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Complete Dissertation
VU Research Portal Itineraries Rousseau, N. 2019 document version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Link to publication in VU Research Portal citation for published version (APA) Rousseau, N. (2019). Itineraries: A return to the archives of the South African truth commission and the limits of counter-revolutionary warfare. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal ? Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. E-mail address: [email protected] Download date: 09. Oct. 2021 VRIJE UNIVERSITEIT Itineraries A return to the archives of the South African truth commission and the limits of counter-revolutionary warfare ACADEMISCH PROEFSCHRIFT ter verkrijging van de graad Doctor aan de Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, op gezag van de rector magnificus prof.dr. V. Subramaniam, in het openbaar te verdedigen ten overstaan van de promotiecommissie van de Faculteit der Geesteswetenschappen op woensdag 20 maart 2019 om 15.45 uur in de aula van de universiteit, De Boelelaan 1105 door Nicky Rousseau geboren te Dundee, Zuid-Afrika promotoren: prof.dr. -
Trekking Outward
TREKKING OUTWARD A CHRONOLOGY OF MEETINGS BETWEEN SOUTH AFRICANS AND THE ANC IN EXILE 1983–2000 Michael Savage University of Cape Town May 2014 PREFACE In the decade preceding the dramatic February 1990 unbanning of South Africa’s black liberatory movements, many hundreds of concerned South Africans undertook to make contact with exile leaders of these organisations, travelling long distances to hold meetings in Europe or in independent African countries. Some of these “treks”, as they came to be called, were secret while others were highly publicised. The great majority of treks brought together South Africans from within South Africa and exile leaders of the African National Congress, and its close ally the South African Communist Party. Other treks involved meetings with the Pan Africanist Congress, the black consciousness movement, and the remnants of the Non-European Unity Movement in exile. This account focuses solely on the meetings involving the ANC alliance, which after February 1990 played a central role in negotiating with the white government of F.W. de Klerk and his National Party regime to bring about a new democratic order. Without the foundation of understanding established by the treks and thousands of hours of discussion and debate that they entailed, it seems unlikely that South Africa’s transition to democracy could have been as successfully negotiated as it was between 1990 and the first democratic election of April 1994. The following chronology focuses only on the meetings of internally based South Africans with the African National Congress (ANC) when in exile over the period 1983–1990. Well over 1 200 diverse South Africans drawn from a wide range of different groups in the non- governmental sector and cross-cutting political parties, language, educational, religious and community groups went on an outward mission to enter dialogue with the ANC in exile in a search to overcome the escalating conflict inside South Africa. -
South Africa
Safrica Page 1 of 42 Recent Reports Support HRW About HRW Site Map May 1995 Vol. 7, No.3 SOUTH AFRICA THREATS TO A NEW DEMOCRACY Continuing Violence in KwaZulu-Natal INTRODUCTION For the last decade South Africa's KwaZulu-Natal region has been troubled by political violence. This conflict escalated during the four years of negotiations for a transition to democratic rule, and reached the status of a virtual civil war in the last months before the national elections of April 1994, significantly disrupting the election process. Although the first year of democratic government in South Africa has led to a decrease in the monthly death toll, the figures remain high enough to threaten the process of national reconstruction. In particular, violence may prevent the establishment of democratic local government structures in KwaZulu-Natal following further elections scheduled to be held on November 1, 1995. The basis of this violence remains the conflict between the African National Congress (ANC), now the leading party in the Government of National Unity, and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), the majority party within the new region of KwaZulu-Natal that replaced the former white province of Natal and the black homeland of KwaZulu. Although the IFP abandoned a boycott of the negotiations process and election campaign in order to participate in the April 1994 poll, following last minute concessions to its position, neither this decision nor the election itself finally resolved the points at issue. While the ANC has argued during the year since the election that the final constitutional arrangements for South Africa should include a relatively centralized government and the introduction of elected government structures at all levels, the IFP has maintained instead that South Africa's regions should form a federal system, and that the colonial tribal government structures should remain in place in the former homelands. -
High-Level Review Panel on the State Security Agency
Report of the High-Level Review Panel on the SSA i Preface The High-Level Review Panel on the SSA and Related Matters is pleased to submit its final report to his Excellency, President Matamela Cyril Ramaphosa. We hope that the findings and recommendations contained in this report respond adequately to the concerns that led the President to establish this Panel, and that those of our recommendations that are accepted and implemented play a decisive role in achieving ‘a professional national intelligence capability for South Africa that will respect and uphold the Constitution, and the relevant legislative prescripts’ as required by our Terms of Reference. We think it prudent to highlight here that our key finding is that there has been a serious politicisation and factionalisation of the intelligence community over the past decade or more, based on factions in the ruling party, resulting in an almost complete disregard for the Constitution, policy, legislation and other prescripts, and turning our civilian intelligence community into a private resource to serve the political and personal interests of particular individuals. In addition, we identified a doctrinal shift towards a narrow state security orientation in the intelligence community from 2009 in contradiction to the doctrines outlined in the Constitution, White Paper on Intelligence and other prescripts. We are concerned that the cumulative effect of the above led to the deliberate re-purposing of the SSA. The Panel has made many detailed findings and recommendations, but most importantly it is recommending an overarching overhaul of the intelligence and security architecture of the country, the implementation of which will require extensive consultation and a good dose of determination. -
Intergovernmental Relations Policy Framework
INTERGOVERNMENTAL AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 1 POLICY : INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS POLICY FRAMEWORK Item CL 285/2002 PROPOSED INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS POLICY FRAMEWORK MC 05.12.2002 RESOLVED: 1. That the report of the Strategic Executive Director: City Development Services regarding a proposed framework to ensure sound intergovernmental relations between the EMM, National and Provincial Government, neighbouring municipalities, the S A Cities Network, organised local government and bulk service providers, BE NOTED AND ACCEPTED. 2. That all Departments/Portfolios of the EMM USE the Intergovernmental Relations Policy Framework to develop and implement mechanisms, processes and procedures to ensure sound intergovernmental relations and TO SUBMIT a policy and programme in this regard to the Speaker for purposes of co-ordination and approval by the Mayoral Committee. 3. That the Director: Communications and Marketing DEVELOP a policy on how to deal with intergovernmental delegations visiting the Metro, with specific reference to intergovernmental relations and to submit same to the Mayoral Committee for consideration. 4. That intergovernmental relations BE INCORPORATED as a key activity in the lOP Business Plans of all Departments of the EMM. 5. That the Ekurhuleni Intergovernmental Multipurpose Centre Steering Committee INCORPORATE the principles contained in the Intergovernmental Relations Framework as part of the policy on multipurpose centres to be formulated as contemplated in Mayoral Committee Resolution (Item LED 21-2002) of 3 October 2002. 6. That the City Manager, in consultation with the Strategic Executive Director: City Development Services, FINALISE AND APPROVE the officials to represent the EMM at the Technical Working Groups of the S A Cities Network. 7. That the Strategic Executive Director: City Development SUBMIT a further report to the Mayoral Committee regarding the necessity of participation of the Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality and its Portfolios/Departments on public bodies, institutions and organisations. -
Submission and Executive Summary Submission Submission
SUBMISSION AND EXECUTIVE SUMMARY SUBMISSION SUBMISSION SUBMISSION OF THE ANNUAL REPORT TO THE EXECUTIVE AUTHORITY To the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma; I have the honour of presenting the 2002/03 Annual Report of the Department of Foreign Affairs. 2 3 Annual Report 2002/2003 Annual Report 2002/2003 DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, SOUTH AFRICA DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, SOUTH AFRICA SUBMISSION SUBMISSION Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma. 2 3 Annual Report 2002/2003 Annual Report 2002/2003 DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, SOUTH AFRICA DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, SOUTH AFRICA EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EXECUTIVE SUMMARY BY THE ACTING DIRECTOR-GENERAL OUR DEPARTMENT, IN COLLABORATION WITH OUR SISTER DEPARTMENTS in African region, remained the core focus of our foreign policy. the International Relations, Peace and Security Cluster, has over To give practical expression to our foreign policy objectives the the past year worked extensively in many very important areas priority areas for the Department’s work included: in pursuit of our foreign policy goals. At the same time we have • African Renaissance had to adjust our focus to a global environment that has been – Launch and operationalise the African Union (AU); fundamentally changed by the seminal events of 11 September – Restructure the Southern African Development Community 2001 and the war against Iraq. (SADC) and the Southern African Customs Union (SACU); During the period 2002/03, our foreign policy programmes – Implement the New Partnership for Africa’s Development were aimed at supporting the rapid delivery of basic needs to our (NEPAD); people; developing human resources; building the economy and • Peace, stability and security; and creating jobs; combating crime and corruption; transforming the • Economic development and co-operation. -
Intra-Party Democracy in the Zambian Polity1
John Bwalya, Owen B. Sichone: REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY … REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY DEMOCRACY IN THE ZAMBIAN POLITY1 John Bwalya Owen B. Sichone Abstract: Despite the important role that intra-party democracy plays in democratic consolidation, particularly in third-wave democracies, it has not received as much attention as inter-party democracy. Based on the Zambian polity, this article uses the concept of selectocracy to explain why, to a large extent, intra-party democracy has remained a refractory frontier. Two traits of intra-party democracy are examined: leadership transitions at party president-level and the selection of political party members for key leadership positions. The present study of four political parties: United National Independence Party (UNIP), Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), United Party for National Development (UPND) and Patriotic Front (PF) demonstrates that the iron law of oligarchy predominates leadership transitions and selection. Within this milieu, intertwined but fluid factors, inimical to democratic consolidation but underpinning selectocracy, are explained. Keywords: Intra-party Democracy, Leadership Transition, Ethnicity, Selectocracy, Third Wave Democracies Introduction Although there is a general consensus that political parties are essential to liberal democracy (Teorell 1999; Matlosa 2007; Randall 2007; Omotola 2010; Ennser-Jedenastik and Müller 2015), they often failed to live up to the expected democratic values such as sustaining intra-party democracy (Rakner and Svasånd 2013). As a result, some scholars have noted that parties may therefore not necessarily be good for democratic consolidation because they promote private economic interests, which are inimical to democracy and state building (Aaron 1 The authors gratefully acknowledge the comments from the editorial staff and anonymous reviewers. -
Local Government in South Africa: Priorities for Action
CDE ROUND Number seven, 2003 CDE Round Table is an occasional publication reflecting discussions held TABLE on key contemporary topics Local government in South Africa: priorities for action A Round Table discussion with the minister of provincial and local government n 8 November 2002 the Centre for In this, the second Round Table on this ODevelopment and Enterprise (CDE) subject, the spotlight fell on the progress hosted a Round Table on local government’s municipalities have made towards achieving development priorities. the government’s goal of ‘developmental This was CDE’s second Round Table on local government’, as well as priorities and local government. The first, entitled Local challenges for future development. government reforms: What’s happening, and The keynote address was delivered by who is in charge? was convened in mid-2000, Sydney Mufamadi, minister for provincial and focused on the municipal demarcation and local government. The department of process, the local government legislative provincial and local government (DPLG) was framework, reforming local governments, represented by two deputy directors-general and local government finances. and other senior officials. It highlighted the undesirability of delimit- These as well as senior provincial and local ing municipalities stretching across provin- government officials, members of parlia- cial boundaries, and the impracticality of the ment, academics, and local government two-tier municipal financing model. Unresol- experts engaged in a frank discussion with ved issues surrounding traditional leadership business people and other private sector and municipal property rates were identified. participants. Finally, serious questions emerged around This publication contains an edited version a perceived lack of effective leadership of the of the day’s discussions. -
South Africa After Apartheid: a Whole New Ball Game, with Labor on the Team
r , * ',-,- - i i-.-- : ii ii i -ii,,,c - -. i - 198 Broadway * New York, N.Y. 10038 e (212) 962-1210 Tilden J. LeMelle, Chairman Jennifer Davis, Executive Director MEMORANDUM TO: Key Labor Contacts FROM: Mike Fleshman, Labor Desk Coordinator DATE: June 7, 1994 South Africa After Apartheid: A Whole New Ball Game, With Labor On The Team Friends, The victory parties are finally over and, in the wake of Nelson Mandela's landslide election as South Africa's first-ever Black President, South African workers are returning to their jobs and to the enormous challenges that lie ahead. For the 1.2 million-member Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), whose support for Mandela's ANC was critical to the movement's runaway 62.5 percent victory, the end of apartheid brings new opportunities for South African workers, but also some new problems. One result of the ANC victory is the presence of key labor leaders in the new government. Two high ranking unionists, former COSATU General Secretary Jay Naidoo, and former Assistant General Secretary Sydney Mufamadi, were named to cabinet posts -- Mufamadi as Minister of Safety and Security in charge of the police, and Naidoo as Minister Without Portfolio, tasked with implementing the ANC/COSATU blueprint for social change, the national Reconstruction and Development Program (RDP). Former National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA) economist Alec Erwin was named Deputy Minister for Finance. Former Mineworkers head Cyril Ramaphosa, elected General Secretary of the ANC in 1991, will exert great influence on the shape of the permanent new constitution as the chair of the parliamentary constitution-writing body. -
Mission Report Onthe Presidential Election in the Republic of Zambia 22-25 January 2015 Ambassador, Salif Sada Sall Au-Saro
MISSION REPORT ONTHE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN THE REPUBLIC OF ZAMBIA 22-25 JANUARY 2015 AMBASSADOR, SALIF SADA SALL AU-SARO Presidential Elections in the Republic of Zambia This report focuses on the Presidential electionheld in Republic of Zambia on 20 January and extended to 21 January 2015 due to bad weather. 1. Death of President Michael Sata President Sata came to power upon his election in 20 September 2011 and passed away on 28 October 2015. President Sata from the Patriotic Front (PF) defeated the incumbent President Rupiah Banda from the Movement for Multi-party Democracy(MMD) in Presidential election of 2011. President Sata formed the Patriotic Front in 2001 after falling out with the Movement for Multiparty Democracy who did not endorse his candidature for leadership of the party. Mr. Sata stood in both the 2001 and 2006 election but did not succeed in either. In 2006, Mr. Sata declared himself the winner before voting was complete leading to civil unrest in the country. Mr. Sata was however successful in the 2011 election which brought him to power. 2. Vice President Guy Scott becomes acting President of Zambia, presidential by- election to be arranged after 90 days Following the death of President Sata, and in accordance with constitutional provisions Dr. Guy Scott, become the acting president of Zambia until presidential by-elections were arranged in accordance with Article 38(1) of the Constitution of Zambia which states that ‘if the office of the President becomes vacant by reason of his death…, an election to the office of the President shall be held in accordance with Article 34 within ninety (90) days from the date of the office becoming vacant.’ 1 | Page Acting president Dr. -
Corruption, Ethnicity and Violence As a Triple Political Strategy the Changing Face of Politics in Zambia
Notes de l’Ifri Corruption, Ethnicity and Violence as a Triple Political Strategy The Changing Face of Politics in Zambia Lee M. HABASONDA September 2018 Sub-Saharan Africa Program The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non- governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-911-4 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2018 How to quote this document: Lee M. Habasonda, “Corruption, Ethnicity and Violence as a Triple Political Strategy: The Changing Face of Politics in Zambia”, Notes de l’Ifri, Ifri, September 2018. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 – Fax: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Lee M. Habasonda is the Executive Director of the Southern African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (SACCORD), a Non- Governmental Organization working to promote peace and democracy in Zambia and Southern Africa. He also teaches at the University of Zambia in the Department of Political and Administrative Studies. He specializes in International Politics, Public Affairs and Conflict Resolution. -
The Plundering of Zambian Resources by Frederick
The plundering of Zambian resources by Frederick Chiluba and his friends: a case study of the interaction between national politics and the international drive towards good governance Donge, J.K.van Citation Donge, J. Kvan. (2009). The plundering of Zambian resources by Frederick Chiluba and his friends: a case study of the interaction between national politics and the international drive towards good governance. African Affairs, 108(430), 69-90. Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/1887/14510 Version: Not Applicable (or Unknown) License: Downloaded from: https://hdl.handle.net/1887/14510 Note: To cite this publication please use the final published version (if applicable). African Affairs, 108/430, 69–90 doi: 10.1093/afraf/adn073 C The Author [2008]. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of Royal African Society. All rights reserved THE PLUNDERING OF ZAMBIAN RESOURCES BY FREDERICK CHILUBA AND HIS FRIENDS: A CASE STUDY OF THE INTERACTION BETWEEN NATIONAL POLITICS AND THE INTERNATIONAL DRIVE TOWARDS GOOD GOVERNANCE JAN KEES VAN DONGE ABSTRACT This article analyses the accusations that have emerged since 2001 of predatory behaviour during the presidency of Frederick T. Chiluba (1991– 2001). It advocates a detailed analysis of the practices that have come to light in order to move beyond a generalized interpretation of the persis- tence of predatory elites in Africa. Three specific themes appear. First, there is a danger of oversimplification of these conflicts as between the international community and national governments. The political struggles tend to be more complicated than generally presented, and international involvement meshes with local political struggles. Second, predatory be- haviour or corruption is a social process that is embedded in wider national and international networks.