Zambia Democratic Republic of Congo

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Zambia Democratic Republic of Congo COUNTRY REPORT Zambia Democratic Republic of Congo 3rd quarter 1998 The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent Street, London SW1Y 4LR United Kingdom The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit is a specialist publisher serving companies establishing and managing operations across national borders. For over 50 years it has been a source of information on business developments, economic and political trends, government regulations and corporate practice worldwide. The EIU delivers its information in four ways: through subscription products ranging from newsletters to annual reference works; through specific research reports, whether for general release or for particular clients; through electronic publishing; and by organising conferences and roundtables. The firm is a member of The Economist Group. London New York Hong Kong The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent Street The Economist Building 25/F, Dah Sing Financial Centre London 111 West 57th Street 108 Gloucester Road SW1Y 4LR New York Wanchai United Kingdom NY 10019, US Hong Kong Tel: (44.171) 830 1000 Tel: (1.212) 554 0600 Tel: (852) 2802 7288 Fax: (44.171) 499 9767 Fax: (1.212) 586 1181/2 Fax: (852) 2802 7638 E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.eiu.com Electronic delivery EIU Electronic Publishing New York: Lou Celi or Lisa Hennessey Tel: (1.212) 554 0600 Fax: (1.212) 586 0248 London: Jeremy Eagle Tel: (44.171) 830 1183 Fax: (44.171) 830 1023 This publication is available on the following electronic and other media: Online databases Microfilm FT Profile (UK) NewsEdge Corporation (US) World Microfilms Publications (UK) Tel: (44.171) 825 8000 Tel: (1.781) 229 3000 Tel: (44.171) 266 2202 DIALOG (US) Tel: (1.415) 254 7000 CD-ROM LEXIS-NEXIS (US) The Dialog Corporation (US) Tel: (1.800) 227 4908 SilverPlatter (US) M.A.I.D/Profound (UK) Tel: (44.171) 930 6900 Copyright © 1998 The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited. All rights reserved. Neither this publication nor any part of it may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited. All information in this report is verified to the best of the authors and the publishers ability. However, the EIU does not accept responsibility for any loss arising from reliance on it. ISSN 1369-4839 Symbols for tables n/a means not available; means not applicable Printed and distributed by Redhouse Press Ltd, Unit 151, Dartford Trade Park, Dartford, Kent DA1 1QB, UK 1 Contents 3 Summary Zambia 5 Political structure 6 Economic structure 7 Outlook for 1998-99 11 Review 11 The political scene 16 The economy 17 Mining and energy 19 Manufacturing and commerce 20 Transport and telecommunications 20 Agriculture 22 Health 23 Foreign trade and payments Democratic Republic of Congo 25 Political structure 26 Economic structure 27 Outlook for 1998-99 30 Review 30 The political scene 35 The economy 38 Mining 39 Quarterly indicators and trade data List of tables 9 Zambia: forecast summary (domestic) 11 Zambia: forecast summary (external) 18 Zambia: copper and cobalt production, 1998 19 Zambia: international copper prices 21 Zambia: cereals production estimates, 1997-98 31 DRC: regional distribution of ministers, government as of June 1st 1998 39 Zambia: quarterly indicators of economic activity 40 Democratic Republic of Congo: quarterly indicators of economic activity 41 Zambia: foreign trade 42 Zambia: direction of trade 42 Zambia: refined copper exports 43 Zambia: UK trade 43 Zambia: Japanese trade 44 Democratic Republic of Congo: trade with major partners EIU Country Report 3rd quarter 1998 © The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited 1998 2 List of figures 11 Zambia: gross domestic product 11 Zambia: kwacha real exchange rates 29 DRC: gross domestic product EIU Country Report 3rd quarter 1998 © The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited 1998 3 July 30th 1998 Summary 3rd quarter 1998 Zambia Outlook for 1998-99: Kenneth Kaundas sudden and presumably forced re- tirement from politics and the leadership of UNIP will further weaken the party. As yet, no clear successor has emerged, and factional squabbling is expected to continue, while the decision to end the boycott of forthcoming local elections indicates that UNIP supporters are aware of the partys weakened position. UNITAs recent capture of several towns along the Angolan border with Zambia has increased the likelihood that Angolan government troops will attack its bases from within Zambian territory. The finance ministers gamble that donors will bail out the debts of the mining parastatal, ZCCM, to the private sector could backfire. Donors are likely to disburse pledged funds in the next few months. However, they will wait as long as possible in the hopes of pressuring the government into completing the ZCCM privatisation process. Inflation will remain high, and the exchange rate could come under more pressure should donor funds fail to materialise. Following the collapse in negotiations for the sale of ZCCM assets and a shortfall in copper production, overall real GDP for this year is now forecast to fall by 1.9%, and rise by 2.8% in 1999. Review: Although the circumstances surrounding his release from detention are unclear, Mr Kaunda seems to have traded a continued career in politics for his freedom. Splits in UNIP have emerged since then, and the party has announced that it would contest local elections although none of its precond- itions for doing so have been met by the government. A cabinet reshuffle has led to changes in the key portfolios. Donors have pledged $530m in project and balance-of-payments support in May, but funds have not yet been dis- bursed. The National Christian Coalition has announced its intention to form a political party. Angola has continued to accuse the government of allowing UNITA to operate from within its territory. Foreign-exchange levels remain low, and the exchange rate has depreciated considerably in May-June in part because of the strong depreciation of the South African rand. The Bank of Zambia has raised interest rates and the stock exchange suffered a severe blow. ZCCMs creditors in the energy sector have appealed to the government to pay ZCCMs debts, and talks between ZCCM and Copperbelt Energy Consortium over the sale of the Nkana and Nchanga mines have collapsed. Copper prod- uction figures for the first quarter of 1998 indicate a sharp drop in output. Zambias agricultural sector has been hit hard by El Niño and faces a cereals deficit for this year. Democratic Republic Outlook for 1998-99: Although the release of an opposition leader, Etienne of Congo Tshisekedi, from internal exile and the resumption of arrears payments to the IMF are signs that the Kabila government is beginning to feel less immune to domestic and international pressures, the ruling AFDLs repressive measures will continue. The governments heightened sense of paranoia with regard to its hold on power will prohibit progress towards democratisation and continue to strain its relations with the international donors. Relations with Rwanda and Uganda will continue to deteriorate as long as the government fails to put an EIU Country Report 3rd quarter 1998 © The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited 1998 4 end to escalating violence in the east, and the recent removal of several Tutsis from high-level positions will not send Rwanda encouraging signals. Economic policymaking remains fragmented and incoherent, and economic growth is expected to remain depressed. It remains unclear whether the resumption of minimal arrears payments to the IMF will be sufficient to clear the way for donor funds. The launch of the new currency will be a crucial test of the governments commitment to economic stabilisation. Review: Mr Tshisekedi was released from detention in early July, but a num- ber of his supporters were arrested shortly thereafter, and several officials re- main in detention. The government has made some moves towards tackling corruption by targeting ministers. Mr Kabila has appointed a new government, which includes more ministers with ties to his home province, Katanga. Those who worked with the Mobutu government have been excluded from the eligi- bility for membership in the Constituent Assembly. A number of Mr Kabilas opponents have been organising abroad. A more severe threat to his power is growing in the eastern part of the country where violence is escalating. The UN has released its report on alleged massacres of Hutu refugees during the 1996-97 war, and has implicated the AFDL. The government has denounced the find- ings of the report. Uganda and Rwanda have turned down Mr Kabilas invita- tion to attend a regional security summit in mid-May. Copper and cobalt production in 1997 was lower than expected, and the mining sector has failed to attract significant investment. The government has made its first arrears payment on its debt, and launched the new currency. Late note: At the time of this report going to print, Banyamulenge soldiers of the Forces armées congolaises, allied with other loose groupings of soldiers, had staged an uprising in the eastern part of the country which quickly gathered momentum. A western front opened days later and rebels were closing in on the capital, Kinshasa, in late August. Editor: Stephanie Wolters All queries: Tel: (44.171) 830 1007 Fax: (44.171)
Recommended publications
  • Zambia Page 1 of 8
    Zambia Page 1 of 8 Zambia Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2003 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor February 25, 2004 Zambia is a republic governed by a president and a unicameral national assembly. Since 1991, multiparty elections have resulted in the victory of the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD). MMD candidate Levy Mwanawasa was elected President in 2001, and the MMD won 69 out of 150 elected seats in the National Assembly. Domestic and international observer groups noted general transparency during the voting; however, they criticized several irregularities. Opposition parties challenged the election results in court, and court proceedings were ongoing at year's end. The anti-corruption campaign launched in 2002 continued during the year and resulted in the removal of Vice President Kavindele and the arrest of former President Chiluba and many of his supporters. The Constitution mandates an independent judiciary, and the Government generally respected this provision; however, the judicial system was hampered by lack of resources, inefficiency, and reports of possible corruption. The police, divided into regular and paramilitary units under the Ministry of Home Affairs, have primary responsibility for maintaining law and order. The Zambia Security and Intelligence Service (ZSIS), under the Office of the President, is responsible for intelligence and internal security. Civilian authorities maintained effective control of the security forces. Members of the security forces committed numerous serious human rights abuses. Approximately 60 percent of the labor force worked in agriculture, although agriculture contributed only 15 percent to the gross domestic product. Economic growth increased to 4 percent for the year.
    [Show full text]
  • Intra-Party Democracy in the Zambian Polity1
    John Bwalya, Owen B. Sichone: REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY … REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY DEMOCRACY IN THE ZAMBIAN POLITY1 John Bwalya Owen B. Sichone Abstract: Despite the important role that intra-party democracy plays in democratic consolidation, particularly in third-wave democracies, it has not received as much attention as inter-party democracy. Based on the Zambian polity, this article uses the concept of selectocracy to explain why, to a large extent, intra-party democracy has remained a refractory frontier. Two traits of intra-party democracy are examined: leadership transitions at party president-level and the selection of political party members for key leadership positions. The present study of four political parties: United National Independence Party (UNIP), Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), United Party for National Development (UPND) and Patriotic Front (PF) demonstrates that the iron law of oligarchy predominates leadership transitions and selection. Within this milieu, intertwined but fluid factors, inimical to democratic consolidation but underpinning selectocracy, are explained. Keywords: Intra-party Democracy, Leadership Transition, Ethnicity, Selectocracy, Third Wave Democracies Introduction Although there is a general consensus that political parties are essential to liberal democracy (Teorell 1999; Matlosa 2007; Randall 2007; Omotola 2010; Ennser-Jedenastik and Müller 2015), they often failed to live up to the expected democratic values such as sustaining intra-party democracy (Rakner and Svasånd 2013). As a result, some scholars have noted that parties may therefore not necessarily be good for democratic consolidation because they promote private economic interests, which are inimical to democracy and state building (Aaron 1 The authors gratefully acknowledge the comments from the editorial staff and anonymous reviewers.
    [Show full text]
  • Zambia's Independence
    Zambia’s Independence In thy cozy loamy soils deeply flowed mine young blood/ In thy sun- scotched patches birth-ed thee a patriotic lad/ How this thought of hilarity mine psyche partly flood/ Thy progeny in hope mine entrails thou maketh glad/ Thy black visage daily mine heart gladly beholdeth/ For thine good, whence mine desire dryly flourisheth/ Oh Zambia, kind Mother to me thou may be more/ Oh land, thy toil, the oil that boileth our common soul! BRIEF INTRODUCTION In this chapter, the author relives the memories of Zambia’s 19th independence celebrations as a child at Mibenge Primary School in Mibenge’s village in Samfya- Mansa district of Luapula Province. It introduces the major theme of independence, the founding fathers of the independent Republic of Zambia, and the promise of a prosperous, democratic and free nation. MAJOR THEME: Independence ≈ History ≈ Politics ≈ §1.1 Mibenge was born on the ninth Christmas after Zambia became independent. My mother told me that she almost named me Mary had I been a girl, but for the second born who was already called by that name in the family. I was born Charles Chushi Zachariah Mwewa to Zachariah I 1 Kalubeya Mwewa and Justina Kunda of Mibenge village in Samfya-Mansa district in the Luapula Province of Zambia.2 I am positioned seventh in an eight-member family of only two girls: John Mwewa, Mary Kalaba, Gilbert Ng’andwe, George (also called Charles Chibwe), Joseph Ng’andwe, Jeremiah Chushi, and Anne Mwewa. When I was born, it was perhaps not a family secret that I was unexpected.
    [Show full text]
  • Mission Report Onthe Presidential Election in the Republic of Zambia 22-25 January 2015 Ambassador, Salif Sada Sall Au-Saro
    MISSION REPORT ONTHE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN THE REPUBLIC OF ZAMBIA 22-25 JANUARY 2015 AMBASSADOR, SALIF SADA SALL AU-SARO Presidential Elections in the Republic of Zambia This report focuses on the Presidential electionheld in Republic of Zambia on 20 January and extended to 21 January 2015 due to bad weather. 1. Death of President Michael Sata President Sata came to power upon his election in 20 September 2011 and passed away on 28 October 2015. President Sata from the Patriotic Front (PF) defeated the incumbent President Rupiah Banda from the Movement for Multi-party Democracy(MMD) in Presidential election of 2011. President Sata formed the Patriotic Front in 2001 after falling out with the Movement for Multiparty Democracy who did not endorse his candidature for leadership of the party. Mr. Sata stood in both the 2001 and 2006 election but did not succeed in either. In 2006, Mr. Sata declared himself the winner before voting was complete leading to civil unrest in the country. Mr. Sata was however successful in the 2011 election which brought him to power. 2. Vice President Guy Scott becomes acting President of Zambia, presidential by- election to be arranged after 90 days Following the death of President Sata, and in accordance with constitutional provisions Dr. Guy Scott, become the acting president of Zambia until presidential by-elections were arranged in accordance with Article 38(1) of the Constitution of Zambia which states that ‘if the office of the President becomes vacant by reason of his death…, an election to the office of the President shall be held in accordance with Article 34 within ninety (90) days from the date of the office becoming vacant.’ 1 | Page Acting president Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Corruption, Ethnicity and Violence As a Triple Political Strategy the Changing Face of Politics in Zambia
    Notes de l’Ifri Corruption, Ethnicity and Violence as a Triple Political Strategy The Changing Face of Politics in Zambia Lee M. HABASONDA September 2018 Sub-Saharan Africa Program The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non- governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-911-4 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2018 How to quote this document: Lee M. Habasonda, “Corruption, Ethnicity and Violence as a Triple Political Strategy: The Changing Face of Politics in Zambia”, Notes de l’Ifri, Ifri, September 2018. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 – Fax: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Lee M. Habasonda is the Executive Director of the Southern African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (SACCORD), a Non- Governmental Organization working to promote peace and democracy in Zambia and Southern Africa. He also teaches at the University of Zambia in the Department of Political and Administrative Studies. He specializes in International Politics, Public Affairs and Conflict Resolution.
    [Show full text]
  • The Plundering of Zambian Resources by Frederick
    The plundering of Zambian resources by Frederick Chiluba and his friends: a case study of the interaction between national politics and the international drive towards good governance Donge, J.K.van Citation Donge, J. Kvan. (2009). The plundering of Zambian resources by Frederick Chiluba and his friends: a case study of the interaction between national politics and the international drive towards good governance. African Affairs, 108(430), 69-90. Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/1887/14510 Version: Not Applicable (or Unknown) License: Downloaded from: https://hdl.handle.net/1887/14510 Note: To cite this publication please use the final published version (if applicable). African Affairs, 108/430, 69–90 doi: 10.1093/afraf/adn073 C The Author [2008]. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of Royal African Society. All rights reserved THE PLUNDERING OF ZAMBIAN RESOURCES BY FREDERICK CHILUBA AND HIS FRIENDS: A CASE STUDY OF THE INTERACTION BETWEEN NATIONAL POLITICS AND THE INTERNATIONAL DRIVE TOWARDS GOOD GOVERNANCE JAN KEES VAN DONGE ABSTRACT This article analyses the accusations that have emerged since 2001 of predatory behaviour during the presidency of Frederick T. Chiluba (1991– 2001). It advocates a detailed analysis of the practices that have come to light in order to move beyond a generalized interpretation of the persis- tence of predatory elites in Africa. Three specific themes appear. First, there is a danger of oversimplification of these conflicts as between the international community and national governments. The political struggles tend to be more complicated than generally presented, and international involvement meshes with local political struggles. Second, predatory be- haviour or corruption is a social process that is embedded in wider national and international networks.
    [Show full text]
  • Zambia 2013 Human Rights Report
    ZAMBIA 2013 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Zambia is a constitutional republic governed by a democratically elected president and a unicameral national assembly. International and local observers considered national elections held in 2011 to be generally free and fair. Security forces reported to civilian authorities. Serious human rights abuses occurred during the year. The most important were abuses by security forces, including reports of unlawful killings, torture, and beatings; life-threatening prison conditions; and restrictions on freedom of speech, assembly, and association. Other serious human rights problems included arbitrary arrest, prolonged pretrial detention, arbitrary interference with privacy, government corruption, violence and discrimination against women, child abuse, trafficking in persons, discrimination against persons with disabilities and members of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) community, restrictions on labor rights, forced labor, and child labor. The government took limited steps to prosecute officials suspected of corruption or human rights abuses during the year; however, impunity remained a problem. Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from: a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life There were several reports that the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings. After local police authorities were unable to apprehend three men suspected of several killings, the government directed the military to use deadly force against the suspects. On June 25, after a much-publicized investigation into the killings, army soldiers killed Mika, Fabian, and Stefan Mailoni in Mkushi District. The Human Rights Commission (HRC) criticized the killings. On June 14, soldiers belonging to the Zambia National Service shot and killed unarmed civilians Clement Muloongo and Pumulo Lungwangwa in Kampasa village during a scuffle over land rights.
    [Show full text]
  • Zambia Zaire
    COUNTRY REPORT Zambia Zaire 2nd quarter 1997 The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent Street, London SW1Y 4LR United Kingdom The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit is a specialist publisher serving companies establishing and managing operations across national borders. For over 50 years it has been a source of information on business developments, economic and political trends, government regulations and corporate practice worldwide. The EIU delivers its information in four ways: through subscription products ranging from newsletters to annual reference works; through specific research reports, whether for general release or for particular clients; through electronic publishing; and by organising conferences and roundtables. The firm is a member of The Economist Group. London New York Hong Kong The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent Street The Economist Building 25/F, Dah Sing Financial Centre London 111 West 57th Street 108 Gloucester Road SW1Y 4LR New York Wanchai United Kingdom NY 10019, USA Hong Kong Tel: (44.171) 830 1000 Tel: (1.212) 554 0600 Tel: (852) 2802 7288 Fax: (44.171) 499 9767 Fax: (1.212) 586 1181/2 Fax: (852) 2802 7638 e-mail: [email protected] e-mail: [email protected] e-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.eiu.com Electronic delivery EIU Electronic Publishing New York: Lou Celi or Lisa Hennessey Tel: (1.212) 554 0600 Fax: (1.212) 586 0248 London: Moya Veitch Tel: (44.171) 830 1007 Fax: (44.171) 830 1023 This publication is available on the following electronic and other media: Online databases CD-ROM Microfilm FT Profile (UK) Knight-Ridder Information World Microfilms Publications (UK) Tel: (44.171) 825 8000 Inc (USA) Tel: (44.171) 266 2202 DIALOG (USA) SilverPlatter (USA) Tel: (1.415) 254 7000 LEXIS-NEXIS (USA) Tel: (1.800) 227 4908 M.A.I.D/Profound (UK) Tel: (44.171) 930 6900 Copyright © 1997 The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited.
    [Show full text]
  • Manifestation of Realpolitik in Cyberspace: Analysis of the Relationship Between Internet-Based Information Controls and Elections in Zambia
    Manifestation of realpolitik in cyberspace: Analysis of the relationship between internet-based information controls and Elections in Zambia Arthur Gwagwa, June 2016 Abstract The defining era in Zambia’s current rise in online political and civic activism can be traced back to the period between 2011 and 2013. This is when the late President Sata embraced social media as part of his political and public diplomacy strategy. As the country now prepares for the August 2016 General Elections, government, its agencies, such as the Election Commission of Zambia (ECZ), the opposition and civil society are all immersed in social media. Rather than fully subverting the evolving cyberspace, Edgar Lungu’s Government is increasingly relying on emerging generations of information controls.1 It has covertly enlisted pro-government groups and consultants to project soft power through cyberspace. It is doing so by subverting the tools of social media to define and accomplish their political agenda to retain power.2 Given that Zambian civil society including the Zambian Bloggers’ Network and Journalists, is so deeply immersed in social media, it is imperative that they, and the companies that service them, urgently adapt to and mitigate these new subtle, yet consequential threats.”3 In order to preserve the democratic gains of the past decade, Zambia civil society and the opposition need a long term plan to restrain this increasing use of political power in their cyberspace. This is important as social media will be key in maintaining the current democratic impetus. However, this will not be an easy task. With a limited pool of funding, it may be hard for them to have the wherewithal to compete with the state’s well-funded social media campaign, backed by a grand offline strategy.4 For instance, government has recently increased its presence on social media to abet and encourage horizontal flows of information.
    [Show full text]
  • Members of the Northern Rhodesia Legislative Council and National Assembly of Zambia, 1924-2021
    NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF ZAMBIA Parliament Buildings P.O Box 31299 Lusaka www.parliament.gov.zm MEMBERS OF THE NORTHERN RHODESIA LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL AND NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF ZAMBIA, 1924-2021 FIRST EDITION, 2021 TABLE OF CONTENTS FOREWORD ................................................................................................................................................ 3 PREFACE ..................................................................................................................................................... 4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .......................................................................................................................... 5 ABBREVIATIONS ...................................................................................................................................... 7 INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................................................ 9 PART A: MEMBERS OF THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL, 1924 - 1964 ............................................... 10 PRIME MINISTERS OF THE FEDERATION OF RHODESIA .......................................................... 12 GOVERNORS OF NORTHERN RHODESIA AND PRESIDING OFFICERS OF THE LEGISTRATIVE COUNCIL (LEGICO) ............................................................................................... 13 SPEAKERS OF THE LEGISTRATIVE COUNCIL (LEGICO) - 1948 TO 1964 ................................. 16 DEPUTY SPEAKERS OF THE LEGICO 1948 TO 1964 ....................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Principle 'One Zambia, One Nation': Fifty Years Later
    The Principle ‘One Zambia, One Nation’: Fifty Years Later Lyubov Ya. Prokopenko Institute for African Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow ABSTRACT In the first years of independence, United National Independence Par- ty (UNIP) and President of Zambia Kenneth Kaunda, realizing that Zambia as a young multi-ethnic state can develop only assuming nor- mal relations between its 73 ethnic groups, proclaimed the slogan ‘One Zambia is One People’ as the basic principle of nation-building. The formation of a young nation should also be facilitated by the in- troduction of the principle of regional and ethnic balancing – quotas for various ethnic groups for representation in government bodies. Under the conditions of political pluralism since 1991, power in Zam- bia was transferred peacefully, including after the victory of the oppo- sition in the elections in 2011. Zambia is often called a successful ex- ample of achieving ethno-political consolidation in a multi-ethnic Af- rican state, which can be regarded as a certain success in the for- mation of a national state. The new president Edgar Lungu re-elected in September 2016 declares that the policy of his government and of the PF party will be firmly based on the inviolability of the principle ‘One Zambia – One Nation’. INTRODUCTION On October 23, 2014, on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of Zam- bia's independence, the national bank issued a commemorative 50 kwacha banknote (for the first time as legal means of payment) which portrays all the presidents of Zambia: Kenneth Kaunda, Freder- ick Chiluba, Levy Mwanawasa, Rupiah Banda and Michael Sata.
    [Show full text]
  • Csisafrica Notes
    Number 141 October 1992 CSISAFRICA NOTES A publication of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington, D.C. Zambia Tests Democracy by L. Gray Cowan Zambia drew worldwide attention in October 1991, when the country's first multiparty election in two decades ended the rule of Kenneth Kaunda's United National Independence Party (UNIP) government, which had governed since independence in 1964. UNIP won only 25 of the 150 seats in the National Assembly; all the others went to the Movement for Multi-party Democracy (MMD) , which came into being in 1990 as an informal constellation of opposition groups. Zambia's new president is a former trade-union leader, Frederick Chiluba. In the year since the electoral triumph of the MMD, Zambians have found that democracy cannot be achieved overnight by the ballot box alone. The legacy of the single-party era penetrates almost every aspect of society; time and patience will be needed to eradicate it. For many, the transformation involves a lower standard of living as well as the assumption of individual responsibilities that a generation of Zambians has never known. The MMD's most crucial challenge is to persuade the voters who so enthusiastically supported democratic change that transforming a bankrupt economy and restructuring social values will take more than the few years promised by the new president; indeed, it could take closer to a generation. If the MMD government cannot at least point to some concrete results from its new economic policies within two or three years, it runs the risk of either being replaced at the next election by one of the growing number of new parties now appearing on the political horizon or succumbing to the temptation of imposing its own version of authoritarian one-party rule in order to complete unpopular reforms.
    [Show full text]