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Intra-Party Democracy in the Zambian Polity1
John Bwalya, Owen B. Sichone: REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY … REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY DEMOCRACY IN THE ZAMBIAN POLITY1 John Bwalya Owen B. Sichone Abstract: Despite the important role that intra-party democracy plays in democratic consolidation, particularly in third-wave democracies, it has not received as much attention as inter-party democracy. Based on the Zambian polity, this article uses the concept of selectocracy to explain why, to a large extent, intra-party democracy has remained a refractory frontier. Two traits of intra-party democracy are examined: leadership transitions at party president-level and the selection of political party members for key leadership positions. The present study of four political parties: United National Independence Party (UNIP), Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), United Party for National Development (UPND) and Patriotic Front (PF) demonstrates that the iron law of oligarchy predominates leadership transitions and selection. Within this milieu, intertwined but fluid factors, inimical to democratic consolidation but underpinning selectocracy, are explained. Keywords: Intra-party Democracy, Leadership Transition, Ethnicity, Selectocracy, Third Wave Democracies Introduction Although there is a general consensus that political parties are essential to liberal democracy (Teorell 1999; Matlosa 2007; Randall 2007; Omotola 2010; Ennser-Jedenastik and Müller 2015), they often failed to live up to the expected democratic values such as sustaining intra-party democracy (Rakner and Svasånd 2013). As a result, some scholars have noted that parties may therefore not necessarily be good for democratic consolidation because they promote private economic interests, which are inimical to democracy and state building (Aaron 1 The authors gratefully acknowledge the comments from the editorial staff and anonymous reviewers. -
Mission Report Onthe Presidential Election in the Republic of Zambia 22-25 January 2015 Ambassador, Salif Sada Sall Au-Saro
MISSION REPORT ONTHE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN THE REPUBLIC OF ZAMBIA 22-25 JANUARY 2015 AMBASSADOR, SALIF SADA SALL AU-SARO Presidential Elections in the Republic of Zambia This report focuses on the Presidential electionheld in Republic of Zambia on 20 January and extended to 21 January 2015 due to bad weather. 1. Death of President Michael Sata President Sata came to power upon his election in 20 September 2011 and passed away on 28 October 2015. President Sata from the Patriotic Front (PF) defeated the incumbent President Rupiah Banda from the Movement for Multi-party Democracy(MMD) in Presidential election of 2011. President Sata formed the Patriotic Front in 2001 after falling out with the Movement for Multiparty Democracy who did not endorse his candidature for leadership of the party. Mr. Sata stood in both the 2001 and 2006 election but did not succeed in either. In 2006, Mr. Sata declared himself the winner before voting was complete leading to civil unrest in the country. Mr. Sata was however successful in the 2011 election which brought him to power. 2. Vice President Guy Scott becomes acting President of Zambia, presidential by- election to be arranged after 90 days Following the death of President Sata, and in accordance with constitutional provisions Dr. Guy Scott, become the acting president of Zambia until presidential by-elections were arranged in accordance with Article 38(1) of the Constitution of Zambia which states that ‘if the office of the President becomes vacant by reason of his death…, an election to the office of the President shall be held in accordance with Article 34 within ninety (90) days from the date of the office becoming vacant.’ 1 | Page Acting president Dr. -
Corruption, Ethnicity and Violence As a Triple Political Strategy the Changing Face of Politics in Zambia
Notes de l’Ifri Corruption, Ethnicity and Violence as a Triple Political Strategy The Changing Face of Politics in Zambia Lee M. HABASONDA September 2018 Sub-Saharan Africa Program The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non- governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-911-4 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2018 How to quote this document: Lee M. Habasonda, “Corruption, Ethnicity and Violence as a Triple Political Strategy: The Changing Face of Politics in Zambia”, Notes de l’Ifri, Ifri, September 2018. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 – Fax: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Lee M. Habasonda is the Executive Director of the Southern African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (SACCORD), a Non- Governmental Organization working to promote peace and democracy in Zambia and Southern Africa. He also teaches at the University of Zambia in the Department of Political and Administrative Studies. He specializes in International Politics, Public Affairs and Conflict Resolution. -
The Plundering of Zambian Resources by Frederick
The plundering of Zambian resources by Frederick Chiluba and his friends: a case study of the interaction between national politics and the international drive towards good governance Donge, J.K.van Citation Donge, J. Kvan. (2009). The plundering of Zambian resources by Frederick Chiluba and his friends: a case study of the interaction between national politics and the international drive towards good governance. African Affairs, 108(430), 69-90. Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/1887/14510 Version: Not Applicable (or Unknown) License: Downloaded from: https://hdl.handle.net/1887/14510 Note: To cite this publication please use the final published version (if applicable). African Affairs, 108/430, 69–90 doi: 10.1093/afraf/adn073 C The Author [2008]. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of Royal African Society. All rights reserved THE PLUNDERING OF ZAMBIAN RESOURCES BY FREDERICK CHILUBA AND HIS FRIENDS: A CASE STUDY OF THE INTERACTION BETWEEN NATIONAL POLITICS AND THE INTERNATIONAL DRIVE TOWARDS GOOD GOVERNANCE JAN KEES VAN DONGE ABSTRACT This article analyses the accusations that have emerged since 2001 of predatory behaviour during the presidency of Frederick T. Chiluba (1991– 2001). It advocates a detailed analysis of the practices that have come to light in order to move beyond a generalized interpretation of the persis- tence of predatory elites in Africa. Three specific themes appear. First, there is a danger of oversimplification of these conflicts as between the international community and national governments. The political struggles tend to be more complicated than generally presented, and international involvement meshes with local political struggles. Second, predatory be- haviour or corruption is a social process that is embedded in wider national and international networks. -
Zambia 2013 Human Rights Report
ZAMBIA 2013 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Zambia is a constitutional republic governed by a democratically elected president and a unicameral national assembly. International and local observers considered national elections held in 2011 to be generally free and fair. Security forces reported to civilian authorities. Serious human rights abuses occurred during the year. The most important were abuses by security forces, including reports of unlawful killings, torture, and beatings; life-threatening prison conditions; and restrictions on freedom of speech, assembly, and association. Other serious human rights problems included arbitrary arrest, prolonged pretrial detention, arbitrary interference with privacy, government corruption, violence and discrimination against women, child abuse, trafficking in persons, discrimination against persons with disabilities and members of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) community, restrictions on labor rights, forced labor, and child labor. The government took limited steps to prosecute officials suspected of corruption or human rights abuses during the year; however, impunity remained a problem. Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from: a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life There were several reports that the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings. After local police authorities were unable to apprehend three men suspected of several killings, the government directed the military to use deadly force against the suspects. On June 25, after a much-publicized investigation into the killings, army soldiers killed Mika, Fabian, and Stefan Mailoni in Mkushi District. The Human Rights Commission (HRC) criticized the killings. On June 14, soldiers belonging to the Zambia National Service shot and killed unarmed civilians Clement Muloongo and Pumulo Lungwangwa in Kampasa village during a scuffle over land rights. -
Manifestation of Realpolitik in Cyberspace: Analysis of the Relationship Between Internet-Based Information Controls and Elections in Zambia
Manifestation of realpolitik in cyberspace: Analysis of the relationship between internet-based information controls and Elections in Zambia Arthur Gwagwa, June 2016 Abstract The defining era in Zambia’s current rise in online political and civic activism can be traced back to the period between 2011 and 2013. This is when the late President Sata embraced social media as part of his political and public diplomacy strategy. As the country now prepares for the August 2016 General Elections, government, its agencies, such as the Election Commission of Zambia (ECZ), the opposition and civil society are all immersed in social media. Rather than fully subverting the evolving cyberspace, Edgar Lungu’s Government is increasingly relying on emerging generations of information controls.1 It has covertly enlisted pro-government groups and consultants to project soft power through cyberspace. It is doing so by subverting the tools of social media to define and accomplish their political agenda to retain power.2 Given that Zambian civil society including the Zambian Bloggers’ Network and Journalists, is so deeply immersed in social media, it is imperative that they, and the companies that service them, urgently adapt to and mitigate these new subtle, yet consequential threats.”3 In order to preserve the democratic gains of the past decade, Zambia civil society and the opposition need a long term plan to restrain this increasing use of political power in their cyberspace. This is important as social media will be key in maintaining the current democratic impetus. However, this will not be an easy task. With a limited pool of funding, it may be hard for them to have the wherewithal to compete with the state’s well-funded social media campaign, backed by a grand offline strategy.4 For instance, government has recently increased its presence on social media to abet and encourage horizontal flows of information. -
The Principle 'One Zambia, One Nation': Fifty Years Later
The Principle ‘One Zambia, One Nation’: Fifty Years Later Lyubov Ya. Prokopenko Institute for African Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow ABSTRACT In the first years of independence, United National Independence Par- ty (UNIP) and President of Zambia Kenneth Kaunda, realizing that Zambia as a young multi-ethnic state can develop only assuming nor- mal relations between its 73 ethnic groups, proclaimed the slogan ‘One Zambia is One People’ as the basic principle of nation-building. The formation of a young nation should also be facilitated by the in- troduction of the principle of regional and ethnic balancing – quotas for various ethnic groups for representation in government bodies. Under the conditions of political pluralism since 1991, power in Zam- bia was transferred peacefully, including after the victory of the oppo- sition in the elections in 2011. Zambia is often called a successful ex- ample of achieving ethno-political consolidation in a multi-ethnic Af- rican state, which can be regarded as a certain success in the for- mation of a national state. The new president Edgar Lungu re-elected in September 2016 declares that the policy of his government and of the PF party will be firmly based on the inviolability of the principle ‘One Zambia – One Nation’. INTRODUCTION On October 23, 2014, on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of Zam- bia's independence, the national bank issued a commemorative 50 kwacha banknote (for the first time as legal means of payment) which portrays all the presidents of Zambia: Kenneth Kaunda, Freder- ick Chiluba, Levy Mwanawasa, Rupiah Banda and Michael Sata. -
The Challenge of Sustaining a Professional Civil Service Amidst Shifting Political Coalitions: the Case of the Ministry of Finance in Zambia, 1991-20181
bit.ly/pocketsofeffectiveness Pockets of Effectiveness Working Paper No. 6 The challenge of sustaining a professional civil service amidst shifting political coalitions: The case of the Ministry of Finance in Zambia, 1991-20181 Marja Hinfelaar* and Justine Sichone ** June, 2019 *Southern African Institute for Policy and Research (SAIPAR), Lusaka Email correspondence: [email protected] ** Southern African Institute for Policy And Research (SAIPAR), Lusaka Email correspondence: [email protected] ISBN: 978-1-912593-35-4 1 This paper was produced for the ESRC-DFID project, ‘Investigating Pockets of Effectiveness in Developing Countries: A New Route to Building State Capacity for Development’. Pockets of effectiveness (PoEs) are public organisations that function effectively in providing public goods and services, despite operating in an environment where effective public service delivery is not the norm. This project, which investigates PoEs in relation to the politics of state-building and regime survival in sub-Saharan Africa, is being led by Professor Sam Hickey, based at the Global Development Institute, The University of Manchester, in collaboration with Professor Giles Mohan (The Open University), Dr Abdul-Gafaru Abdulai (University of Ghana), Dr Badru Bukenya (Makerere University), Dr Benjamin Chemouni (University of Cambridge), Dr Marja Hinfelaar (SAIPAR, Lusaka) and Dr Matt Tyce (GDI, Manchester). It is funded by the Economic and Social Research Council and Department for International Development with some additional funding from the DFID-funded Effective States and Inclusive Development Research Centre. http://www.effective-states.org/research/pockets-of-effectiveness/ The challenge of sustaining a professional civil service amidst shifting political coalitions: The case of the Ministry of Finance in Zambia, 1991-2018 Abstract Zambia experienced a decade of strong economic growth from 2004 to 2014, averaging 7.4 percent a year. -
Zambia Democratic Republic of Congo
COUNTRY REPORT Zambia Democratic Republic of Congo The full publishing schedule for Country Reports is now available on our web site at http://www.eiu.com/schedule. 3rd quarter 1999 The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent St, London SW1Y 4LR United Kingdom The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit is a specialist publisher serving companies establishing and managing operations across national borders. For over 50 years it has been a source of information on business developments, economic and political trends, government regulations and corporate practice worldwide. The EIU delivers its information in four ways: through subscription products ranging from newsletters to annual reference works; through specific research reports, whether for general release or for particular clients; through electronic publishing; and by organising conferences and roundtables. The firm is a member of The Economist Group. London New York Hong Kong The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent St The Economist Building 25/F, Dah Sing Financial Centre London 111 West 57th Street 108 Gloucester Road SW1Y 4LR New York Wanchai United Kingdom NY 10019, US Hong Kong Tel: (44.20) 7830 1000 Tel: (1.212) 554 0600 Tel: (852) 2802 7288 Fax: (44.20) 7499 9767 Fax: (1.212) 586 1181/2 Fax: (852) 2802 7638 E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.eiu.com Electronic delivery EIU Electronic New York: Lou Celi or Lisa Hennessey Tel: (1.212) 554 -
We Want Change!
Zambia Weekly Week 38, Volume 2, Issue 37, 23 September 2011 In this issue We want change! We want change! 1 Dementia: When politics take hostages 2 Quotes 2 2011 elections report: 3 tense days 3 Who is your new MP? 3 Elections - according to the world 7 Mahtani mourns sale of “his” bank 8 Albidon: We don’t trust you 8 LuSE week-on-week 8 Zambia commemorates Hammerskjold 9 The EU responds to editorial 9 Zambia plunged into darkness 9 Editor’s note Zambia has just completed its fifth Image by Agence France-Presse/Getty Images general elections since multi-party democracy was re-introduced in 1991 – and demonstrated how to hand And their cries were finally answered! Zambia is about to undergo regime change. The PF over the political mantle in a rela- boat has docked. The opposition PF party’s Michael Sata has won the 2011 presidential elec- tively peaceful manner (see page 3-7), tion, putting a stop to MMD’s 20 years in power. which is worth applauding! Now that In the early hours of Friday 23 September, when reporting results for 143 of Zambia’s 150 we know the results of the presiden- constituencies, the Electoral Commission of Zambia announced that Sata had taken 43 per- tial election, remember that we won’t cent of the votes against President Banda’s 36 percent. The number of voters in the remaining know the full results of neither the 7 constituencies was smaller than the more than 188,000 votes separating the two rivals. parliamentary nor the local govern- ment elections any time soon, as several “I therefore declare Michael Chilufya Sata to be duly elected as President of the Republic of of these have been postponed. -
Zambia Tripartite General Elections
MISSION REPORT SADC PARLIAMENTARY FORUM ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION TO THE 2011 ZAMBIA TRIPARTITE GENERAL ELECTIONS 6 TO 24 AUGUST 2011 LUSAKA, ZAMBIA Page 1 of 54 1. INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................................... 5 1.1. THE SADC PARLIAMENTARY FORUM (SADC PF) ...................................................................... 5 1.2. PRE-ELECTION CONSULTATIVE MISSION TO ZAMBIA (14-20 AUGUST 2011) ........................... 6 1.3. SADC PF ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION TO THE 2011 ZAMBIA TRIPARTITE GENERAL ELECTION ................................................................................................................................ 6 1.4. MISSION’S TERMS OF REFERENCE ........................................................................................... 7 2. BRIEF GEOGRAPHICAL, HISTORICAL AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC BACKGROUND OF ZAMBIA ........ 8 2.1. GEOGRAPHY AND ADMINISTRATIVE ARRANGEMENTS ........................................................... 8 2.2. ZAMBIA’S BRIEF POLITICAL HISTORY....................................................................................... 8 2.2.1 THE FIRST REPUBLIC (1964-1972) ............................................................................................ 8 2.2.2 THE SECOND REPUBLIC (1973-1990) ....................................................................................... 8 2.2.3 THE THIRD REPUBLIC (1991 TO DATE) .................................................................................... -
Zambia 2012 Human Rights Report
ZAMBIA 2012 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Zambia is a constitutional republic governed by a democratically elected president and a unicameral national assembly. International and local observers considered national elections held in September 2011 to be generally free and fair. Security forces reported to civilian authorities. Serious human rights abuses occurred during the year. The most important were abuses by security forces, including unlawful killings, torture, and beatings; life- threatening prison conditions; and restrictions on freedom of speech, assembly, and association. Other serious human rights problems included arbitrary arrest, prolonged pretrial detention, arbitrary interference with privacy, government corruption, violence and discrimination against women, child abuse, trafficking in persons, discrimination against persons with disabilities and based on sexual orientation, restrictions on labor rights, forced labor, and child labor. The government generally did not take steps to prosecute or punish officials who committed abuses, and impunity remained a problem. Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from: a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life There were several reports that the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings. Senior officials encouraged police officers to use their weapons when apprehending suspects, despite a government directive that restricted the use of firearms by officers and a government pledge to retrain police on the use of force. On May 23, police officers beat Edrick Simbeye to death. He was arrested for building a house on someone else’s land. On September 5, police fatally shot 50- year-old Wesley Mpundu as he drove to his home. Police claimed the shooting was accidental.