguni peoples an indigenous system of patrilineal “clan names” (Zulu izibongo; Xhosa iziduko) was converted into a system of surnames.’ This is only true for Zulu. Xhosa iziduko do not function as surnames. Herbert then acknowledges this, and one wonders why he deemed it necessary to include Xhosa in his opening statement. The available Xhosa surname data, in general, fits fairly nicely into the common typology. One should then probably say that at the level of surname development and usage, it appears as if Zulu and Xhosa societies have developed along different lines. This is mildly surprising, but is supported by the available data. It stands to reason that there may obviously be many factors that might or did serve as the inspiration for taking on surnames. As

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pointed out above, in essence the family name system came into being to distinguish individuals carrying the same first name from one another, and any distinction between individuals that would satisfy the need could be used. In a publication called Black Names, Dillard quotes Genovese on surnames in America after slavery: With freedom, many Blacks took particular surnames for reasons other than to establish a historical link with their own family, especially since it was often difficult or impossible to do so. At the very least, they wanted the privilege of selecting a name and thereby establishing their right to make a choice (1976, 23). The very nature of names per se would always yield some data that defy any classification; hence the simplicity of the fourfold division is not deceiving. Some overlapping might obviously occur. The data comes from questionnaires disseminated among Xhosa speaking stu- dents at the University of the Western Cape (UWC) in 2000 as well as from Ntwana (1994).

The etymology of Xhosa family names The four categories referred to above, could be presented as follows:

a) A-surnames (> ancestor surnames) These are based on the first name of an ancestor (male or female). The male names are dominant which is not surprising given the fact that traditional Xhosa society is patrilineal. The use of patronyms as sur- names is common throughout Africa, as it is in many other societies. In Celtic communities such as among the Scots and the Irish this phe- nomenon is well known: The Scottish Gaelic prefix Mac means ‘son of’ and is very common, e.g. MacDonald, MacMillan, etc. The Irish surnames use O’ as an abbreviation for ‘son of ’, i.e. O’Neill, O’Reilly, etc. Compare the following examples:

Patronymical Matronymical Bandla Nofemela Ntobeko Thuyiswa Sotyali Thsengiwe

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Somdaka Nomnganga Bonga Nombila Soboyce Phakanyiswa Beza Norawana Sizani Noholoza Mandla Mzamo Zuma Pontshi Baleni Grootboom Swartbooi Goliath Booysen

The distinction between male and female surnames is made on the same basis as that for first names, i.e. morphological criteria are used. Whether such morphological criteria provide foolproof evidence regarding the surname development, is obviously debatable, but it remains a useful one. The female marker No- and the passive markers –wa/-iwe are characteristic of female names. In male surnames the marker So- is sometimes used. It is generally translated as ‘father of’, sometimes as ‘owner of’. Although Madibuike gives no further expla- nation regarding this distinction in Nigeria, the male name would apparently always be used for official purposes in Nigeria, while names from a female forebear would merely be used in informal con- texts (personal communication: prof. AR Yesefu, University of Venda). This does not apply to Xhosa. In all the cases above the respondents clearly indicated that their surname or family name hails from the name of ancestor, or a father or mother (who are likewise ancestors). The meaning of these sur- names is, therefore, of less importance. In most some lexical meaning is discerned, in some not. Unlike the situation with first names where meaningfulness is strongly cherished, it is not the case with surnames. The argument that some motivation originally existed for the bestow- ing of the name, but that this motivation has been forgotten or lost, is particularly appropriate here. Although some meaningful elements can often be discerned in surnames, these no longer play any role. As Ntwana (1994, 37) puts it, these are names ‘from the name of a father

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long past converted into dust’. Regarding the most popular 50 Zulu clan names (functioning like surnames), a fair number cannot in any way be linked to existing Zulu lexicon, and in many other cases, extracted meaning is mere speculation (see Koopman, 2002, 76). Surnames such as Grootboom, Swartbooi, Goliath, Booysen, even Soboyce, indicate some form of contact with Afrikaans and/or English. This aspect will receive some attention later. It is interesting to note that the Xhosa translation for Grootboom, i.e. Mthimkhulu is also common. I once heard that the bearers of the Xhosa version had it converted to the Afrikaans version to enhance their chances of employment in the Western Cape when the job reservation arrange- ment was still in place, designed to give preference to members of the so-called Coloured community. This surname could obviously also be accommodated in the ‘place of residence’ category.

b) L-surnames (> locality surnames) These names record localities or places where ancestors originated. One could distinguish between names representing existing places, which are easily recognisable, and names referring to other general topographic features not discernibly linked to an existing place. In the first case an existing place name or toponym served as the basis for the surname. In the second, a general topographic (natural) feature has been elevated to the status of a surname. In certain cases the place name featuring may indicate ownership, but in most cases these surnames indicate no more than the place of birth or origin. The Afrikaans preposition ‘van’ (Eng. ‘from’), featur- ing in so many Afrikaans and Dutch surnames, is a case in point, e.g. Van der Berg (‘from the mountain’), Van der Walt (‘from the forest’) etc. The Afrikaans preposition ‘van’, within the surname context, has developed into a noun, which refers to the category ‘surname’. The general Xhosa word for ‘surname’ is ifani, clearly derived from the Afrikaans. Many of these surnames are descriptive of the place where a man lived: near a wood, by a hill, at a river, etc. His place of resi- dence could be described by any identified object in the landscape, large or small. Compare these examples:

Existing places Natural features Xesi (Middledrift) Ntaba (mountain)

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Mzimkhulu (lit. ‘big home’) Mthimkhulu (big tree) Komani (Queenstown) Mthana (small tree) Monti (East London) Mlanjana (small river) Bhayi (Port Elizabeth) Siziba (pool, deep waters) Rhawutini (Johannesburg) Matyeni (at, near the stones) Dikeni (Alice) Mhlatyana (small piece of land) Kapa (Cape Town) Grootboom (big tree) Mthi (tree) Sibonda (pole)

c) O-surnames (> occupation surnames) Many surnames come from occupations once practised by an ancestor. It often happened in bygone days that son succeeded father in craft for several generations, and hence it was natural for a family to acquire a name from the occupation, which had been their livelihood. A case in point is the well-known English family Smith. At the beginning of the previous century it was estimated that 200,000 separate Smith families lived in England, and the majority of these had taken their surname from their ancestor’s occupation, i.e. workers at the smithy. Adrian Koopman, a well known names scholar in South Africa, is another example. His surname translates as ‘vendor, trader, merchant’, and one of his forebears was probably a trader of some sorts. A former Xhosa speaking colleague was named Stuurman (‘boatsman, captain’). Although he has no knowledge about the origin of his surname, it is feasible to accept that his forebears probably adopted this Afrikaans surname from people who had some connection with the sea or fishing. One can divide the occupations into more professional ones and those dealing with trades and the name bearer’s position or status in the community. It is not deemed necessary to give additional linguis- tic information on the derived surnames. The meaning is reflected in brackets. Compare the following:

Professional occupations Trades/Status/Position Mfundisi (minister, pastor) Nkosana (young prince) Nobhala (secretary) Nkosi (prince) Gqirhana (small doctor) Sibonda (headman) Titshala (teacher) Malusi (shepherd) Gqwetha (advocate) Nduna (elder/head) Toliki (interpreter) Makhi (builder)

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Jaji (judge) Mxheli (butcher) Mzingeli (hunter) Mqhubi (driver) Mchweli (carpenter)

d) N-surnames (> nickname surnames) Many nicknames have developed into surnames. Ancestors have been described in terms of their physical appearance, gaits, personality traits, morals, and clothes. These descriptive names have often become hereditary, serving as surnames. The nickname, once bestowed, was hard to shake off, particularly in a small rural community. Bowman (1932, 217) says the following about medieval people: ‘Their sense of humour, that took delight in the peculiarities or weakness and fail- ings of others, found expression for the creative spirit in the invention of nicknames for those…who differed… from normal types of human- ity.’ These nicknames were then passed down the family line, but over the generations the descendants may have acquired very different characteristics from those of their predecessors. This accounts for the complete contrast that may now exist between the meaning of the names and their applicability to the name bearers. A name carrier with the surname Nkqayi (‘bald head’) may have lovely hair, and one named Ntwana (‘small thing’) might be huge. Nicknames are often pejorative in nature, and descendants would surely try to shake off such names, but this is easier said than done. Some of these appear to have been accepted with perfectly good humour and as a matter of course, and they quietly developed into and were adopted as family names. Pine (1965, 13) is extremely cynical about this category: ‘At its best it is most often a silly habit or a slov- enly one, for what sense is there in altering a person’s name; at its worst it is a symptom of the more vicious bent of the human mind.’ Not only discernible personal characteristics were used. Some nicknames refer to animate as well as inanimate objects. Heavenly bod- ies sometimes serve as the basis for some, days of the week for others. One could sub-categorise these on the basis of their meanings. The original reason for giving the nickname appears to have been lost for- ever in most cases, and cannot be recovered. One can only speculate on the circumstances that may have led to the bestowal of these nicknames. A word of warning comes from Dorward (1995, x) regarding this

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category: ‘Surnames are nearly always acquired in a natural and hum- drum way and very rarely as a result of a particular happening, however picturesque or dramatic, and one has to be particularly cautious with nickname-surnames.’ This may also be the case with Xhosa surnames. He cites the case of the Scottish surname Turnbull, not unknown in South Africa. According to a 16th century historian called Boese, the name came about as follows: A ferocious looking bull was heading for one of the early Scottish monarchs, Robert the Bruce, and one of the king’s subjects managed to forcibly divert the bull from molesting the royal person. The king summarily endowed the man with great posses- sions and according to the historian, his lineage is still called Turnbull today. Dorward feels the historian was romanticising the event, if ever it took place (see Cottle’s entry [1967] under Turnbull). A few of the questionnaires do shed light on the origin of the surname: Magoswana ‘little crooked thing’ – ‘Most of the family members have crooked legs’ Ngcauzele ‘the grass is full’ – ‘The grass is full of people who do not have a place to go (to) because of the civil war’ (The family had to move from KwaZulu-Natal to the Eastern Cape because of war- fare). Mntuyedwa ‘a person (who is) alone’ – ‘My forefather was the first and only male child of his home, hence this surname developed’ Ntusikazi ‘a red or light-coloured cow with white flanks’ – ‘The colour of my forefather’s skin resembled that of an intusikazi cow’ Silima ‘a cripple/deformed person’ Not unexpectedly, this last respondent would not comment on the origin or meaning of the surname, although it is a well-known word and concept in Xhosa. This is one of the best examples where the characteristic displayed in the surname no longer applies to the name bearer. Ntwana (1994, 43) refers to the ‘usual cruel human manner’ in which nicknames were bestowed, ‘to people who are spastics, or mentally maladjusted, to cripples, and to many such who would not be likely to have children.’ The following represent some existing Xhosa surnames derived from a characteristic of an ancestor or possibly from circumstances existing at the time. I am indebted to Ntwana (1994, 41-43) for exam- ples. They are accommodated in various semantic sub-categories.

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Again it should be stressed that this is only a sample and a larger database may yield further categories. It is not deemed necessary to give any further linguistic information. The surname roughly repre- sents the meaning as indicated.

i) General personality traits Sithethi ‘talker’ Vimbayo ‘stingy’ Sityebi ‘rich man’ Mandlana ‘little strength’ Khedama ‘orphaned’ Mhlobo ‘friend’ Mahambehlala ‘staying here and there’ Kratshi ‘pride’ Nyaniso ‘truth’ Msindo ‘anger’ Mona ‘jealousy’ Ngantweni ‘useless’ Bulumko ‘wisdom’ Ralayo ‘greedy’ Ntobeko ‘humility/respect’

ii) Physical characteristics Nkqayi ‘bald head’ Ntwana ‘small thing’ Malawana ‘Coloured’ Goliath ‘strong man’ Ndevu ‘beard’ Mabhovu ‘whiskers’ Ngalonkulu ‘big arms’ Ngalo ‘arm’ Gazi ‘blood’ Mzimba ‘body’ Mehlwana ‘small eyes’ Ndlebe ‘ear’ Siswana ‘small stomach’ Sandla ‘hand’ Mehlomakhulu ‘big eyes’ Ngalwana ‘small arm’

iii) Dress/Clothing Ngubo ‘blanket’ Maqhosha ‘buttons’ Bhatyi ‘jacket’ Dyasi ‘coat’ Mnqwazi ‘hat’

iv) Household utensils/articles Mandlalo ‘bed’ Sitshetshe ‘knife’ Vili ‘wheel’ Ngobozi ‘basket’ Cepheni ‘spoon’

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v) Money terms Peni ‘penny’ Shumi ‘ten shillings = one Rand’ Sheleni ‘shilling’ Ponti ‘pound’ Ndaliso ‘fifteen cents’

vi) Relations/Kinship terms Myeni ‘husband’ Tatana ‘small father’ Mama ‘mother’ Mtshato ‘marriage’ Bhuti ‘brother’

vii) Vegetables Matswele ‘onions’ Mbotyi ‘bean’ Tapile ‘potato’ Thanga ‘pumpkin’

viii) Heavenly bodies Langeni ‘in the sun’ Nkwenkwezi ‘star’ Langa ‘sun’ Nyanga ‘moon’

ix) Animals (wild and domesticated) Takane ‘lamb’ Ngonyama ‘lion’ Thole ‘calf’ Ndlovu ‘elephant’ Bhokhwe ‘goat’ Nyokana ‘small snake’ Nkomo ‘cow’ Mpukwana ‘small mouse’ Mnenga ‘whale’

x) Birds Pikoko ‘peacock’ Sikhova ‘owl’ Nkukhwana ‘small fowl’ Lukhozi ‘eagle’ Nomyayi ‘crow’ Mdlankomo ‘swallow’

In his A Handbook of African Names, Madubuike (1994, 20) gives similar examples from African societies involving animals and birds, and then comments by saying that these nicknames (originally) attribute

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to the individual the qualities that are characteristic of these animals or birds. This may, of course, be so, but the singled out attribute is obvi- ously no longer clear. It may have been connected with appearance, a habit, or even an event.

xi) Flowers Nyibiba ‘lily’ Jongilanga ‘sunflower’

xii) Days/Times of day Mvulo ‘Monday’ Mini ‘day’ Mgqibelo ‘Saturday’ Ntsasa ‘morning’ Cawe ‘Sunday’ Busuku ‘night’

xiii) Seasons Hlotyeni ‘(in) summer’ Busika ‘winter’

xiv) Weather terms/Natural phenomena Moya ‘wind’ Mvula ‘rain’ Khephu ‘snow’ Sichotho ‘hailstorm’

xv) Compass points Ntshona ‘west’ Mzantsi ‘south’ Mpumalanga ‘east’

xvi) Metals/Gemstones Ntsimbi ‘iron’ Dayimane ‘diamond’ Kopolo ‘copper’

From the above it is clear that the sources for nicknames, which evolved into surnames, are extremely varied. Animate and inanimate objects alike have been used, and it is at times very difficult to imag- ine the circumstances which may have led to the bestowal of these names on people. One could conjure up possible explanations, but it will remain speculation.

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It does appear then, as if the four basic types distinguished by many as the underlying pattern for the formation of family names i.e. names from an ancestor, place of domicile, profession and nickname, are also well established in Xhosa. As a matter of fact, they appear to cover most if not all the possibilities. One then has to assume that surname formation seems to have developed along the same lines in Xhosa as it has in the Western world. It may, of course, have been due to influence from the West but that would be mere speculation. It is not possible at this stage to establish a hierarchical order among these surnames. Some categories may ostensibly be older than others, but that is difficult to ascertain given the short memory span of infor- mants.

Identification with family name Xhosa speakers generally identify strongly with their first names from a cultural point of view. This is largely so because the given names are embedded in the Xhosa culture. The first names are nearly always semantically transparent, and hence the social and cultural signifi- cance of these names are easily discernible, provided one knows the Xhosa language. Is there such a strong identification with the family or surnames as well? Most of the surnames are also ‘meaningful’, but the meaning is often not as strongly linked with Xhosa culture. Some carry mean- ings, which do not really instil pride when viewed in isolation. Com- pare Matswele ‘onions’, Sheleni ‘shilling’, Nyokana ‘small snake’, etc. It is probably fair to say that the lexical transparency of surnames is an incidental aside, not deemed that important by the name carriers. Of much more importance is the feeling of belonging, of knowing that this surname has come down the line through generations. Respon- dents pride themselves on being able to trace their roots back to an ancestor. That, in essence, is all that remains: the original motivation for bestowing this family name is mostly not known, although the meaning gives a vague indication of possible explanations. Typical responses were the following: My surname is important to me because it is the name of my forefathers. It reminds me of my forefather, although I had never known or seen him. It preserves my forefather’s name, although he is no longer there.

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I need to know where I am coming from. My surname means unity, us Mdlalanas are of one blood from one source. Through my surname I will be able to identify my relations. I respect and honour my surname. It makes me feel good and proud of my family. My surname is important because I pride myself through it, i.e. that I am a Xhosa. It makes me feel great. I am proud of my surname because it shows which race I am belonging to. I am proud of being a Xhosa. There are many other similar responses. In a study on Polish sur- names, Kaleta (1997, 7) remarks as follows: ‘It (=surname) functions as a carrier of an opinion held about the person by other people. Therefore, the surname can be an object of pride or shame.’ In another publication (1999) she stresses the point that among Poles the surname is a carrier of moral values and is considered an ethnic heritage. A few respondents stress the relationship between the meaning of their surnames and their characters (i.e. an amusing person, a patient person, etc), while others stress their clan affiliation that is at times incorporated into their surnames. But generally speaking, one could question Mdunyelwa’s comment (1995, 12) that the Xhosa way of identification relies ‘more on iziduko than iifani’. Although it is true that asking about one’s isiduko, i.e. the clan name to establish clan relationship, is often prominent in an initial conversation, it is equally true that Xhosa speakers take great pride in their heritage and lineage through their surnames. As said earlier, the clan name in Zulu, called an isibongo, functions as a surname in Zulu society.

Influence from the West If the introduction of surnames is seen as an introduction from the West, it might be logical to expect that Xhosa speakers may have adopted surnames from westerners. Coetser (1996) describes a specific sub-cat- egory of Xhosa surnames where Afrikaans surnames have served as the inspiration for creating and adopting surnames in Xhosa. He discusses various categories of such adopted surnames and the reasons for the adoption. These include, inter alia, mixed marriages between Afrikaans and Xhosa speakers, the allocation of arbitrary family names to Xhosa

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workers in an employment context, the Xhosa speakers adopting the employer’s surname out of gratitude or because of some benefit in doing so, and also the insistence at government level that persons should be identifiable through family names for administrative purposes. In one category the family name has been retained in its Afri- kaans form, i.e. Grootboom, Fanie, Kiewiet, Olifant, Speelman, etc. In a more interesting category active Afrikaans lexical items have been transphonologised into Xhosa; Examples: diamant (diamond) > Dayimani voorslag (whip-lash) > Foslara hoofman (headman) > Hofmani kleintjie (little one) > Klentyi laaistok (ramrod) > Layistoki piksteel (pick-axe handle) > Pikistele sekelmaan (sickle-moon) > Sekelemana

Xhosa has an open syllable structure, i.e. (nearly) all syllables end in vowels. There is therefore a clear attempt to meet this requirement in the transphonologised forms. It is also clear that the original inspira- tion comes from a variety of sources. A similar process occurred when existing Afrikaans surnames were transphonologised. Even the surname Verwoerd2, that raises all kinds of connotations in a South African context, has been adopted in Xhosa. Whether the family or families carrying that family name still do so today, is not known. Once it dawns on them that other Xhosa speakers might frown on this, they would in all probability change. Some examples are: Boesak > Busakhwe De Kock > Dikoko Joubert > Dyubhele Gouws > Rhosi Pienaar > Pinari Verwoerd > Velevutha Witbooi > Vetibhoyi

2 Dr. H.F. Verwoerd, former Prime Minister of South Africa, is considered by many as the main architect of the former segregationalist policy that came to be known as apartheid.

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Given the changed socio-political conditions in South Africa, it is unlikely that this trend will continue, although, of course, it could never be ruled out. De Klerk (1998) also discusses the transphonologisation of Eng- lish surnames into Xhosa, but then within a different context. These were transphonologised English surnames not adopted by Xhosa speakers, but merely done to facilitate pronunciation and to operate as some kind of a nickname by Xhosa speakers when referring to the people carrying those names, e.g. Bartlett > uBhadlethi Ballantine > uBhalanteyini

Changing family names Changing one’s surname appears to be relatively easy in South Africa. It made the headlines when the elected Miss South Africa, Peggy-Sue Erasmus, changed her surname to Khumalo in the 90s, preferring to stress the Khumalo connection (an African one) rather than the Euro-Western one. Most other surname changes go unnoticed, except, of course, by family and friends. Mdunyelwa (1995, 27) makes the interesting comment that a surname change amongst Xhosa speakers is not uncommon ‘between the fourth and fifth generation if a particular family so wishes’. He does not elaborate on the reasons why this should take place at that junc- ture. This sentiment is echoed by Koopman who puts it as a fait accompli that because of the patronymic nature of Xhosa surnames, based on the personal name of a grandfather or great-grandfather, ‘the surname accordingly changes every two or three generations’ (2002, 7). Responses in questionnaires to some extent support this notion, in that about 15% of respondents knew about a surname change in their respective families. The majority of these simply point to a log- ical succession in the family, i.e. Mayekiso changed to Bangani, Rolo- bile changed to Sigaba, Magosito to Magoswana, etc., where the latter were sons of the formerly named. In a few other cases the changes were deemed necessary after the death of a grandfather. In some cases no explicit explanations were offered. At this point it seems justified to say that such changes, based on the patronymical system, may occur, but need not to.

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Ntwana (1994, 44) emphasises the point that surnames are of late origin and that not everybody realises they can be changed quite easily. Sometimes this is done for apparently trivial reasons. One respondent informed me that his family with the surname Zidlele was so tired of always being at the end of the alphabet, that they summarily opted to choose another forebear’s name as a surname, i.e. Gabada, in order to move up the alphabetical list! Both surnames are used by the family. In other cases more serious considerations are put forward for the change. In one such case the consideration was decidedly ethnic. The respondent indicated that the family wanted to get rid of the Zulu con- notation, and changed their surname from Mazibuko to Maziko. If the lexical meaning of the surnames played a role, the family may have erred, because (a)mazibuko (‘fords’) is also a perfectly accept- able Xhosa word, albeit very different from (a)maziko (‘hearths’). In another case the respondent claims that his original surname was Din- galibala. When his forbears came to the city for employment, the employers had some difficulty with the surname and it was summarily shortened to Bala. Later still, through a phonological shift, Bala became Blaai. The respondent was somewhat optimistic, claiming that in the ‘old’ South Africa, Blaai would have secured him a job when in competition with others with African surnames. This may well be true. This scenario links up well with the earlier mentioned surname Grootboom that was considered a more ‘marketable’ surname than its Xhosa counterpart Mthimkhulu in apartheid South Africa. When a student in the Xhosa Department at UWC changed his surname from Mafuya to Ralarala midway through the academic year of 1995, I was curious to know the reason. The explanation was logical: he was born out of wedlock, thus being an illegitimate child. He then bore his mother’s surname of Mafuya. During the course of 1995, the parents were reunited and the family decided to take on the father’s surname of Ralarala. It was considered the right thing to do: the lineage of the Hlubi family (a sub-grouping among the amaXhosa) would be preserved and that would be beneficial to all the children. Where the name could not be officially changed, i.e. in cases where certificates had already been issued under the old name, affidavits were added to bring the name change to the attention of the authori- ties. The family went to a lot of trouble in effecting the change every- where they could, thereby giving a clear signal as to how important they considered the move.

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It appears then as if surname changes in Xhosa society, unlike perhaps in a Euro-Western context, are not unusual and then for dif- ferent and quite varying reasons.

Conclusion In present-day South Africa, the occurrence of family names among Xhosa speakers is common, and, like in most other parts of the world, a convention. Nearly all administrative systems in the globalised world require the use of a family name, surname, or last name. Being with- out one, is sure to create administrative difficulties. Not much research has been done on Xhosa family names, and, for that matter, on any of the other indigenous Bantu languages in South Africa. The great diversity of cultures in South Africa will no doubt also be reflected in naming systems. It is hoped that further research on family names will be undertaken.3

References Bowman, W.D. 1932. What is your surname? London: Faber. Coetser, A. 1996. ‘Afrikaans se Bydrae tot Familiename in Xhosa.’ Nomina Africana 10 (1 & 2), 43-53. Cottle, B. 1967. The Penguin Dictionary of Surnames. Harmond- sworth: Penguin De Klerk, Vivian. 1998. Nicknaming across cultures: Borrowing and other Linguistic tricks. Nomina Africana 12 (1), 1-14. De Stadler, L. 1987. Die opkoms van agtername. Nomina Africana 1 (1), 73-97. Dillard, J.L. 1976. Black Names. The Hague: Mouton & Co. Dorward, D. 1995. Scottish Surnames. Glasgow: Harper Collins. Dunkling, L.A. 1977. First Names First. London: J.M. Dent & Sons. Herbert, R.K. 1996. The Dynamics of Personal Names and Naming Practices in Africa. In: E. Eichler et al (eds), Name Studies: An International Handbook of Onomastics 2, 1222-1227. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.

3 This is a revised version of Chapter 4 in the monograph Naming among the Xhosa of South Africa (2005) by the author.

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Kaleta, Z. 1997. The Surname as a cultural value and an ethnic heri- tage: Tracing your Polish roots. Warsaw: Slavistic Publishing Centre, Polish Academy of Sciences. Kaleta, Z. 1999. ‘The Polish surname as a carrier of moral values and as an ethnic heritage’ Onoma 34, 101-118. Koopman, Adrian. 2002. Zulu Names. Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal Press. Krige, J.D.A. 1936. Die Franse Familiename in Suid-Afrika. Pretoria: J. L. van Schaik. Madubuike, I. 1994. A Handbook of African Names. Colorado Springs: Three Continents Press. Matthews, C.M. 1967. How Surnames Began. London: Butterworth Press. Mdunyelwa, M.C.L. 1995. Comparative study between social func- tions between izibongo and izithakazelo in Zulu and iifani and iziduko in Xhosa. Unpublished honours dissertation Zulu Depart- ment, University of Natal (Pietermaritzburg). Ndimande, Nobuhle. 1998. A Semantic Analysis of Zulu Surnames. Nomina Africana 12 (2), 88-98. Neethling, Bertie. 2005. Naming among the Xhosa of South Africa. New York: Edwin Mellen Press. Nienaber, G.S. 1975. ‘Afrikaanse Familiename’. In: Heese, J.A., Nie- naber, G.S. & Pama, C. 1975. Families, Familiename, en Fami- liewapens. Kaapstad: Tafelberg. Ntwana, L.T. Xhosa Personal Names. Unpublished Xhosa honours research paper. Xhosa Department: University of the Western Cape. Pine, L.G. 1965. The Story of Surnames. London: Country Life Pub- lishers Smith, E.C. 1973. New Dictionary of American Family Names. New York: Harper & Row. Weekley, E. 1916. Surnames. London: John Murray.

Bertie Neethling Xhosa Department University of the Western Cape Private Bag X17 Bellville 7535 South Africa [email protected]

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Summary: Family Names among the Xhosa of South Africa Family names (surnames) are in all likelihood a relatively recent introduction to Xhosa society. It is well known that family names came into being as an additional name to distinguish individuals from one another who carried the same first name, but it appears as if this development came to Africa later than in other parts of the world. The nature and etymology of Xhosa family names, based on a particular data corpus, is discussed. The data is tested against the popular etymological typology for family names, and the data seems to support this typology. The strong identification of Xhosa speakers with their family names, is also out- lined.

Zusammenfassung: Familiennamen bei den Xhosa in Südafrika Familiennamen (Nachnamen) sind aller Wahrscheinlichkeit nach erst seit Kur- zem bei den Xhosa gebräuchlich. Bekannt ist, dass Familiennamen als zusätz- licher Name entstanden, um Individuen von anderen zu unterscheiden, die denselben Vornamen haben, aber es scheint, dass diese Entwicklung in Afrika später einsetzte als anderswo in der Welt. Auf der Grundlage eines speziellen Korpus wird die Beschaffenheit und die Etymologie von Familiennamen der Xhosa diskutiert. Die Daten wurde mit der volkstümlichen etymologischen Typologie von Familiennamen abgegli- chen, und sie scheinen diese Typologie zu bestätigen. Skizziert wird ebenfalls die starke Identifikation von Xhosa-Sprechern mit ihren Familiennamen.

Rèsumè: Les noms de famille des Xhosa de l’Afrique du Sud Les noms de famille sont très probablement une introduction relativement récente dans la société Xhosa. Il est bien connu que les noms de famille sont nés en tant que nom supplémentaire pour distinguer des individus qui ont porté le même prénom, mais il apparaît que cette évolution est survenue en Afrique plus tard que dans d’autres parties du monde. La nature et l’étymologie de noms de famille Xhosa, basés sur un corpus de données particulier, sont discutées. Les données sont confrontées à la typo- logie étymologique populaire pour les noms de famille, et les données semblent soutenir cette typologie. La forte identification des locuteurs Xhosa avec leurs noms de famille est aussi décrite.

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