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Articles Al-Qaida and the Pakistani Harakat Movement: Reflections and Questions About the Pre-2001 Period by Don Rassler
PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 11, Issue 6 Articles Al-Qaida and the Pakistani Harakat Movement: Reflections and Questions about the pre-2001 Period by Don Rassler Abstract There has been a modest amount of progress made over the last two decades in piecing together the developments that led to creation of al-Qaida and how the group has evolved over the last 30 years. Yet, there are still many dimensions of al-Qaida that remain understudied, and likely as a result, poorly understood. One major gap are the dynamics and relationships that have underpinned al-Qaida’s multi-decade presence in Pakistan. The lack of developed and foundational work done on the al-Qaida-Pakistan linkage is quite surprising given how long al- Qaida has been active in the country, the mix of geographic areas - from Pakistan’s tribal areas to its main cities - in which it has operated and found shelter, and the key roles Pakistani al-Qaida operatives have played in the group over the last two decades. To push the ball forward and advance understanding of this critical issue, this article examines what is known, and has been suggested, about al-Qaida’s relations with a cluster of Deobandi militant groups consisting of Harakat ul-Mujahidin, Harakat ul-Jihad Islami, Harakat ul-Ansar, and Jaish-e-Muhammad, which have been collectively described as Pakistan’s Harakat movement, prior to 9/11. It finds that each of these groups and their leaders provided key elements of support to al-Qaida in a number of direct and indirect ways. -
The Anatomy and Future of Pakistan's Afghan Interests
The Journal of Conflict Studies The Anatomy and Future of Pakistan’s Afghan Interests by Julian Schofield ABSTRACT The relationship between the nation-building mission in Afghanistan and that country’s connection with its influential neighbor Pakistan is very complex. The success of NATO’s strategy to strengthen the new Kabul regime depends on its intersection with Pakistani poli- cies. Pakistan’s strategy in Afghanistan, in turn, is tied to its broad- er security policy against India. This is complicated by Afghan- Pakistan disputes over territory, Afghan refusal to recognize the Durand Line as the international border, Pakistan’s interdiction of third-party trade to and from Afghanistan, and a history of Afghan sponsorship of secessionism in Pakistan. All of these factors con- tribute to Pakistan’s reluctance to contribute to the stabilization of Afghanistan by closing the insurgent sanctuaries in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas. NATO has few non-escalatory military options. It has two remaining venues of influence. First, its presence acts as a restraint on Afghan provocation of secessionism, thereby satisfying one of Islamabad’s goals. Second, NATO could offer trade and aid incentives to Pakistan to gradually withdraw its support to those elements of its society that foment Pakhtun insurgency in Afghanistan (and Pakistan). The long-term effect of such a strategy would be a gradual economic integration and normalization of the Afghan and Pakistan frontier areas. INTRODUCTION Outcomes in world politics are the result of the interaction of competing strategies. NATO’s primary strategy in Afghanistan is to strengthen the indige- nous capacity of the Kabul regime to supplant Islamists with pretensions towards global jihad. -
Testimony of Thomas Joscelyn Senior Fellow, Foundation for Defense Of
Testimony of Thomas Joscelyn Senior Fellow, Foundation for Defense of Democracies Senior Editor, The Long War Journal Before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade United States Congress “Global al-Qaeda: Affiliates, Objectives, and Future Challenges” July 18, 2013 1 Chairman Poe, Ranking Member Sherman and members of the Committee, thank you for inviting me here today to discuss the threat posed by al Qaeda. We have been asked to “examine the nature of global al Qaeda today.” In particular, you asked us to answer the following questions: “What is [al Qaeda’s] makeup? Is there a useful delineation between al Qaeda’s core and its affiliates? If so, what is the relationship? Most importantly, what is the threat of al Qaeda to the United States today?” I provide my answers to each of these questions in the following sections. But first, I will summarize my conclusions: • More than a decade after the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks there is no commonly accepted definition of al Qaeda. There is, in fact, widespread disagreement over what exactly al Qaeda is. • In my view, al Qaeda is best defined as a global international terrorist network, with a general command in Afghanistan and Pakistan and affiliates in several countries. Together, they form a robust network that, despite setbacks, contests for territory abroad and still poses a threat to U.S. interests both overseas and at home. • It does not make sense to draw a firm line between al Qaeda’s “core,” which is imprecisely defined, and the affiliates. -
Preventing Violent Extremism in Kyrgyzstan
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 2301 Constitution Ave., NW • Washington, DC 20037 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Jacob Zenn and Kathleen Kuehnast This report offers perspectives on the national and regional dynamics of violent extremism with respect to Kyrgyzstan. Derived from a study supported by the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) to explore the potential for violent extremism in Central Asia, it is based on extensive interviews and a Preventing Violent countrywide Peace Game with university students at Kyrgyz National University in June 2014. Extremism in Kyrgyzstan ABOUT THE AUTHORS Jacob Zenn is an analyst on Eurasian and African affairs, a legal adviser on international law and best practices related to civil society and freedom of association, and a nonresident research Summary fellow at the Center of Shanghai Cooperation Organization Studies in China, the Center of Security Programs in Kazakhstan, • Kyrgyzstan, having twice overthrown autocratic leaders in violent uprisings, in 2005 and again and The Jamestown Foundation in Washington, DC. Dr. Kathleen in 2010, is the most politically open and democratic country in Central Asia. Kuehnast is a sociocultural anthropologist and an expert on • Many Kyrgyz observers remain concerned about the country’s future. They fear that underlying Kyrgyzstan, where she conducted field work in the early 1990s. An adviser on the Central Asia Fellows Program at the socioeconomic conditions and lack of public services—combined with other factors, such as Elliott School of International Affairs at George Washington drug trafficking from Afghanistan, political manipulation, regional instability in former Soviet University, she is a member of the Council on Foreign Union countries and Afghanistan, and foreign-imported religious ideologies—create an envi- Relations and has directed the Center for Gender and ronment in which violent extremism can flourish. -
Engaging Central Asia
ENGAGING CENTRAL ASIA ENGAGING CENTRAL ASIA THE EUROPEAN UNION’S NEW STRATEGY IN THE HEART OF EURASIA EDITED BY NEIL J. MELVIN CONTRIBUTORS BHAVNA DAVE MICHAEL DENISON MATTEO FUMAGALLI MICHAEL HALL NARGIS KASSENOVA DANIEL KIMMAGE NEIL J. MELVIN EUGHENIY ZHOVTIS CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN POLICY STUDIES BRUSSELS The Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) is an independent policy research institute based in Brussels. Its mission is to produce sound analytical research leading to constructive solutions to the challenges facing Europe today. The views expressed in this report are those of the authors writing in a personal capacity and do not necessarily reflect those of CEPS or any other institution with which the authors are associated. This study was carried out in the context of the broader work programme of CEPS on European Neighbourhood Policy, which is generously supported by the Compagnia di San Paolo and the Open Society Institute. ISBN-13: 978-92-9079-707-4 © Copyright 2008, Centre for European Policy Studies. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means – electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise – without the prior permission of the Centre for European Policy Studies. Centre for European Policy Studies Place du Congrès 1, B-1000 Brussels Tel: 32 (0) 2 229.39.11 Fax: 32 (0) 2 219.41.51 e-mail: [email protected] internet: http://www.ceps.eu CONTENTS 1. Introduction Neil J. Melvin ................................................................................................. 1 2. Security Challenges in Central Asia: Implications for the EU’s Engagement Strategy Daniel Kimmage............................................................................................ -
Shiism and Sectarian Conflict in Pakistan Identity Politics, Iranian Influence, and Tit-For-Tat Violence
Combating Terrorism Center at West Point Occasional Paper Series Shiism and Sectarian Conflict in Pakistan Identity Politics, Iranian Influence, and Tit-for-Tat Violence Hassan Abbas September 22, 2010 1 2 Preface As the first decade of the 21st century nears its end, issues surrounding militancy among the Shi‛a community in the Shi‛a heartland and beyond continue to occupy scholars and policymakers. During the past year, Iran has continued its efforts to extend its influence abroad by strengthening strategic ties with key players in international affairs, including Brazil and Turkey. Iran also continues to defy the international community through its tenacious pursuit of a nuclear program. The Lebanese Shi‛a militant group Hizballah, meanwhile, persists in its efforts to expand its regional role while stockpiling ever more advanced weapons. Sectarian violence between Sunnis and Shi‛a has escalated in places like Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Bahrain, and not least, Pakistan. As a hotbed of violent extremism, Pakistan, along with its Afghan neighbor, has lately received unprecedented amounts of attention among academics and policymakers alike. While the vast majority of contemporary analysis on Pakistan focuses on Sunni extremist groups such as the Pakistani Taliban or the Haqqani Network—arguably the main threat to domestic and regional security emanating from within Pakistan’s border—sectarian tensions in this country have attracted relatively little scholarship to date. Mindful that activities involving Shi‛i state and non-state actors have the potential to affect U.S. national security interests, the Combating Terrorism Center is therefore proud to release this latest installment of its Occasional Paper Series, Shiism and Sectarian Conflict in Pakistan: Identity Politics, Iranian Influence, and Tit-for-Tat Violence, by Dr. -
Global Journal on Humanites & Social Sciences
Global Journal on Humanites & Social Sciences Issue 4 (2016) 857-864 Selected Paper of 4rd World Congress of Administrative and Political Sciences, (APDOL-2015) 26-28 November 2015, Rome, Italy Security threats and challenges in the post-soviet Central Asia: religion-based extremism on case study of ISIS Fatima Kukeyeva*, IR Department, al-Farabi Kazakh National University, Karasai Batyr 95, Almaty, 050000, Kazakhstan Leila Delovarova, IR Department, al-Farabi Kazakh National University, Karasai Batyr 95, Almaty, 050000, Kazakhstan Tolganay Ormysheva, IR Department, al-Farabi Kazakh National University, Karasai Batyr 95, Almaty, 050000, Kazakhstan Yermek Chukubayev, IR Department, al-Farabi Kazakh National University, Karasai Batyr 95, Almaty, 050000, Kazakhstan Suggested Citation: Kukeyeva, F., Delovarova, L., Ormysheva, T. & Chukubayev, Y. (2016). Security threats and challenges in the post-soviet Central Asia: religion-based extremism on case study of ISIS, Global Journal on Humanites & Social Sciences. [Online]. 04, pp 857-864. Available from: http://sproc.org/ojs/index.php/pntsbs Received May 10, 2015; revised August 16, 2015; accepted September 16, 2015. Selection and peer review under responsibility of Prof. Dr. Andreea Iluzia IACOB ©2016 SciencePark Research, Organization & Counseling. All rights reserved. Abstract Nowadays the post-Soviet Central Asian countries face a broad range of security challenges and threats. Some of them are systemic in nature, while others occur sporadically. Many challenges and threats are coming from the outside the region, but the countries’ internal situation and background including historical, economic, social and political aspects. The reaction in the countries on religious-based radicalism and movements like ISIS is an ambiguous. The range and level of the threats and challenges depends on various reasons and different in all Central Asian countries. -
Terrorism in China Growing Threats with Global Implications
Terrorism in China Growing Threats with Global Implications Philip B. K. Potter Until rather recently, China was able to hew closely to Deng Xiaoping’s advice to maintain a low profile internationally, particularly in regions of the world salient to the most active and dangerous international terrorist organizations. This limited foreign policy had the unintended—though surely welcome—consequence of keeping China off the radar of the inter- national jihadist movement. Highly capable groups such as al-Qaeda neither directly threatened the country nor forged deep alliances with indigenous Muslim terrorist groups aligned against the Chinese state. Chinese policymakers have also had notable success limiting both the volume and effectiveness of terrorist attacks on their own soil, but this relatively calm state of affairs is under increasing pressure and is rapidly changing for several reasons. First, China’s global economic and political emergence has introduced an international jihadist element into what had been a largely isolated domestic movement. Economic growth and great-power ambitions have propelled China onto the international stage in search of resources, market access, and prestige. The growing Chinese footprint in the Middle East and North Africa is of particular concern since these regions are those most hotly contested by extremist jihadi organizations that consider foreign incursion into Arab lands an especially egregious offense.1 Sec- ond, signals of increasing acceptance of a stakeholder role in the global economic and political order—such as China’s ascension to the World Trade Organization, the Beijing Olympics, and Chinese cooperation in security efforts such as the antipiracy campaign off the cost of Somalia— increase the extent to which those opposed to that order see the country as a legitimate target for terrorist attacks. -
Al-Qaeda's Strategic, Ideological and Structural Adaptations Since 9/11 by Bill Braniff and Assaf Moghadam
PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 5, Issue 2 Towards Global Jihadism: Al-Qaeda's Strategic, Ideological and Structural Adaptations since 9/11 by Bill Braniff and Assaf Moghadam Abstract In recent years, Al-Qaeda has suffered a number of setbacks, but has also successfully spawned an expansionist global jihadist movement that will survive the death of Osama bin Laden. This article describes how the multifaceted threat posed by global jihadism has evolved over the last decade. It first recounts some of the more salient examples of Al-Qaeda’s post-9/11 strategic, ideological, and structural adaptations, and then offers a balance sheet of Al-Qaeda’s contemporary strengths and weaknesses. Al-Qaeda continues to enable the violence of others, orient that violence towards the United States and its allies in a distributed game of attrition warfare, and foster a dichotomous “us versus them” narrative between the Muslim world and the rest of the international community. Despite this overarching consistency, Al-Qaeda shepherds a different phenomenon than it did ten years ago. The aggregation of the movement’s strategic, ideological, and structural adaptations has fundamentally changed the nature of the jihadist threat to the West. This evolved threat is not inherently more dangerous, as counterterrorism efforts today focus on and disrupt capability earlier and more consistently than prior to September 2001. This multifaceted global jihad will, however, continue to produce greater numbers of attacks in more locations, from a more diverse cadre of individuals -
The Islamic Jihad Union on the Internationalisation of Uzbek Jihadism
Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs The Islamic Jihad Union On the Internationalisation of Uzbek Jihadism Guido Steinberg SWP Comments The Islamic Jihad Union (IJU), founded in 2002 after splitting off from the Islamic Move- ment of Uzbekistan (IMU), has been trying since 2007 to boost its public image. Unlike the IMU, the largest militant organisation in Central Asia, it advocates the internation- alisation of the “Holy War” and has joined forces with the Taliban in Afghanistan and with al-Qaida on the global level. It is a young and small organisation and together with al-Qaida has been training volunteers from Central Asia, Pakistan and Europe in the Pakistani region of Waziristan. Although so far the IJU seems to have had little influ- ence in its native Uzbekistan, it has managed to recruit a group of Turks and Germans, some of whom planned attacks in Germany in 2007. It is still too early to speak of a trend, but should the IJU and al-Qaida succeed in recruiting greater numbers of young Turks and Germans of Turkish origin, the likelihood of attacks in Germany will increase. In early March 2008 the Islamic Jihad 2007 [of those suspected of planning bomb- Union announced on a Turkish website ing attacks on targets in Germany] the IJU (www.sehadetvakti.com), that Cüneyt Ç., a has come under great pressure. In October Turk born and living in Germany, had the Pakistani army launched an offensive carried out a suicide attack on American against Uzbek fighters in Mir Ali in North and Afghan troops in the Afghan province Waziristan, where the IJU has its head- of Paktika. -
Compendium of Central Asian Military and Security Activity
WL KNO EDGE NCE ISM SA ER IS E A TE N K N O K C E N N T N I S E S J E N A 3 V H A A N H Z И O E P W O I T E D N E Z I A M I C O N O C C I O T N S H O E L C A I N M Z E N O T Compendium of Central Asian Military and Security Activity MATTHEW STEIN Open Source, Foreign Perspective, Underconsidered/Understudied Topics The Foreign Military Studies Office (FMSO) at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, is an open source research organization of the U.S. Army. It was founded in 1986 as an innovative program that brought together military specialists and civilian academics to focus on military and security topics derived from unclassified, foreign media. Today FMSO maintains this research tradition of special insight and highly collaborative work by conducting unclassified research on foreign perspectives of defense and security issues that are understudied or unconsidered. Author Background Matthew Stein is an analyst at the Foreign Military Studies Office (FMSO) at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. His specific research expertise includes “Joint military exercises involving Central Asian militaries and security forces,” “Incidents of violence and civil unrest in Central Asia,” “Extremist and Terrorist Groups in Central Asia,” and “Border issues in Central Asia.” He has conducted briefings and participated in training events for units deploying to the Central Asia region and seminars for senior U.S. Army leaders. He has an M.A. -
The Other Travelers: American Jihadists Beyond Syria and Iraq
The Other Travelers: American Jihadists Beyond Syria and Iraq Seamus Hughes, Emily Blackburn, and Andrew Mines HUGHES, BLACKBURN, MINES | PROGRAM ON EXTREMISM About the Program on Extremism The Program on Extremism at George Washington University p r o v i d e s analysis on issues related to violent and non-violent extremism. The Program spearheads innovative and thoughtful academic inquiry, producing empirical work that strengthens extremism research as a distinct field of study. The Program aims to develop pragmatic policy solutions that resonate with policymakers, civic leaders, and the general public. Acknowledgements This report was made possible by the hard work of the Program on Extremism’s research team. The authors wish to thank the Program’s Director Dr. Lorenzo Vidino, in addition to senior research fellow Devorah Margolin and research fellows Jon Lewis and Bennett Clifford for their tireless efforts to assist in the report’s findings. The authors also wish to thank former senior research fellow Audrey Alexander for reviewing the report at multiple stages during the writing process. The Program’s research assistants, including Amy Sinnenberg, Eric Ross, Caroline Zenkel, and Lee Ratson were instrumental in compiling data, editing, and confirming the final product. The views expressed in this publication are solely those of the authors, and not necessarily those of the George Washington University. THE OTHER TRAVELERS: AMERICAN JIHADISTS BEYOND SYRIA AND IRAQ 1 HUGHES, BLACKBURN, MINES | PROGRAM ON EXTREMISM Table of Contents